Kfir Bibas. Photo: Hostages and Missing Families Forum.

The confirmation of the murders of the red-haired Bibas boys was a gut punch for Israelis. For some pro-Palestinian activists, it was an opportunity to blame the victims.

Last Tuesday, the South African-based Gift of the Givers, the self-described “largest disaster response, non-governmental organisation (NGO) of African origin on the African continent,” decided to share a short video justifying the kidnapping of Shiri, Ariel, and Kfir and blaming Israel for their deaths.

It was bizarre for a supposed human rights organization to share this pro-Hamas propaganda. Some of this mystery can be explained by Gift of the Givers’ alleged membership in a Hamas funding network. The United States sanctioned the charity umbrella group Union of Good in 2008 for funding Hamas. The union’s website in the early 2000s listed Gift of the Givers as a South African-based member.

The South African government’s anti-Israel hostility may also help explain why Gift of the Givers felt comfortable sharing the victim-blaming material. The South African government has been one of Israel’s most vocal critics and a key player in Hamas’ strategy of using Palestinian suffering to isolate the Jewish State.

Six weeks after Hamas’ October 7 atrocities, South Africa’s leader had already accused Israel of war crimes “tantamount to genocide.” A month later, the government in Pretoria initiated an International Court of Justice (ICJ) case based on this false accusation. Pretoria’s Hamas cheerleading has caused friction with Washington, with Trump citing the ICJ case as part of his decision to cut aid to South Africa this February. South African President Cyril Ramaphosa is trying to reset relations with the United States, but hasn’t declared his intention to reset his approach to Palestinian terrorism.

The clip that Gift of the Givers shared began with a gunpoint recording of a ragged Yarden Bibas, Ariel and Kfir’s father, in Hamas captivity, blaming Israel’s prime minister for the death of his wife and children.

The seemingly coerced condemnation was intended to prove Israel’s guilt — and Hamas’ innocence.

The video then justified Shiri’s abduction by claiming that Palestinian terrorists “arrested” the “soldier,” and that she worked for the army and had been a member of Israel’s intelligence services. A Gazan fighter in the video even attempted to portray the kidnapping of children as a humanitarian gesture, saying, “upon her arrest, we allowed her to take her children out of mercy for them.” If those terrorists had an ounce of mercy, they would not have kidnapped babies into Gaza.

The video also repeatedly claimed that the “Nazi Israeli army” killed the Bibas family in one of its “indiscriminate airstrikes.” That fact was completely disproved by the Israeli government in forensics evidence it shared around the world, but no one seemed to care.

The attempt to draw comparisons between Israel and the Nazis is both an inversion of reality and employs the antisemitic tactic of delegitimizing Israel by claiming that the victims of Nazism have now become its perpetrators. Much like the erroneous charge of genocide, this absurd accusation erodes an important definition related to human rights.

Gift of the Givers has had other antisemitism controversies of late, with leaders declaring, “Zionists … run the world with fear. They control the world with money.”

October 7 was a “mask off” moment for many, including Gift of the Givers. The humanitarian organization and its leaders have been increasingly bold in their support of antisemitism and pro-Hamas propaganda. And why shouldn’t they, when their government serves as Hamas’ lawyer at the ICJ and accuses Israel — the victim of genocidal acts — of being the perpetrator?

David May is a research manager and senior research analyst at the Foundation for Defense of Democracies (FDD), a Washington, DC-based, nonpartisan research institute focusing on national security and foreign policy. Follow David on X @DavidSamuelMay. Follow FDD on X @FDD.

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Pro-Hamas students rally at the encampment for Gaza set up at George Washington University students. Washington, DC, April 25, 2035. Photo: Allison Bailey via Reuters Connect

Last week, Abdullah Ocalan asked his fighters in Turkey and Syria to lay down their weapons and declare a ceasefire. They agreed.

Who is Abdullah Ocalan? He is the leader of Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK), listed as a terrorist group by Turkey, the US, and other countries. He has been imprisoned by Turkey under rather harsh conditions since 1999.

Whether the ceasefire will hold and lead to some degree of independence or at least easing of oppression by Turkey remains to be seen. If nothing else, this step by Ocalan shows that a leader can have an impact on his followers even from prison.

What is the connection to the Gaza situation? It has been clear to many players in the Middle East that Hamas cannot stay in power, and that it needs to be demilitarized. As we know, Israel has been calling for this since October 7. The US administration knows this, too. And Arab states are well aware that this is a necessity for ending the war in Gaza, though for the most part they are afraid to say so publicly.

Perhaps just like with the PKK, the process needs to be initiated from the top to the bottom.

It is unlikely that the current leadership in Gaza itself will take the first or any steps. Mohammed Sinwar, the brother of Yahya Sinwar, and his colleagues believe that their permanent residence in Gaza tunnels gives them at least a long term, if not permanent, lease on life and rule. Only one of the Palestinians who were recently released from Israeli prisons in exchange for Israeli hostages, publicly called for peace with Israel. He spent 40 years in an Israeli prison, he is quite elderly and not influential or known.

On the contrary, many released Palestinians were rushing immediately to their old jobs, i.e., terrorism. There is a zero chance that Marwan Barghouti, the most prominent resident in an Israeli prison who was responsible for organizing many deadly terrorist attacks, would do what Ocalan just did — call for disarmament and real ceasefire. The input needs to come either from Gaza’s population or from Gaza leaders living abroad and Arab leaders in the neighborhood.

The Gazans are too oppressed and dependent for everything on Hamas, so they keep quiet, though a recent poll shows a marked decrease in Hamas popularity.

Gazans put a lot of blame for the destruction of their homes and for looting of humanitarian aid on Hamas, though many of them also fervently hate Israel and Jews. The latter was particularly palpable during the transfer of hostages, alive and dead.

Qatar, the financier and enabler of Hamas, a state claiming to be “an honest mediator and broker of peace” should stop financing and supporting Hamas, and it should expel the Hamas politburo from its soil. Instead of making a real contribution by pressing Hamas to release all hostages unconditionally, it called last week for UNRWA to return to Gaza (or as they called it, to “Palestine.”)

Egypt will present a proposal for rebuilding Gaza at an emergency Arab summit in Cairo in the coming days. Whether it includes disarmament and/or expulsion of Hamas from Gaza, and at least temporary relocation of Gazans into Egypt, is doubtful. But any reconstruction of Gaza with Hamas remaining in any position of power is total waste and folly. Hamas does not care about Gaza’s population; its only goal is to destroy Israel. Egypt is hoping that Europe would underwrite this adventure, but the EU would be foolish to go for it while Hamas and its affiliates are in power.

I have no idea what prompted Ocalan to declare a ceasefire. He has been in prison since 1999 – 26 years, and he is in his 70s. Does he want to live out his final days in peace, does he think a good outcome is possible for his people, that enough people have died, or that the regional situation is changing with Israel defeating Hezbollah, Assad gone from Syria, and Iran weakened by Israel’s intervention?

We can only wish and hope that his new approach would inspire Hamas to do something leading to real peace. Unfortunately, we know one thing for sure from their recent rejection of a new peace deal: there will be no ceasefire until Hamas is gone.

In the 10h year of the rather slowly progressing Trojan War, things start heating up as described in the Iliad. Achilles, the greatest warrior of the Greek army, sits on the sidelines offended by Agamemnon, the leader of the Greeks. Patroclus, Achilles’ closest friend, goes into battle and is killed by Hector, the son of Priam, the king of Troy.

Achilles, devastated by Patroclus’ death, calls for revenge and drags Hector’s body attached to Achilles’ chariot. Fellow Greeks are appalled by Achilles’ defiling Hector’s body. Achilles is inconsolable until Priam comes to beg Achilles to release the body of his son for a funeral. Priam also brings a hefty ransom. Achilles takes pity on the old grieving father, accepts the ransom, releases the body and sits down with Priam to mourn the death of Hector. Achilles agrees to two weeks of truce to allow for a funeral and grieving for Hector.

Hamas should study the Iliad to imbibe some compassion and empathy both for its “enemies” and its own people.

Dr. Jaroslava Halper has been a professor of pathology at The University of Georgia in Athens, GA for many years. She escaped from communist Prague because of antisemitism, and lack of freedom and free speech. The gradual increase of antisemitism and anti-Zionism in certain circles in her second homeland, and the devastating October 7 massacre by Hamas, led her to realize that more active engagement is necessary to combat antisemitism, including anti-Zionism. 

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Basel Adra, Rachel Szor, Hamdan Ballal and Yuval Abraham win the Oscar for Best Documentary Feature Film for “No Other Land” during the Oscars show at the 97th Academy Awards in Hollywood, Los Angeles, California, US, March 2, 2025. Photo: REUTERS/Carlos Barria

In an evening of glitz, red carpet pageantry, and self-congratulatory speeches at the Dolby Theatre in Los Angeles, one Oscar win was as predictable as the show’s nearly four-hour runtime: Best Feature-Length Documentary.

The award went to the Israeli and Palestinian filmmakers behind No Other Land, a film chronicling Palestinian activist Basel Adra as he supposedly “risks arrest to document the destruction of his hometown” in Masafer Yatta, at the southern edge of the West Bank.

Hardly a shock.

Not only was it the frontrunner, but it ticked all the right boxes for an Academy that never misses a chance to celebrate a politically fashionable pick. And with Israel dominating the headlines since the October 7, 2023, Hamas attacks and the ensuing war against the terrorist group, it didn’t take a fortune teller to predict this win.

Cue the victory speeches.

Adra took the stage alongside Israeli filmmaker Yuval Abraham, who used his moment to chastise the United States for blocking “a political solution, without ethnic supremacy, with national rights for both of our people.”

The line earned a rousing cheer — because what better way to celebrate cinematic achievement than by tossing out oversimplified, self-righteous slogans?

Also predictable? The media’s muddled reporting on No Other Land’s subject matter. Many outlets seemed convinced that Masafer Yatta is some ancient Palestinian village network, systematically uprooted in recent decades to make way for Israeli settlers.

Which, of course, is exactly the narrative the filmmakers wanted to push.

This is correct background information about Masafer Yatta that was portrayed wrongly in the movie that won the Oscar: https://t.co/GyeesTSePb

— Gil Hoffman (@Gil_Hoffman) March 3, 2025

The Truth About Masafer Yatta

The reality, as usual, is far less dramatic than the Oscar-winning version.

Historically, Masafer Yatta was a grazing ground for Bedouins and locals from the nearby town of Yatta — land they used but never permanently settled. Those who stayed for extended periods lived in caves, not in established villages.

In the early 1980s, the IDF designated the area as Training Zone 918, a military training ground. The arrangement was simple: locals could continue grazing their flocks, and the IDF would provide advance notice when live-fire exercises were scheduled. This system worked with little controversy for nearly two decades.

Then, in 1997, things shifted. Local Palestinians petitioned the Israeli High Court to revoke the training zone designation. At the same time, illegal construction ramped up. Permanent structures began appearing, first in small clusters and then expanding into what is now generously described as the “12 villages” of Masafer Yatta.

Under the Oslo Accords, Israel maintains full control over this area — known as Area C — until a final status agreement is reached. But that didn’t stop the creeping expansion, which military sources say wasn’t about housing a growing population but about creating political “facts on the ground.” Many structures, they report, stand empty, existing solely to inflate the appearance of a permanent Palestinian presence.

By 2000, the Israeli High Court had halted evacuations but explicitly banned further constructio — rules that were promptly ignored. The IDF offered compromises, allowing access on weekends, Jewish holidays, and for two months each year, all of which were rejected. It even approved permanent settlement in parts of the zone’s northwest section, but the legal battle dragged on.

After years of legal wrangling, the court ruled in favor of the IDF: the training zone designation stood, and illegal structures could be dismantled.

Yet despite breathless media reports of “displacement,” the reality remains: evacuations have been minimal, the illegal buildings are still there, and the so-called “villages” remain.

The Media’s Convenient Omissions

So naturally, by Monday morning, Israel woke up to a wave of skewed coverage about No Other Land’s win, all of it framing the Masafer Yatta dispute as somehow tied to Israeli settlers.

ABC News, for example, suggested the issue was part of Israel’s broader “settlement expansion,” stating:

Israel’s demolition efforts in the West Bank, on what Israel considers to be illegal structures, have largely been in an effort to clear the way for Israeli settlers to move into the region for reasons including religious beliefs and improved quality of life.

Meanwhile, CNN failed even to mention that the so-called “collection of villages” in the Hebron hills consists of indisputably illegal structures, while also tying the dispute to “the encroachment of Jewish settlers for decades.”

And the BBC? It didn’t even bother including the fact that Masafer Yatta is a military training ground, leaving readers with the entirely false impression that Israel cleared the area for settlers:

Israel has occupied the West Bank since 1967. Israeli settlements in the territory are considered illegal under international law, though Israel disputes this. They have expanded over the past 55 years, becoming a focal point of violence and conflicting claims over land.”

And that was the story across the board — from NPR to The Hollywood Reporter. The facts were lost, and Masafer Yatta became yet another simplistic media tale in which Israel is, conveniently, the villain.

The author is a contributor to HonestReporting, a Jerusalem-based media watchdog with a focus on antisemitism and anti-Israel bias — where a version of this article first appeared.

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