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‘Starving’ Gazans Reappear in New York Times, Ahead of Schedule
Trucks carrying aid move, amid a ceasefire between Israel and Hamas, in Rafah in the southern Gaza Strip, Feb. 13, 2025. Photo: REUTERS/Hussam Al-Masri
In the asymmetrical warfare that characterizes the Israel-Hamas war, Israel has the power to cut off the flow of goods and supplies into Gaza, and Hamas has the power to turn on the supply of sympathetic press coverage featuring supposedly starving Gazans.
Israeli Prime Minister Netanyahu announced on March 2 that, with Hamas refusing an American framework to release hostages, “as of this morning, the entry of goods and supplies into Gaza will be prevented.” Netanyahu said that Hamas “currently controls all of the supplies and goods that are being sent to the Gaza Strip … and is turning the humanitarian aid into a budget for terrorism directed against us.”
At that time, a spokesman for the Israeli foreign ministry, Oren Marmorstein, said, “Massive amounts of goods have already been delivered to the Gaza Strip, and there is no shortage of essential products in the Strip. The quantities of goods are so large that they are expected to last for at least several more months.”
Yet it took not “several more months,” but merely a couple weeks for the New York Times to supply its readers with the narrative that Israel — not Hamas — is responsible for starving the Gazans.
“Israeli officials are essentially starving Gaza as a negotiation tactic,” a Times contributing opinion writer, Megan Stack, wrote.
The same anti-Israel talking point turned up in the Times‘ news pages, as the news-opinion distinction is increasingly blurred at the publication, with the anti-Israel agenda visible on both the editorial page and the news sections.
The news side’s version of the Megan Stack starvation accusation came in an article that appeared in print with the headline “Desperation Grips Gaza as Israel Keeps Aid Out.” The online headline was, “Bread Lines and Salty Drinking Water: Israeli Aid Block Sets Gaza Back Again.” The online article included a Hollywood-quality video of Gazans energetically jostling for food handouts.
The Times news article included credit to Vivian Yee, Bilal Shbair, Saher Alghorra, Erika Solomon, Ameera Harouda, and Rania Khaled, another example of the principle that the more journalists are named as involved in a story, the less credible it is. Shbair was described as having reported from Deir al-Balah, Gaza, “where he interviewed vegetable sellers, police officers, and ordinary people searching for food.” Police officers is a polite Times way of saying “armed Hamasniks.” Alghorra was described as having reported “from northern and central Gaza.”
Elsewhere and earlier, in a moment of candor, the Times Jerusalem bureau chief, Patrick Kingsley, acknowledged to readers, “Hamas restricts journalists in Gaza.” The article about “desperation” gripping Gaza carried no disclosure to readers about those restrictions. What were the Times journalists restricted from asking about or including in their story, either explicitly or informally by self-censorship because of their own awareness of the cruel brutality with which Hamas dispatches its perceived internal enemies?
For example, it’s possible that without the Hamas-imposed restrictions on journalists, a Times article about Gaza bread lines could have at least explored the possibility that the setback of Gaza might not be attributable entirely to the “Israeli aid block,” but also to Hamas refusing to release the Israeli and foreign hostages in Gaza, to Egypt and Jordan refusing to accept the Gazans as refugees, and to Hamas stealing and hoarding the humanitarian aid.
The Times said the aid cutoff had been “exacerbated by panic buying and unscrupulous traders who gouge prices,” but it didn’t mention Hamas hoarding the aid. There was a brief Times reference to Israeli “assertions that Hamas is taking over the aid entering Gaza and that half the group’s budget in Gaza comes from exploiting aid trucks.” If the Times has two reporters in Gaza, this might be a useful topic for them to investigate, along with video.
The Times dispatch reported that “Hamas police officers have warned businesses against price-gouging, vendors and shoppers said.” It quoted one Hamas police officer, “Khalil Reziq, 38, a police officer in the city of Khan Younis in central Gaza whose division oversees markets and shops,” claiming, “his unit had confiscated vendors’ goods and sold them for cheaper on the spot.” The idea that Hamas is valiantly combating price inflation in Gaza instead of contributing to it by siphoning off the supplies to supply its terrorist fighters and to fuel its rockets aimed at Israel is laughable.
If Times reporters in Gaza are supplying this nonsense, at least they can offer, by way of explanation, that they fear being killed by Hamas if they write the whole truth. What’s less understandable is why Times editors, safe in New York, move this copy along. Perhaps the real “desperation” is from Times management trying to satiate the hunger from the news organization’s far-left and global readership for coverage depicting Israel as solely responsible for suffering.
Ira Stoll was managing editor of The Forward and North American editor of The Jerusalem Post. His media critique, a regular Algemeiner feature, can be found here.
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Hamas Says No Interim Hostage Deal Possible Without Work Toward Permanent Ceasefire
Explosions send smoke into the air in Gaza, as seen from the Israeli side of the border, July 17, 2025. Photo: REUTERS/Amir Cohen
The spokesperson for Hamas’s armed wing said on Friday that while the Palestinian terrorist group favors reaching an interim truce in the Gaza war, if such an agreement is not reached in current negotiations it could revert to insisting on a full package deal to end the conflict.
Hamas has previously offered to release all the hostages held in Gaza and conclude a permanent ceasefire agreement, and Israel has refused, Abu Ubaida added in a televised speech.
Arab mediators Qatar and Egypt, backed by the United States, have hosted more than 10 days of talks on a US-backed proposal for a 60-day truce in the war.
Israeli officials were not immediately available for comment on the eve of the Jewish Sabbath.
Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s office said in a statement on a call he had with Pope Leo on Friday that Israel‘s efforts to secure a hostage release deal and 60-day ceasefire “have so far not been reciprocated by Hamas.”
As part of the potential deal, 10 hostages held in Gaza would be returned along with the bodies of 18 others, spread out over 60 days. In exchange, Israel would release a number of detained Palestinians.
“If the enemy remains obstinate and evades this round as it has done every time before, we cannot guarantee a return to partial deals or the proposal of the 10 captives,” said Abu Ubaida.
Disputes remain over maps of Israeli army withdrawals, aid delivery mechanisms into Gaza, and guarantees that any eventual truce would lead to ending the war, said two Hamas officials who spoke to Reuters on Friday.
The officials said the talks have not reached a breakthrough on the issues under discussion.
Hamas says any agreement must lead to ending the war, while Netanyahu says the war will only end once Hamas is disarmed and its leaders expelled from Gaza.
Almost 1,650 Israelis and foreign nationals have been killed as a result of the conflict, including 1,200 killed in the Oct. 7, 2023, Hamas attack on southern Israel, according to Israeli tallies. Over 250 hostages were kidnapped during Hamas’s Oct. 7 onslaught.
Israel responded with an ongoing military campaign aimed at freeing the hostages and dismantling Hamas’s military and governing capabilities in neighboring Gaza.
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Iran Marks 31st Anniversary of AMIA Bombing by Slamming Argentina’s ‘Baseless’ Accusations, Blaming Israel
People hold images of the victims of the 1994 bombing attack on the Argentine Israeli Mutual Association (AMIA) community center, marking the 30th anniversary of the attack, in Buenos Aires, Argentina, July 18, 2024. Photo: REUTERS/Irina Dambrauskas
Iran on Friday marked the 31st anniversary of the 1994 bombing of the Argentine Israelite Mutual Association (AMIA) Jewish community center in Buenos Aires by slamming Argentina for what it called “baseless” accusations over Tehran’s alleged role in the terrorist attack and accusing Israel of politicizing the atrocity to influence the investigation and judicial process.
The Iranian Foreign Ministry issued a statement on the anniversary of Argentina’s deadliest terrorist attack, which killed 85 people and wounded more than 300.
“While completely rejecting the accusations against Iranian citizens, the Islamic Republic of Iran condemns attempts by certain Argentine factions to pressure the judiciary into issuing baseless charges and politically motivated rulings,” the statement read.
“Reaffirming that the charges against its citizens are unfounded, the Islamic Republic of Iran insists on restoring their reputation and calls for an end to this staged legal proceeding,” it continued.
Last month, a federal judge in Argentina ordered the trial in absentia of 10 Iranian and Lebanese nationals suspected of orchestrating the attack in Buenos Aires.
The ten suspects set to stand trial include former Iranian and Lebanese ministers and diplomats, all of whom are subject to international arrest warrants issued by Argentina for their alleged roles in the terrorist attack.
In its statement on Friday, Iran also accused Israel of influencing the investigation to advance a political campaign against the Islamist regime in Tehran, claiming the case has been used to serve Israeli interests and hinder efforts to uncover the truth.
“From the outset, elements and entities linked to the Zionist regime [Israel] exploited this suspicious explosion, pushing the investigation down a false and misleading path, among whose consequences was to disrupt the long‑standing relations between the people of Iran and Argentina,” the Iranian Foreign Ministry said.
“Clear, undeniable evidence now shows the Zionist regime and its affiliates exerting influence on the Argentine judiciary to frame Iranian nationals,” the statement continued.
In April, lead prosecutor Sebastián Basso — who took over the case after the 2015 murder of his predecessor, Alberto Nisman — requested that federal Judge Daniel Rafecas issue national and international arrest warrants for Iran’s Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei over his alleged involvement in the attack.
Since 2006, Argentine authorities have sought the arrest of eight Iranians — including former president Ali Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani, who died in 2017 — yet more than three decades after the deadly bombing, all suspects remain still at large.
In a post on X, the Delegation of Argentine Israelite Associations (DAIA), the country’s Jewish umbrella organization, released a statement commemorating the 31st anniversary of the bombing.
“It was a brutal attack on Argentina, its democracy, and its rule of law,” the group said. “At DAIA, we continue to demand truth and justice — because impunity is painful, and memory is a commitment to both the present and the future.”
31 años del atentado a la AMIA – DAIA. 31 años sin justicia.
El 18 de julio de 1994, un atentado terrorista dejó 85 personas muertas y más de 300 heridas. Fue un ataque brutal contra la Argentina, su democracia y su Estado de derecho.
Desde la DAIA, seguimos exigiendo verdad y… pic.twitter.com/kV2ReGNTIk
— DAIA (@DAIAArgentina) July 18, 2025
Despite Argentina’s longstanding belief that Lebanon’s Shiite Hezbollah terrorist group carried out the devastating attack at Iran’s request, the 1994 bombing has never been claimed or officially solved.
Meanwhile, Tehran has consistently denied any involvement and refused to arrest or extradite any suspects.
To this day, the decades-long investigation into the terrorist attack has been plagued by allegations of witness tampering, evidence manipulation, cover-ups, and annulled trials.
In 2006, former prosecutor Nisman formally charged Iran for orchestrating the attack and Hezbollah for carrying it out.
Nine years later, he accused former Argentine President Cristina Fernández de Kirchner — currently under house arrest on corruption charges — of attempting to cover up the crime and block efforts to extradite the suspects behind the AMIA atrocity in return for Iranian oil.
Nisman was killed later that year, and to this day, both his case and murder remain unresolved and under ongoing investigation.
The alleged cover-up was reportedly formalized through the memorandum of understanding signed in 2013 between Kirchner’s government and Iranian authorities, with the stated goal of cooperating to investigate the AMIA bombing.
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Jordan Reveals Muslim Brotherhood Operating Vast Illegal Funding Network Tied to Gaza Donations, Political Campaigns
Murad Adailah, the head of Jordan’s Muslim Brotherhood, attends an interview with Reuters in Amman, Jordan, Sept. 7, 2024. Photo: REUTERS/Jehad Shelbak
The Muslim Brotherhood, one of the Arab world’s oldest and most influential Islamist movements, has been implicated in a wide-ranging network of illegal financial activities in Jordan and abroad, according to a new investigative report.
Investigations conducted by Jordanian authorities — along with evidence gathered from seized materials — revealed that the Muslim Brotherhood raised tens of millions of Jordanian dinars through various illegal activities, the Jordan news agency (Petra) reported this week.
With operations intensifying over the past eight years, the report showed that the group’s complex financial network was funded through various sources, including illegal donations, profits from investments in Jordan and abroad, and monthly fees paid by members inside and outside the country.
The report also indicated that the Muslim Brotherhood has taken advantage of the war in Gaza to raise donations illegally.
Out of all donations meant for Gaza, the group provided no information on where the funds came from, how much was collected, or how they were distributed, and failed to work with any international or relief organizations to manage the transfers properly.
Rather, the investigations revealed that the Islamist network used illicit financial mechanisms to transfer funds abroad.
According to Jordanian authorities, the group gathered more than JD 30 million (around $42 million) over recent years.
With funds transferred to several Arab, regional, and foreign countries, part of the money was allegedly used to finance domestic political campaigns in 2024, as well as illegal activities and cells.
In April, Jordan outlawed the Muslim Brotherhood, the country’s most vocal opposition group, and confiscated its assets after members of the Islamist movement were found to be linked to a sabotage plot.
The movement’s political arm in Jordan, the Islamic Action Front, became the largest political grouping in parliament after elections last September, although most seats are still held by supporters of the government.
Opponents of the group, which is banned in most Arab countries, label it a terrorist organization. However, the movement claims it renounced violence decades ago and now promotes its Islamist agenda through peaceful means.
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