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Syria’s New Leader Is an Autocrat; Will That Be Good or Bad for Israel and Turkey?
Syria’s newly appointed president for a transitional phase Ahmed al-Sharaa meets Saudi Crown Prince, Mohammed Bin Salam, in Riyadh, Saudi Arabia, Feb. 2, 2025. Photo: Bandar Algaloud Saudi Royal Royal Court/Handout via REUTERS
Islamist or not, Syria’s self-proclaimed interim president, Ahmad Sharaa, seems like he will do anything to keep power.
This is good news and bad news for Sharaa’s two strongest neighbors — Turkey and Israel — whose interests clash in Syria. The Trump administration thinks that the best outcome is to deconflict tensions between the two regional powers. The gap, however, seems unbridgeable.
Ankara wants a strongman protégé in Damascus, whose top priority is to break Kurdish power and autonomy in the northeast. Jerusalem, for its part, has strong ties with Syria’s Kurds and does not want to see others trample on them.
The arbiter here is Washington, which relied heavily on these Kurdish fighters in defeating ISIS and keeping their leaders locked up in prisons under Kurdish supervision.
The US has maintained a minor military presence in Kurdish territories in northeast Syria, which has bolstered the Kurds and helped them wither down one Turkish military offensive after another.
But now that President Trump is in office, Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan thinks that he can convince Trump to fold, hoping that such an American move would weaken the Kurds and allow pro-Turkish Syrian militias to run over Kurdish territory.
Washington has encouraged the Kurds to sort things out with Damascus, because American troops will not stay forever. Kurdish leader Mazloum Abdi has met with Sharaa twice, signing an agreement to “discuss” the unification of their ranks.
But unification is tricky. Sharaa thinks that he is Syria, and that his militia is the national army. He has thus demanded that other militias surrender their arms to his “army.”
The Kurds countered by saying that they are willing to join a national army, but one whose bylaws and structure are agreed upon. The Kurds seek a merger with Sharaa, not a surrender to his militia.
To buy them out, Sharaa has contemplated granting the Kurds their demands: Kurdish battalions in the army, under Kurdish officers, stationed in the northeast, and administrative autonomy. But these Sharaa concessions conflict with Turkey’s demand for absolute surrender, even humiliation, of the Kurds. This is where the interests of Ankara and Sharaa diverge and this is when the Turks might consider supporting Sharaa’s Islamist rivals — such as Abu Amsheh or Hassan al-Dgheim — to take him out and take his place.
Where does Israel stand on this? Jerusalem supports an agreement between the Kurds and Sharaa on Kurdish terms, even if the agreement results in Sharaa becoming Syria’s undisputed autocrat thereafter. Israel, therefore, disagrees drastically with Turkey.
Israel also has other allies in Syria: the Druze in the south. Like the Kurds, the Druze have demanded Druze battalions, under senior Druze officers, stationed in their territory as a guarantee that they will not be subjected to Sharaa’s future possible Islamist tyranny, and to avoid a repeat of past ISIS massacres against them. Granting the Druze, and Israel in general, their demands in the south, is easier for Sharaa than giving the Kurds concessions.
Sharaa, however, has not yet conceded anything to anyone. The Kurds and the Druze, in return, have not surrendered their arms or power. And while Sharaa is busy building his power base in Damascus, both Turkey and Israel have relied on their own forces to protect their interests inside Syria.
Turkey’s Syrian militias have launched a few attacks on the Kurds, all failing and retreating. The Turkish air force has repeatedly struck targets in the landlocked Kurdish enclave.
Israel, for its part, has been more active inside Syria, with its fighter jets policing and striking the remnants of pro-Iran militias, such as Hezbollah, while also making sure to destroy all heavy weapons south of Damascus.
As Turkey and Israel carve their own spheres of influence inside Syria, Syrian national unity becomes elusive. Sharaa’s insatiable appetite for undisputed power makes national reconciliation ever harder.
America has correctly tied lifting of the crippling sanctions it has imposed on the Syrian government, under former President Bashar al-Assad, to Sharaa sharing power with Kurds, Druze, Alawites, and others.
The Europeans have insisted that Sharaa weed out radical Islamists, especially foreign fighters. The interim president has yet to do either. Until he does, an economy in tatters will make rebuilding the state an even more gargantuan task.
To give Sharaa credit where it is due, in his bid to build his dictatorship, he has been responsive in dealing with the different foreign intelligence agencies: Jordanian and Gulf governments commend his cooperation in stopping the narcotics trade, while America praises his crackdown on ISIS. Even Israel has telegraphed to Sharaa its intentions whenever it struck inside Syria. In return, the budding Syrian autocrat has steered clear from bombastic anti-Israel populism.
But is Sharaa’s cooperation enough for a new and better Syria? So far, things do not seem to be on the right track.
Hussain Abdul-Hussain is a research fellow at the Foundation for Defense of Democracies (FDD), a Washington-based nonpartisan research institute focusing on national security and foreign policy. X: @hahussain
The post Syria’s New Leader Is an Autocrat; Will That Be Good or Bad for Israel and Turkey? first appeared on Algemeiner.com.
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South Africa Distances Itself From Army Chief’s Pledges of Military, Political Support to Iran
Iranian Major General Amir Hatami and South African General Rudzani Maphwanya meet in Tehran to discuss strengthening military cooperation and strategic ties. Photo: Screenshot
South Africa’s army chief has faced domestic backlash after pledging military and political support to Iran during a recent visit, prompting government officials to distance themselves from his remarks over concerns they could harm Pretoria’s efforts to strengthen ties with the United States.
Members of South Africa’s governing coalition have denounced Gen. Rudzani Maphwanya, chief of the South African National Defense Force (SANDF), for his trip to Tehran earlier this week, describing his remarks as “reckless grandstanding.”
The Democratic Alliance (DA), South Africa’s second-largest party in the governing coalition, has called for Maphwanya to be court-martialed for breaking neutrality and violating military law, saying his comments had gone “beyond military-to-military discussions and entered the realm of foreign policy.”
“This reckless grandstanding comes at a time when South Africa’s relations with key democratic partners, especially the United States, are already under severe strain,” DA defense spokesperson Chris Hattingh said in a statement.
“The SANDF’s job is to lead and manage the defense forces, not to act as an unsanctioned political envoy. Allowing our most senior military officer to make partisan foreign policy pronouncements is strategically reckless, diplomatically irresponsible, and economically self-defeating,” he continued.
“South Africa cannot afford to have its international standing further sabotaged by political adventurism from the military’s top brass,” Hattingh said.
Iran and South Africa held high-level military talks earlier this week as both nations seek to deepen cooperation and strengthen their partnership against what officials called “global arrogance and aggressive colonial approaches.”
During a joint press conference with Iranian Maj. Gen. Amir Hatami, Maphwanya called for deeper ties between the two nations, especially in defense cooperation, affirming that “the Republic of South Africa and the Islamic Republic of Iran have common goals.”
“We always stand alongside the oppressed and defenseless people of the world,” the South African general said.
He also criticized Israel over the ongoing war in Gaza, expressed support for the Palestinian people, and told Iranian officials that his visit “conveys a political message” on behalf of President Cyril Ramaphosa’s administration.
However, shortly after Maphwanya’s remarks drew media attention, the South African government moved to distance itself from his comments, with the Foreign Affairs Ministry stating that his comments “do not represent the government’s official foreign policy stance.”
The Defense Department, which described Maphwanya’s comments as “unfortunate,” confirmed that he is now expected to meet with the Minister of Defense and Military Veterans, Angie Motshekga, upon his return to provide explanations.
Ramaphosa’s spokesperson, Vincent Magwenya, clarified that the president was neither aware of the trip nor had he sanctioned it.
“The visit was ill-advised and more so, the expectation is that the general should have been a lot more circumspect with the comments he makes,” Magwenya told reporters during a press conference on Thursday.
“It is crucial to clarify that the implementation of South Africa’s foreign policy is a function of the presidency,” he continued. “Any statements made by an individual, or a department other than those responsible for foreign policy, should not be misinterpreted as the official position of the South African government.”
Maphwanya’s trip to Iran came after the Middle East Africa Research Institute (MEARI) released a recent report detailing how South Africa’s deepening ties with Tehran have led the country to compromise its democratic foundations and constitutional principles by aligning itself with a regime internationally condemned for terrorism, repression, and human rights abuses.
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Democrat Pete Buttigieg Toughens Stance on Israel, Says He Backs Arms Embargo Following Left-Wing Pressure
Former US Transportation Secretary Pete Buttigieg speaks during an appearance on the “Pod Save America” podcast on Aug. 10, 2025. Photo: Screenshot
Former US Transportation Secretary Pete Buttigieg, a Democrat considered by many observers to be a potential 2028 presidential candidate, has recalibrated his stance on Israel, moving from cautious language to a far more critical position after facing backlash over recent comments on the popular “Pod Save America” podcast.
In his podcast interview on Sunday, Buttigieg called Israel “a friend” and said the United States should “put your arm around” the country during difficult times. He also sidestepped a direct answer on whether the US should recognize a Palestinian state, describing the question as “profound” but offering little elaboration beyond calls for peace.
That measured approach drew sharp criticism from progressives and foreign policy voices who argued that his words were too vague amid the ongoing war in Gaza and a shifting sentiment within the Democratic party base regarding Israel. Evolving fault lines within the Democratic Party over US policy toward its staunch Middle Eastern ally signal that the issue could loom large in the 2028 presidential primary.
Following Sunday’s interview, US Rep. Ro Khanna (D-CA) urged Buttigieg to show “moral clarity,” while Ben Rhodes, former White House aide to President Barack Obama, said he was left uncertain where the Cabinet official stood. Social media critics accused Buttigieg of offering platitudes that dodged hard policy commitments.
In a follow-up interview with Politico published on Thursday, Buttigieg took a decidedly tougher line. He said he supports recognizing a Palestinian state as part of a two-state solution and ending the decades-long practice of providing military aid to the Jewish state through sweeping, multi-year packages. Instead, he called for a case-by-case review of assistance, while emphasizing the need to stop civilian deaths, release hostages, and ensure unimpeded humanitarian aid to Gaza.
Perhaps most significantly, Buttigieg indicated support for a US arms embargo on Israel, saying he would have signed on to Sen. Bernie Sanders’s recently proposed resolution to prohibit arms sales to the Jewish state.
The shift places Buttigieg closer to the party’s progressive flank on foreign policy, a notable change for a figure often viewed as a bridge between the Democratic establishment and younger, more liberal voters. For a likely 2028 contender, the move reflects both the political risks of appearing out of step with an increasingly skeptical base and the growing influence of voices calling for sharper limits on US support for Israel.
Recent polling shows a generational divide on the issue, with younger Democrats far more likely to back conditioning aid to Israel and recognizing Palestinian statehood.
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Former Algemeiner Correspondent Gidon Ben-Zvi Dies at 51
Gidon Ben-Zvi. Photo: Screenshot
Gidon Ben-Zvi, former Jerusalem Correspondent for The Algemeiner, has died at the age of 51 after a fight with cancer.
Ben-Zvi continued to write op-eds for The Algemeiner even after he left as a correspondent, including in the aftermath of Hamas’s Oct. 7, 2023, massacre across southern Israel.
An accomplished writer, Ben-Zvi left Hollywood for Jerusalem in 2009, moving back to Israel after spending 12 years in the United States. From 1994-1997, Gidon served in the Israel Defense Forces (IDF), in an infantry unit.
In addition to writing for The Algemeiner, Ben-Zvi contributed to the Times of Israel, Jerusalem Post, CiF Watch, and blogged at Jerusalem State of Mind.
Ben-Zvi joined HonestReporting as a senior editor in June 2020, becoming an integral part of the editorial department and writing dozens of articles and media critiques for the watchdog group exposing anti-Israel bias. He moved with his family to Haifa at the end of 2022.
Ben-Zvi’s final article for HonestReporting was published in January 2025, before he took a leave of absence for health reasons. HonestReporting said in a newly published obituary that staff believed he would eventually return, noting the positivity and perseverance he exuded. The advocacy group said it learned of Ben-Zvi’s passing late last month.
Ben-Zvi leaves behind his wife, Debbie, and four young children.
All Ben-Zvi’s articles for The Algemeiner can be found here.
May his memory be a blessing.