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Trump Taps Fiery Pro-Israel Congresswoman Elise Stefanik for UN Ambassador

US Nominee for Ambassador to the United Nations Elise Stefanik addressing the Israeli parliament on May 24, 2024. Photo: Office of Congresswoman Elise Stefanik.
US President-elect Donald Trump has selected Congresswoman Elise Stefanik (R-NY) to serve as his ambassador to the United Nations, a decision which, if confirmed by the US Senate, would ensure that a staunch pro-Israel advocate represents the incoming administration in the international body.
“I am honored to nominate Chairwoman Elise Stefanik to serve in my Cabinet as US ambassador to the United Nations,” Trump, who last Tuesday became the first former president elected to a nonconsecutive term in over a century, said in a statement first reported by the New York Post. “Elise is an incredibly, strong, tough and smart America First fighter.”
Stefanik, chair of the House Republican Conference, confirmed the news and issued her own statement on the nomination.
“I am truly honored to earn President Trump’s nomination to serve in his Cabinet as US Ambassador to the United Nations,” he lawmaker said. “During my conversation with President Trump, I shared how deeply humbled I am to accept his nomination and that I look forward to earning the support of my colleagues in the United States Senate.”
Stefanik continued, “President Trump’s historic landslide election has given hope to the American people and is a reminder that brighter days are ahead — both at home and abroad … America continues to be the beacon of the world, but we expect and must demand that our friends and allies be strong partners in the peace we seek.”
As The Algemeiner has previously reported, Stefanik is one of the leading pro-Israel voices in Washington, DC, having defended both the US-Israel alliance and the civil rights of Jewish students on college campuses, where aggressive pro-Hamas activists have launched campaigns of violence, obstruction, and intimidation aimed at forcing Jewish life underground and severing higher education institutions’ ties to Israel.
Stefanik, 40, a Harvard University alumnus from Albany, New York, currently serves on the US House committees for intelligence, armed services, and education and the workforce. In May, she delivered what her office described as a “historic” speech to the Knesset, Israel’s parliament, an address she used to express support for the Jewish state’s war with Hamas, as well as to explicate her views on the Islamic Republic of Iran’s destabilizing activities in the Middle East.
“I have been clear at home and I will be clear here: There is no excuse for an American president to block aid to Israel — aid that was duly passed by the Congress,” she said. “There is no excuse to ease sanctions on Iran, paying a $6 billion ransom to the world’s leading state sponsor of terror, or to dither and hide while our friends fight for their lives. No excuse. Full stop.”
She continued, “I’m proud to have sponsored, or backed, every measure to aid Israel that has come before the United States Congress. Every single on. It’s why, I, as a senior member on the House Armed Services Committee and Intelligence Committee, we have helped secure billions of dollars for the Iron Dome, David’s Sling, the Iron Beam, anti-tunneling technology, counter-UAS system, and further development of emerging technologies.”
At home, Stefanik has sharply interrogated university presidents over what many observers have perceived as indifference to antisemitic hatred on college campuses and a refusal to quell riotous demonstrations which disrupted academic activities for weeks on end during the 2023-2024 academic year. Several weeks before addressing the Knesset, Stefanik grilled Northwestern University president Michael Schill over the now-infamous Deering Meadow Agreement, which granted concessions to a pro-Hamas group that commandeered a section of campus and refused to surrender it unless the administration commenced a boycott of Israel. The agreement was a “unilateral capitulation,” Stefanik said, claiming that Schill’s actions created an impression that he opposed protecting Jewish students from violence.
“Let’s talk about what has occurred on this encampment,” Stefanik asserted. “Isn’t it true that a Jewish Northwestern student was assaulted?”
Stefanik went on to recount several more incidents of alleged antisemitic violence — including one in which a Jewish student was spit on — and harassment at Northwestern, pressing Schill to estimate when the school will complete its investigations of the criminal behavior.
In July, Stefanik sponsored legislation which would punish universities that fail to protect Jewish students from antisemitism. The University Accountability Act (UAA) proposed levying a tax on universities which, in violation of Title VI of the Civil Rights Act, declined to punish perpetrators of antisemitic behavior. The Protecting American Students Act (PASA), prompted by reports that foreign students overwhelmingly contribute to antisemitism on college campuses, called for taxing the endowments of universities that admit more foreign students than American ones.
A rising star in the Republican Party, Stefanik’s record as a public servant has had some controversy. In 2022, she refused to withdraw her endorsement of a congressional primary candidate, Carl Paladino, who once lauded Adolf Hitler as “the kind of leader we need today … somebody inspirational.” While Paladino apologized for his comments about the Nazi leader after they were reported — saying, “I understand that invoking Hitler in any context is a serious mistake and rightfully upsets people. I strongly condemn the murderous atrocities committed against the Jewish people by Hitler and the Nazis” — he accused the organization which reported his remarks, Media Matters, of reaching a “new low.”
Stefanik had previously pledged support for Paladino in a tweet which described him as a “friend,” “job creator,” and “conservative outsider who will be a tireless fighter for the people of New York.” Following reports of his comments, her office declined to state unequivocally whether she would continue to support his candidacy, saying only that “Congresswoman Stefanik has one of the strongest records in the US Congress condemning antisemitism and led and passed bipartisan legislation to expand Holocaust education.”
Ultimately, Stefanik threw her star power behind Paladino, campaigning for him and sponsoring a tele-rally which promoted his candidacy.
Stefanik is also one of several Republicans who did not oppose then-President Trump’s effort to halt the transfer of power following his general election loss to Democratic Party nominee Joe Biden, who defeated Trump in the Electoral College and won the popular vote. Echoing claims of widespread voter fraud in key battleground states, she voted against Congress certifying the results of the race in Pennsylvania, which Biden won by a slim 1.17 percent margin.
Follow Dion J. Pierre @DionJPierre.
The post Trump Taps Fiery Pro-Israel Congresswoman Elise Stefanik for UN Ambassador first appeared on Algemeiner.com.
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Iran Threatens to Quit Nuclear Treaty if Europe Reinstates Sanctions Ahead of High-Stakes Talks

Iran’s Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei speaks during a meeting in Tehran, Iran, May 20, 2025. Photo: Office of the Iranian Supreme Leader/WANA (West Asia News Agency)/Handout via REUTERS
Iran’s chief nuclear negotiator has warned that Tehran may withdraw from the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT), an international accord meant to prevent the spread of nuclear weapons, if European countries move forward with reinstating international sanctions.
On Wednesday, Kazem Gharibabadi, Iran’s Deputy Foreign Minister and a key figure in the nuclear talks, cited a previous decision by former Iranian President Hassan Rouhani that Tehran would withdraw from the nuclear accord if UN sanctions were reinstated.
“There was a communication by President Rouhani to his counterparts that if the snapback is triggered, what would be the response of Iran at that time, he wrote that Iran would withdraw from the NPT,” Gharibabadi said during a press conference.
Iran’s threats came just days ahead of the upcoming nuclear talks with the United Kingdom, France, and Germany — collectively known as the E3 — after the trio warned they would reinstate UN sanctions on Tehran if no new agreement is reached by the end of August.
The sanctions were originally lifted under the 2015 nuclear deal — known as the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) — which imposed temporary restrictions on Iran’s nuclear program in exchange for large-scale sanctions relief.
Although the United States withdrew from the agreement in 2018 under President Donald Trump’s first administration, Iran and the three European nations have continued to uphold the deal.
Under the terms of the UN Security Council resolution enshrining the 2015 accord, international sanctions could be reimposed on Iran, restoring all previous UN economic penalties including those targeting Iran’s oil, banking, and defense sectors, through a “snapback” mechanism that would take about 30 days. France, Britain, and Germany have indicated the latest time to reactivate the sanctions would be the end of August, with Russia, a close partner of Iran, assuming the Security Council presidency in October.
Many Western governments believe the ultimate purpose of Iran’s nuclear program is to build nuclear weapons. Tehran claims its nuclear activities are for peaceful, civilian purposes.
During this week’s press conference, Gharibabadi emphasized the regime’s commitment to the NPT, even amid “huge pressure at the domestic level” to exit, particularly after the recent 12-day war with Israel.
“After this aggression, the people, parliamentarians, journalists, politicians — they were of the view that now is the time to withdraw from the NPT, because the aggression was worse than the snapback,” Gharibabadi said. “But Iran decided to stay in the NPT.”
“But I’m quite confident that if the snapback is triggered, Iran will not show more restraint in this regard,” the Iranian diplomat said.
He also described Friday’s upcoming meeting with Western powers as highly significant, but warned that its outcome will largely depend on the approach the Europeans take toward Iran.
“We have always valued our meetings with the European countries. But there is an important issue — I think we have always told them that the policies of the European countries should be independent,” Gharibabadi said.
“They should not coordinate their positions with the Americans,” he continued.
Iran has previously warned it will take action if sanctions over its nuclear program are reinstated, without specifying what those measures might be.
“The snapback mechanism is meaningless, unjustifiable, unethical, and illegal,” Iranian Foreign Ministry spokesman Esmaeil Baghaei said during a press conference on Tuesday.
Baghaei also reaffirmed that the Islamist regime has “no plans to hold talks with the US in the current situation.”
In a Fox News interview aired Monday, Iranian Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi reaffirmed that Iran will not abandon its uranium enrichment program, despite recent Israeli and US strikes on its nuclear facilities.
“We cannot give up enrichment because it is an achievement of our own scientists. And now, more than that, it is a question of national pride,” the top Iranian diplomat said. “Our enrichment is so dear to us.”
On Thursday, Gharibabadi said nuclear talks with the US could resume as long as Tehran’s rights under the NPT are recognized and Washington both builds trust with Tehran and guarantees that negotiations will not lead to renewed military action against Iran.
The US and Iran had conducted five rounds of diplomatic talks over Iran’s nuclear program before Israel and the US bombed Iranian nuclear facilities last month.
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After Going to War with Iran, the US Must Keep Up the Pressure to Achieve Its Goals

People attend the funeral procession of Iranian military commanders, nuclear scientists and others killed in Israeli strikes, in Tehran, Iran, June 28, 2025. Photo: Majid Asgaripour/WANA (West Asia News Agency) via REUTERS
One of the consolations of an ancient society is that it provides long memories. For authoritarian leaders, that means the ability to patiently nurse old grudges and mete out revenge when the time is right.
After declaring victory in the 12 Day War with Iran, it would be wise for the US not to make the mistakes it made in dealing with China and post-Soviet Russia. That means working with Israel and other allies to do whatever can be done to help the Iranian people topple the Ayatollah and Iranian Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC)-led regime from within.
Until very recently, American policymakers badly misread the intentions of China’s leaders. The American side assumed that a prosperous China would become a kind of Belgium at scale — a good global citizen, reliable ally, and trading partner. For the Americans, that idea seemed reasonable. After all, that’s what happened with post-Imperial Japan, South Korea, and Singapore.
But the Chinese had learned different lessons from their much-longer history.
China boasted a massive navy in the early 15th century, and then inexplicably dismantled it. European powers filled the vacuum by taking much smaller ships across the Atlantic, colonizing the Americas, and prospering. For China, what came next was a series of humiliations that reduced them from accounting for one-third of the global economy in 1820, to the Opium Wars, to the poverty that plagued the country throughout the 20th century.
The lesson the Chinese learned from all this? Become an outward-looking superpower, dominate other countries that are resource-rich and institution-poor, and the bad times will be a minor blip in a long story of global hegemony.
Having spent decades helping China’s authoritarian leaders pursue their dream, the US is now scrambling to contain it.
Similarly, when Vladimir Putin emerged from the wreckage of Russia’s debt default in 1998, Western leaders assumed he wanted to make Russia a normal country and bring back foreign investment. As it turned out, what Putin really wanted was to be a Tsar.
History may not be destiny, but it certainly informs an adversary’s perception of itself.
There’s no question that Israel and the United States achieved impressive results in their brief war with Iran. The IRGC knows that it has been infiltrated by the Mossad, and the costs of the regime’s bad behavior have been personalized rather than imposed on the wider Iranian public.
No number of hasty executions of alleged Israeli spies will change the reality that the Israelis have freedom to operate, not just in Iranian skies, but in the highest reaches of Iranian society.
The physical infrastructure and human resources associated with Iran’s nuclear program have also been badly degraded, with promises for more of the same if there are signs that the program is starting up again. Top nuclear scientists have options, including emigration, and tend to prefer to stay alive. They are not like the suicidal membership of the terror proxies that Iran has nurtured in Gaza, Lebanon, and Yemen.
As long as the Americans and Israelis maintain credible deterrence, pursuing nuclear weapons will remain dangerous work.
But Iran’s leadership has signaled that their ambitions remain what they were before the defeats of the past year, and it would be a mistake not to take them at their word.
To convince themselves that they’re merely down but not out, they will likely look back to the first time their country warred with a stubborn democracy – 2,500 years ago.
In 490 BCE, Darius I hoped to subjugate the burgeoning democracies of Greece to Persian rule and punish the Athenians for supporting the Ionians in their revolt against him. Darius had superior numbers, but the Greeks had a better strategy and managed to encircle the Persians in the Battle of Marathon. The Persians suffered more than 6,400 casualties against just over 200 Greek dead, and promptly retreated back to Asia.
Marathon may have been a decisive Persian defeat, but the loss of blood and treasure was relatively small, and as a result, the loss did little to undermine Persia’s ability to wage war in the future.
War came soon enough.
In 480 BCE, Xerxes I, Darius’ son, brought an obscenely large army — estimated to be between 70,000 and 300,000 troops — to ensure that he could overwhelm the Greek defenses. A heroic army, led by King Leonidas and 300 Spartans, held off the invading Persians at Thermopylae in order to give the Greeks time to plan their next move.
After much debate, it was agreed that Themistocles would lead the Athenian fleet to a decisive battle off the island of Salamis. It was a risky move, and the future of what subsequently came to be known as Western civilization hung in the balance.
The outnumbered Greeks prevailed once again, largely due to superior tactics and an ability to swim. Salamis was the beginning of the end for the Persian campaign in Greece, and the following year, they were pushed out entirely.
The lessons of prior millennia have their limits. But there’s no question that the leaders of today’s Iran have broad regional ambitions, and they intend to pursue them with the unyielding resolve of the emperors who came before them.
We are now very likely in something akin to the period between Marathon and Salamis, in which a dented but not broken Iran will decide when, where, and how to attack next.
Fortunately, the regime is despised by its people, and that remains its Achilles’ heel. If Israel and the US don’t wish to be at war with Iran again, they shouldn’t proclaim victory too soon and ought to do everything they can to help the Iranian people topple the regime.
Ian Cooper is a Toronto-based lawyer.
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The Last Guardian of Morality in a Broken World

People wave Israeli flags following the release of hostages who were seized during the Oct. 7 attack by Palestinian terrorist group Hamas and held in the Gaza Strip, in Ofakim, Israel, Nov. 30, 2023. Photo: REUTERS/Alexander Ermochenko
In an era where propaganda often shouts louder than truth, where emotions replace facts, and where fear overrides reason, one country continues to stand firm in the face of global hypocrisy — the State of Israel. Its unwavering stance against terror, and its moral clarity in a confused world, deserve attention and admiration, especially at a time when so many powerful nations have chosen silence over action.
Over the past 25 years, Europe has been the target of a relentless series of terrorist attacks, nearly all committed by Islamist extremists. Cities like Madrid, London, Paris, Nice, Berlin, Stockholm, and Brussels have suffered horrifying tragedies at the hands of individuals radicalized by a violent strain of Islam, one that rejects Western values and democracy.
These attacks weren’t random acts of madness. They were part of a well-established pattern: suicide bombings on trains, mass shootings in concert halls, trucks used as weapons in public spaces. These were targeted assaults on freedom, modernity, and everything the West claims to represent.
Yet somehow, as the list of victims grows, the outrage fades. Western governments issue bland statements, lay flowers, light candles, and move on. Even worse, many of these same governments channel their energy not into confronting radicalization, but into condemning Israel, a country that is actively fighting this very ideology.
Who’s Really Fighting for Human Rights?
Israel is regularly accused of war crimes and even genocide, a term that is increasingly misused by activists and institutions who either don’t understand its historical weight or weaponize it for political gain.
Let’s be clear: genocide is not a tragic byproduct of conflict. It is the systematic extermination of a people. The Jewish people endured it, within living memory, under the Nazi regime. And now, while the world recycles the empty phrase “Never Again,” Israel is the one country acting to prevent a similar fate for others.
Take the Druze community in Syria. This minority group is under brutal attack by Islamist militias abducted, tortured, humiliated, and executed. Their only protection? Israel. While international organizations hold press conferences, issue non-binding resolutions, and express “deep concern,” Israel has stepped in with real action. Because Israel understands the cost of indifference.
What makes Israel different is not its strength, but its moral compass. Despite global criticism, sanctions threats, and relentless smear campaigns, it continues to act on principles—protecting life, upholding freedom, and defending the weak. These are not easy decisions. Israel pays a diplomatic and public relations price for every operation it launches to stop terror or defend minorities. But it chooses to act regardless.
Compare this to the so-called “enlightened” West: the UN, the EU, and major European nations. They have the resources, the platforms, and the military might but not the will. Their inaction in the face of rising extremism is not neutrality. It’s surrender.
Why is Israel punished for its moral clarity? Because it reminds the world of its failures. It exposes the cowardice of international bodies that stand idly by. It challenges the dominant narrative that appeasement leads to peace. And it rejects the twisted logic that labels self-defense as aggression.
But for those who still care about facts, justice, and moral responsibility, Israel remains a symbol of hope. Not because it is flawless — no country is — but because it dares to confront the evil others tolerate. It refuses to accept that terrorism is inevitable. And it will never stand by while minorities like the Druze are massacred.
The international community may continue to betray its own values. The media may distort the truth. Activists may chant slogans without understanding the consequences. But history will remember who stood up when others sat down. Who acted when others watched. Who protected the vulnerable when others turned away.
That country is Israel.
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