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Will the Gaza War Affect US Security Aid to Israel?
The US government is grappling with increasing internal pressure to limit or even halt the current Israeli military operation in Gaza. According to a recent opinion poll by The New York Times, only 33% of American voters support President Biden’s approach to the conflict, while 44% believe Israel should conclude its military campaign.
The results of this survey suggest that President Biden could lose support from segments of his voter base — a serious concern, as 2024 is an election year.
Forty-six percent of voters under the age of 30 declared a stronger identification with the Palestinian side, while only 27% identified with Israel. Some Democratic Party members, such as Senators Elizabeth Warren (MA) and Chris Van Hollen (MD), under the leadership of Independent Senator Bernie Sanders (VT), support activating Section 502B of the Foreign Assistance Act, which prohibits security assistance to countries believed by the US to be consistently violating human rights.
The implication of such a decision, if passed, would be the submission to Congress of a human rights report addressing Israeli use of American weapons. The activation of Section 502B would signify a sharp deviation from the usual practice of providing almost unconditional support for Israel and could theoretically lead to restrictions on, or even suspension of, security aid. While the likelihood of this occurring is not high, the mere raising of the issue poses a challenge to President Biden and his administration and should serve as a warning for Israeli decision-makers.
Between 2009 and 2018, Israel’s security aid from the US averaged around $3 billion annually. This does not include additional funding from the US Department of Defense for joint projects, which amounted to a similar figure. Overall, American aid constitutes about 20% of Israel’s total defense expenditure.
More important than the amounts themselves is the fact that Israel can spend more than a quarter of its assistance money on local procurement. No other country receiving aid from the US is entitled to such a benefit, and it has caused a significant shift in Israel’s defense industry. Israel uses these funds to maintain its qualitative military advantage and promote its military by purchasing innovative equipment from the US. At the same time, it funds the development and acquisition of advanced military equipment from Israeli weapons manufacturers. In September 2016, after more than three years of negotiation, a new security aid agreement between the US and Israel was signed for a total amount of $38 billion to be distributed over a 10-year period (2019-2028).
While the special relationship between the US and Israel offers the latter clear benefits, particularly in terms of security aid, the US also has a significant interest in maintaining the relationship and continuing the flow of American aid dollars. Israel’s ability to upgrade and improve American weapon systems makes it an important partner for the US, as many of those improvements are integrated into American weapons systems at the end of the development process. Additionally, the US funds Israel’s development of new innovative systems that are later adopted by the US military. An example is Iron Dome, a defense system against short-range rockets launched from Gaza and Lebanon that was designed to fill the gap where existing American systems did not offer satisfactory solutions. That system was in development for a decade and is now in active use.
Such partnerships strengthen the bond between Israel and the US, and contribute to the continued support Israel receives. The ongoing conflict with Arab countries and the numerous wars Israel has fought (perhaps more than any other country in the modern era) have meant that the combat systems supplied by the US have been regularly and systematically tested on the battlefield, leading to the drawing of rapid operational conclusions. This has essentially turned Israel into a testing ground for the US. In addition, Israel is committed, according to the aid agreement, to reinvest a significant portion of the aid money back into the US economy through direct purchases of American weapons systems.
American security aid is not unique to Israel and is a clear expression of US foreign policy. As a global power, the US dedicates part of its efforts to building global coalitions under its leadership. One form of expression of these efforts is the aid money the US has transferred and continues to transfer to foreign countries such as Israel, Vietnam, Afghanistan, Egypt, and South Korea.
A significant portion of foreign aid deals with security and military matters. According to data from the US Agency for International Development and the US Department of State, in 2020, the US spent a total of $51.1 billion in foreign aid, or one percent of the Federal budget for that year. Of that figure, security aid amounted to $11.6 billion (the least the US has spent since 2004; for comparison, the 2011 expenditure was $21.6 billion). Since 1947, the US government has provided almost a trillion dollars in security aid to other countries. In 2020, Israel surpassed Afghanistan, and it now leads the list of countries that benefit from American security aid.
This aid money is not an act of charity at the expense of American taxpayers, but is intended to keep American citizens safer and more secure. In addition to promoting normative foreign policy goals around the world, such as democracy and human rights, this assistance directly serves American interests. US investments in global security allow many countries to fight terrorism, deal with international crime, and prevent the spread of weapons of mass destruction. It is a clear American interest to prevent potential crises before they escalate to a point where direct US intervention is required. Furthermore, foreign assistance opens markets for American goods and promotes American exports. For example, 43 of the top 50 leading destinations for American agricultural exports are countries that receive or have received American aid.
In light of these considerations, it can be estimated that the generous American assistance Israel has enjoyed in past decades will continue despite differences of opinion between the two countries. The special relationship that has been built between the US and Israel is not easily undermined. Beyond the genuine solidarity with Israel of the current US administration, led by President Biden, and the actions it took to support Israel in its most difficult hour, the US has a clear interest in maintaining global order, stabilizing the region, and strengthening its Israeli ally against the actions and maneuvers of anti-American players in the region, namely Iran and Russia.
With that said, it would be irresponsible for Israel to completely disregard growing sentiment in the American public and among US lawmakers who increasingly challenge the nature of the special relationship with Israel and explicitly its use of American aid money.
Nir Reuven is a researcher at the BESA Center, an engineer, and a former officer in the Merkava development program (the main Israeli battle tank). He has held several management positions in the Israeli hi-tech industry and is an expert on technology. Currently he is co-manager of the Sapir College Innovation and Entrepreneurship Center. He is working on his Ph.D. and lectures at Bar-Ilan University. A version of this article was originally published by The BESA Center.
The post Will the Gaza War Affect US Security Aid to Israel? first appeared on Algemeiner.com.
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Syria’s Sharaa Says Talks With Israel Could Yield Results ‘In Coming Days’
Syrian President Ahmed al-Sharaa speaks at the opening ceremony of the 62nd Damascus International Fair, the first edition held since the fall of Bashar al-Assad’s regime, in Damascus, Syria, Aug. 27, 2025. Photo: REUTERS/Khalil Ashawi
Syria’s President Ahmed al-Sharaa said on Wednesday that ongoing negotiations with Israel to reach a security pact could lead to results “in the coming days.”
He told reporters in Damascus the security pact was a “necessity” and that it would need to respect Syria’s airspace and territorial unity and be monitored by the United Nations.
Syria and Israel are in talks to reach an agreement that Damascus hopes will secure a halt to Israeli airstrikes and the withdrawal of Israeli troops who have pushed into southern Syria.
Reuters reported this week that Washington was pressuring Syria to reach a deal before world leaders gather next week for the UN General Assembly in New York.
But Sharaa, in a briefing with journalists including Reuters ahead of his expected trip to New York to attend the meeting, denied the US was putting any pressure on Syria and said instead that it was playing a mediating role.
He said Israel had carried out more than 1,000 strikes on Syria and conducted more than 400 ground incursions since Dec. 8, when the rebel offensive he led toppled former Syrian leader Bashar al-Assad.
Sharaa said Israel’s actions were contradicting the stated American policy of a stable and unified Syria, which he said was “very dangerous.”
He said Damascus was seeking a deal similar to a 1974 disengagement agreement between Israel and Syria that created a demilitarized zone between the two countries.
He said Syria sought the withdrawal of Israeli troops but that Israel wanted to remain at strategic locations it seized after Dec. 8, including Mount Hermon. Israeli ministers have publicly said Israel intends to keep control of the sites.
He said if the security pact succeeds, other agreements could be reached. He did not provide details, but said a peace agreement or normalization deal like the US-mediated Abraham Accords, under which several Muslim-majority countries agreed to normalize diplomatic ties with Israel, was not currently on the table.
He also said it was too early to discuss the fate of the Golan Heights because it was “a big deal.”
Reuters reported this week that Israel had ruled out handing back the zone, which Donald Trump unilaterally recognized as Israeli during his first term as US president.
“It’s a difficult case – you have negotiations between a Damascene and a Jew,” Sharaa told reporters, smiling.
SECURITY PACT DERAILED IN JULY
Sharaa also said Syria and Israel had been just “four to five days” away from reaching the basis of a security pact in July, but that developments in the southern province of Sweida had derailed those discussions.
Syrian troops were deployed to Sweida in July to quell fighting between Druze armed factions and Bedouin fighters. But the violence worsened, with Syrian forces accused of execution-style killings and Israel striking southern Syria, the defense ministry in Damascus and near the presidential palace.
Sharaa on Wednesday described the strikes near the presidential palace as “not a message, but a declaration of war,” and said Syria had still refrained from responding militarily to preserve the negotiations.
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Anti-Israel Activists Gear Up to ‘Flood’ UN General Assembly
US Capitol Police and NYPD officers clash with anti-Israel demonstrators, on the day Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu addresses a joint meeting of Congress, on Capitol Hill, in Washington, DC, July 24, 2024. Photo: REUTERS/Umit Bektas
Anti-Israel groups are planning a wave of raucous protests in New York City during the United Nations General Assembly (UNGA) over the next several days, prompting concerns that the demonstrations could descend into antisemitic rhetoric and intimidation.
A coalition of anti-Israel activists is organizing the protests in and around UN headquarters to coincide with speeches from Middle Eastern leaders and appearances by US President Donald Trump and Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu. The demonstrations are expected to draw large crowds and feature prominent pro-Palestinian voices, some of whom have been criticized for trafficking in antisemitic tropes, in addition to calling for the destruction of Israe.
Organizers of the demonstrations have promoted the coordinated events on social media as an opportunity to pressure world leaders to hold Israel accountable for its military campaign against Hamas in Gaza, with some messaging framed in sharply hostile terms.
On Sunday, for example, activists shouted at Israel’s Ambassador to the UN Danny Danon.
“Zionism is terrorism. All you guys are terrorists committing ethnic cleansing and genocide in Gaza and Palestine. Shame on you, Zionist animals,” they shouted.
BREAKING: PRO-PALESTINE PROTESTORS CONFRONT “ISRAELI” AMBASSADOR DANNY DANON AT THE UNITED NATIONS
1/5 pic.twitter.com/4G1VYEMGzV
— Within Our Lifetime (@WOLPalestine) September 14, 2025
The Combat Antisemitism Movement (CAM), warned on its website that the scale and tone of the planned demonstrations risk crossing the line from political protest into hate speech, arguing that anti-Israel activists are attempting to hijack the UN gathering to spread antisemitism and delegitimize the Jewish state’s right to exist.
Outside the UN last week, masked protesters belonging to the activist group INDECLINE kicked a realistic replica of Netanyahu’s decapitated head as though it were a soccer ball.
US activist group plays soccer with Bibi’s mock decapitated HEAD right outside NYC UN HQ
Peep shot at 00:40
Footage posted by INDECLINE collective just as UN General Assembly about to kick off
‘Following the game, ball was donated to Palestinian Genocide Museum’ pic.twitter.com/TQ84sgZhKr
— RT (@RT_com) September 9, 2025
Within Our Lifetime (WOL), a radical anti-Israel activist group, has vowed to “flood” the UNGA on behalf of the pro-Palestine movement.
WOL, one of the most prolific anti-Israel activist groups, came under immense fire after it organized a protest against an exhibition to honor the victims of the Oct. 7 massacre at the Nova Music Festival in southern Israel. During the event, the group chanted “resistance is justified when people are occupied!” and “Israel, go to hell!”
“We will be there to confront them with the truth: Their silence and inaction enable genocide. The world cannot continue as if Gaza does not exist,” WOL said of its planned demonstrations in New York. “This is the time to make our voices impossible to ignore. Come to New York by any means necessary, to stand, to march, to demand the UN act and end the siege.”
Jewish Voice for Peace (JVP) and Palestinian Youth Movement (PYM), two other anti-Israel organizations that have helped organize widespread demonstrations against the Jewish state during the war in Gaza, also announced they are planning a march from Times Square to the UN headquarters on Friday.
“The time is now for each and every UN member state to uphold their duty under international law: sanction Israel and end the genocide,” the groups said in a statement.
JVP, an organization that purports to fight for “Palestinian liberation,” has positioned itself as a staunch adversary of the Jewish state. The group argued in a 2021 booklet that Jews should not write Hebrew liturgy because hearing the language would be “deeply traumatizing” to Palestinians. JVP has repeatedly defended the Oct. 7 massacre of roughly 1,200 people in southern Israel by Hamas as a justified “resistance.” Chapters of the organization have urged other self-described “progressives” to throw their support behind Hamas and other terrorist groups against Israel
Similarly, PYM, another radical anti-Israel group, has repeatedly defended terrorism and violence against the Jewish state. PYM has organized many anti-Israel protests in the two years following the Oct. 7 attacks in the Jewish state. Recently, Sen. Tom Cotton (R-AK) called for a federal investigation into the organization after Aisha Nizar, one of the group’s leaders, urged supporters to sabotage the US supply chain for the F-35 fighter jet, one of the most advanced US military assets and a critical component of Israel’s defense.
The UN General Assembly has historically been a flashpoint for heated debate over the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Previous gatherings have seen dueling demonstrations outside the Manhattan venue, with pro-Israel and pro-Palestinian groups both seeking to influence the international spotlight.
While warning about the demonstrations, CAM noted it recently launched a new mobile app, Report It, that allows users worldwide to quickly and securely report antisemitic incidents in real time.
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Nina Davidson Presses Universities to Back Words With Action as Jewish Students Return to Campus Amid Antisemitism Crisis
Nina Davidson on The Algemeiner’s ‘J100’ podcast. Photo: Screenshot
Philanthropist Nina Davidson, who served on the board of Barnard College, has called on universities to pair tough rhetoric on combatting antisemitism with enforcement as Jewish students returned to campuses for the new academic year.
“Years ago, The Algemeiner had published a list ranking the most antisemitic colleges in the country. And number one was Columbia,” Davidson recalled on a recent episode of The Algemeiner‘s “J100” podcast. “As a board member and as someone who was representing the institution, it really upset me … At the board meeting, I brought it up and I said, ‘What are we going to do about this?’”
Host David Cohen, chief executive officer of The Algemeiner, explained he had revisited Davidson’s remarks while she was being honored for her work at The Algemeiner‘s 8th annual J100 gala, held in October 2021, noting their continued relevance.
“It could have been the same speech in 2025,” he said, underscoring how longstanding concerns about campus antisemitism, while having intensified in the aftermath of Hamas’s Oct. 7, 2023, massacre across southern Israel, are not new.
Davidson argued that universities already possess the tools to protect students – codes of conduct, time-place-manner rules, and consequences for threats or targeted harassment – but too often fail to apply them evenly. “Statements are not enough,” she said, arguing that institutions need to enforce their rules and set a precedent that there will be consequences for individuals who refuse to follow them.
She also said that stakeholders – alumni, parents, and donors – are reassessing their relationships with schools that, in their view, have not safeguarded Jewish students. While supportive of open debate, Davidson distinguished between protest and intimidation, calling for leadership that protects expression while ensuring campus safety.
The episode surveyed specific pressure points that administrators will face this fall: repeat anti-Israel encampments, disruptions of Jewish programming, and the challenge of distinguishing political speech from conduct that violates university rules. “Unless schools draw those lines now,” Davidson warned, “they’ll be scrambling once the next crisis hits.”
Cohen closed by framing the discussion as a test of institutional credibility, asking whether universities will “turn policy into protection” in real time. Davidson agreed, pointing to students who “need to know the rules aren’t just on paper.”
The full conversation is available on The Algemeiner’s “J100” podcast.