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Will the Gaza War Affect US Security Aid to Israel?
The US government is grappling with increasing internal pressure to limit or even halt the current Israeli military operation in Gaza. According to a recent opinion poll by The New York Times, only 33% of American voters support President Biden’s approach to the conflict, while 44% believe Israel should conclude its military campaign.
The results of this survey suggest that President Biden could lose support from segments of his voter base — a serious concern, as 2024 is an election year.
Forty-six percent of voters under the age of 30 declared a stronger identification with the Palestinian side, while only 27% identified with Israel. Some Democratic Party members, such as Senators Elizabeth Warren (MA) and Chris Van Hollen (MD), under the leadership of Independent Senator Bernie Sanders (VT), support activating Section 502B of the Foreign Assistance Act, which prohibits security assistance to countries believed by the US to be consistently violating human rights.
The implication of such a decision, if passed, would be the submission to Congress of a human rights report addressing Israeli use of American weapons. The activation of Section 502B would signify a sharp deviation from the usual practice of providing almost unconditional support for Israel and could theoretically lead to restrictions on, or even suspension of, security aid. While the likelihood of this occurring is not high, the mere raising of the issue poses a challenge to President Biden and his administration and should serve as a warning for Israeli decision-makers.
Between 2009 and 2018, Israel’s security aid from the US averaged around $3 billion annually. This does not include additional funding from the US Department of Defense for joint projects, which amounted to a similar figure. Overall, American aid constitutes about 20% of Israel’s total defense expenditure.
More important than the amounts themselves is the fact that Israel can spend more than a quarter of its assistance money on local procurement. No other country receiving aid from the US is entitled to such a benefit, and it has caused a significant shift in Israel’s defense industry. Israel uses these funds to maintain its qualitative military advantage and promote its military by purchasing innovative equipment from the US. At the same time, it funds the development and acquisition of advanced military equipment from Israeli weapons manufacturers. In September 2016, after more than three years of negotiation, a new security aid agreement between the US and Israel was signed for a total amount of $38 billion to be distributed over a 10-year period (2019-2028).
While the special relationship between the US and Israel offers the latter clear benefits, particularly in terms of security aid, the US also has a significant interest in maintaining the relationship and continuing the flow of American aid dollars. Israel’s ability to upgrade and improve American weapon systems makes it an important partner for the US, as many of those improvements are integrated into American weapons systems at the end of the development process. Additionally, the US funds Israel’s development of new innovative systems that are later adopted by the US military. An example is Iron Dome, a defense system against short-range rockets launched from Gaza and Lebanon that was designed to fill the gap where existing American systems did not offer satisfactory solutions. That system was in development for a decade and is now in active use.
Such partnerships strengthen the bond between Israel and the US, and contribute to the continued support Israel receives. The ongoing conflict with Arab countries and the numerous wars Israel has fought (perhaps more than any other country in the modern era) have meant that the combat systems supplied by the US have been regularly and systematically tested on the battlefield, leading to the drawing of rapid operational conclusions. This has essentially turned Israel into a testing ground for the US. In addition, Israel is committed, according to the aid agreement, to reinvest a significant portion of the aid money back into the US economy through direct purchases of American weapons systems.
American security aid is not unique to Israel and is a clear expression of US foreign policy. As a global power, the US dedicates part of its efforts to building global coalitions under its leadership. One form of expression of these efforts is the aid money the US has transferred and continues to transfer to foreign countries such as Israel, Vietnam, Afghanistan, Egypt, and South Korea.
A significant portion of foreign aid deals with security and military matters. According to data from the US Agency for International Development and the US Department of State, in 2020, the US spent a total of $51.1 billion in foreign aid, or one percent of the Federal budget for that year. Of that figure, security aid amounted to $11.6 billion (the least the US has spent since 2004; for comparison, the 2011 expenditure was $21.6 billion). Since 1947, the US government has provided almost a trillion dollars in security aid to other countries. In 2020, Israel surpassed Afghanistan, and it now leads the list of countries that benefit from American security aid.
This aid money is not an act of charity at the expense of American taxpayers, but is intended to keep American citizens safer and more secure. In addition to promoting normative foreign policy goals around the world, such as democracy and human rights, this assistance directly serves American interests. US investments in global security allow many countries to fight terrorism, deal with international crime, and prevent the spread of weapons of mass destruction. It is a clear American interest to prevent potential crises before they escalate to a point where direct US intervention is required. Furthermore, foreign assistance opens markets for American goods and promotes American exports. For example, 43 of the top 50 leading destinations for American agricultural exports are countries that receive or have received American aid.
In light of these considerations, it can be estimated that the generous American assistance Israel has enjoyed in past decades will continue despite differences of opinion between the two countries. The special relationship that has been built between the US and Israel is not easily undermined. Beyond the genuine solidarity with Israel of the current US administration, led by President Biden, and the actions it took to support Israel in its most difficult hour, the US has a clear interest in maintaining global order, stabilizing the region, and strengthening its Israeli ally against the actions and maneuvers of anti-American players in the region, namely Iran and Russia.
With that said, it would be irresponsible for Israel to completely disregard growing sentiment in the American public and among US lawmakers who increasingly challenge the nature of the special relationship with Israel and explicitly its use of American aid money.
Nir Reuven is a researcher at the BESA Center, an engineer, and a former officer in the Merkava development program (the main Israeli battle tank). He has held several management positions in the Israeli hi-tech industry and is an expert on technology. Currently he is co-manager of the Sapir College Innovation and Entrepreneurship Center. He is working on his Ph.D. and lectures at Bar-Ilan University. A version of this article was originally published by The BESA Center.
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Hamas Says No Interim Hostage Deal Possible Without Work Toward Permanent Ceasefire
Explosions send smoke into the air in Gaza, as seen from the Israeli side of the border, July 17, 2025. Photo: REUTERS/Amir Cohen
The spokesperson for Hamas’s armed wing said on Friday that while the Palestinian terrorist group favors reaching an interim truce in the Gaza war, if such an agreement is not reached in current negotiations it could revert to insisting on a full package deal to end the conflict.
Hamas has previously offered to release all the hostages held in Gaza and conclude a permanent ceasefire agreement, and Israel has refused, Abu Ubaida added in a televised speech.
Arab mediators Qatar and Egypt, backed by the United States, have hosted more than 10 days of talks on a US-backed proposal for a 60-day truce in the war.
Israeli officials were not immediately available for comment on the eve of the Jewish Sabbath.
Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s office said in a statement on a call he had with Pope Leo on Friday that Israel‘s efforts to secure a hostage release deal and 60-day ceasefire “have so far not been reciprocated by Hamas.”
As part of the potential deal, 10 hostages held in Gaza would be returned along with the bodies of 18 others, spread out over 60 days. In exchange, Israel would release a number of detained Palestinians.
“If the enemy remains obstinate and evades this round as it has done every time before, we cannot guarantee a return to partial deals or the proposal of the 10 captives,” said Abu Ubaida.
Disputes remain over maps of Israeli army withdrawals, aid delivery mechanisms into Gaza, and guarantees that any eventual truce would lead to ending the war, said two Hamas officials who spoke to Reuters on Friday.
The officials said the talks have not reached a breakthrough on the issues under discussion.
Hamas says any agreement must lead to ending the war, while Netanyahu says the war will only end once Hamas is disarmed and its leaders expelled from Gaza.
Almost 1,650 Israelis and foreign nationals have been killed as a result of the conflict, including 1,200 killed in the Oct. 7, 2023, Hamas attack on southern Israel, according to Israeli tallies. Over 250 hostages were kidnapped during Hamas’s Oct. 7 onslaught.
Israel responded with an ongoing military campaign aimed at freeing the hostages and dismantling Hamas’s military and governing capabilities in neighboring Gaza.
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Iran Marks 31st Anniversary of AMIA Bombing by Slamming Argentina’s ‘Baseless’ Accusations, Blaming Israel
People hold images of the victims of the 1994 bombing attack on the Argentine Israeli Mutual Association (AMIA) community center, marking the 30th anniversary of the attack, in Buenos Aires, Argentina, July 18, 2024. Photo: REUTERS/Irina Dambrauskas
Iran on Friday marked the 31st anniversary of the 1994 bombing of the Argentine Israelite Mutual Association (AMIA) Jewish community center in Buenos Aires by slamming Argentina for what it called “baseless” accusations over Tehran’s alleged role in the terrorist attack and accusing Israel of politicizing the atrocity to influence the investigation and judicial process.
The Iranian Foreign Ministry issued a statement on the anniversary of Argentina’s deadliest terrorist attack, which killed 85 people and wounded more than 300.
“While completely rejecting the accusations against Iranian citizens, the Islamic Republic of Iran condemns attempts by certain Argentine factions to pressure the judiciary into issuing baseless charges and politically motivated rulings,” the statement read.
“Reaffirming that the charges against its citizens are unfounded, the Islamic Republic of Iran insists on restoring their reputation and calls for an end to this staged legal proceeding,” it continued.
Last month, a federal judge in Argentina ordered the trial in absentia of 10 Iranian and Lebanese nationals suspected of orchestrating the attack in Buenos Aires.
The ten suspects set to stand trial include former Iranian and Lebanese ministers and diplomats, all of whom are subject to international arrest warrants issued by Argentina for their alleged roles in the terrorist attack.
In its statement on Friday, Iran also accused Israel of influencing the investigation to advance a political campaign against the Islamist regime in Tehran, claiming the case has been used to serve Israeli interests and hinder efforts to uncover the truth.
“From the outset, elements and entities linked to the Zionist regime [Israel] exploited this suspicious explosion, pushing the investigation down a false and misleading path, among whose consequences was to disrupt the long‑standing relations between the people of Iran and Argentina,” the Iranian Foreign Ministry said.
“Clear, undeniable evidence now shows the Zionist regime and its affiliates exerting influence on the Argentine judiciary to frame Iranian nationals,” the statement continued.
In April, lead prosecutor Sebastián Basso — who took over the case after the 2015 murder of his predecessor, Alberto Nisman — requested that federal Judge Daniel Rafecas issue national and international arrest warrants for Iran’s Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei over his alleged involvement in the attack.
Since 2006, Argentine authorities have sought the arrest of eight Iranians — including former president Ali Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani, who died in 2017 — yet more than three decades after the deadly bombing, all suspects remain still at large.
In a post on X, the Delegation of Argentine Israelite Associations (DAIA), the country’s Jewish umbrella organization, released a statement commemorating the 31st anniversary of the bombing.
“It was a brutal attack on Argentina, its democracy, and its rule of law,” the group said. “At DAIA, we continue to demand truth and justice — because impunity is painful, and memory is a commitment to both the present and the future.”
31 años del atentado a la AMIA – DAIA. 31 años sin justicia.
El 18 de julio de 1994, un atentado terrorista dejó 85 personas muertas y más de 300 heridas. Fue un ataque brutal contra la Argentina, su democracia y su Estado de derecho.
Desde la DAIA, seguimos exigiendo verdad y… pic.twitter.com/kV2ReGNTIk
— DAIA (@DAIAArgentina) July 18, 2025
Despite Argentina’s longstanding belief that Lebanon’s Shiite Hezbollah terrorist group carried out the devastating attack at Iran’s request, the 1994 bombing has never been claimed or officially solved.
Meanwhile, Tehran has consistently denied any involvement and refused to arrest or extradite any suspects.
To this day, the decades-long investigation into the terrorist attack has been plagued by allegations of witness tampering, evidence manipulation, cover-ups, and annulled trials.
In 2006, former prosecutor Nisman formally charged Iran for orchestrating the attack and Hezbollah for carrying it out.
Nine years later, he accused former Argentine President Cristina Fernández de Kirchner — currently under house arrest on corruption charges — of attempting to cover up the crime and block efforts to extradite the suspects behind the AMIA atrocity in return for Iranian oil.
Nisman was killed later that year, and to this day, both his case and murder remain unresolved and under ongoing investigation.
The alleged cover-up was reportedly formalized through the memorandum of understanding signed in 2013 between Kirchner’s government and Iranian authorities, with the stated goal of cooperating to investigate the AMIA bombing.
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Jordan Reveals Muslim Brotherhood Operating Vast Illegal Funding Network Tied to Gaza Donations, Political Campaigns
Murad Adailah, the head of Jordan’s Muslim Brotherhood, attends an interview with Reuters in Amman, Jordan, Sept. 7, 2024. Photo: REUTERS/Jehad Shelbak
The Muslim Brotherhood, one of the Arab world’s oldest and most influential Islamist movements, has been implicated in a wide-ranging network of illegal financial activities in Jordan and abroad, according to a new investigative report.
Investigations conducted by Jordanian authorities — along with evidence gathered from seized materials — revealed that the Muslim Brotherhood raised tens of millions of Jordanian dinars through various illegal activities, the Jordan news agency (Petra) reported this week.
With operations intensifying over the past eight years, the report showed that the group’s complex financial network was funded through various sources, including illegal donations, profits from investments in Jordan and abroad, and monthly fees paid by members inside and outside the country.
The report also indicated that the Muslim Brotherhood has taken advantage of the war in Gaza to raise donations illegally.
Out of all donations meant for Gaza, the group provided no information on where the funds came from, how much was collected, or how they were distributed, and failed to work with any international or relief organizations to manage the transfers properly.
Rather, the investigations revealed that the Islamist network used illicit financial mechanisms to transfer funds abroad.
According to Jordanian authorities, the group gathered more than JD 30 million (around $42 million) over recent years.
With funds transferred to several Arab, regional, and foreign countries, part of the money was allegedly used to finance domestic political campaigns in 2024, as well as illegal activities and cells.
In April, Jordan outlawed the Muslim Brotherhood, the country’s most vocal opposition group, and confiscated its assets after members of the Islamist movement were found to be linked to a sabotage plot.
The movement’s political arm in Jordan, the Islamic Action Front, became the largest political grouping in parliament after elections last September, although most seats are still held by supporters of the government.
Opponents of the group, which is banned in most Arab countries, label it a terrorist organization. However, the movement claims it renounced violence decades ago and now promotes its Islamist agenda through peaceful means.
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