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With ‘Let It Be Morning’ and ‘Cinema Sabaya,’ Israeli filmmakers are winning awards for portraying Palestinian stories
(JTA) — Years ago, the Israeli filmmaker Orit Fouks Rotem took a class led by director Eran Kolirin, best known as the maker of “The Band’s Visit.” This month, movies by both filmmakers are getting theatrical rollouts in the United States.
On a recent Zoom call, Palestinian author Sayed Kashua joked: “Was that his class — how to use a Palestinian story?”
Kashua was smiling on Zoom as he said it — he is, after all, known for his often fatalistic sense of humor, particularly when it comes to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. And the author had given his blessing for Kolirin to make an adaptation of his novel “Let It Be Morning,” and said he loved the final result.
But like most jokes, this one had a kernel of truth: Israel’s two most recent Oscar submissions, hitting New York’s Quad Cinema within a week of each other, both — to varying degrees — tell Palestinian stories.
“Let It Be Morning” is a dark comedy about an Arab Israeli village that has suddenly and with no explanation been cordoned off from the rest of the country by the Israeli military. This event forces its Palestinian residents, including a protagonist trying to return to his comfortable middle-class life in Jerusalem, to reckon with how their dignity as citizens has been denied to them by the mechanisms of the Israeli occupation. At the Quad, the film is accompanied by a retrospective of Kolirin’s work, including “The Band’s Visit,” the basis for the Tony Award-winning musical; the retrospective is sponsored by the Israeli consulate in New York.
The all-female cast of “Cinema Sabaya,” a mix of Jewish and Arab actresses, in a film directed by Orit Fouks Rotem. (Courtesy of Kino Lorber)
The following week will see the opening of Rotem’s film, “Cinema Sabaya.” It follows a group of eight women, some Jewish and some Arab and Palestinian, who bond with each other while taking a filmmaking class in a community center in the Israeli city of Hadera. Cast member Dana Ivgy, who plays the class’s instructor, told the Jewish Telegraphic Agency that the filming experience “felt like how living in Israel should feel,” adding, “We have more women in the film than in the Israeli government.”
Stylistically, the two films couldn’t be more different. “Let It Be Morning” is a tightly plotted narrative with boldly realized characters; almost all of its dialogue is in Arabic. “Cinema Sabaya” is a loose, heavily improvisational piece that is almost entirely set in one room, and is mostly in Hebrew (although in one tense early scene, the characters debate whether to conduct their class in Hebrew or Arabic). One is a dry, Kafkaesque satire; the other is an intimate, naturalistic drama.
But together, the films provide a snapshot of the delicate dance Israeli filmmakers must perform in the current climate. On the one hand, these art-house directors are being feted on the international stage for their empathetic storytelling that incorporates or even centers entirely on Palestinian characters. But on the other, they’re being attacked by government officials for their perceived insufficient loyalty — and their films’ very status as “Israeli” is being questioned, too, sometimes by their own cast and crew.
“Everyone can call it what they want,” Rotem said of her film. “I’m an Israeli and it’s in Israel, but I have partners who call themselves Palestinians, and some of them call themselves Arabs, and each one defined herself. I think it’s really how it should be.”
“A film does not have an identity,” Kolirin insisted in an interview with JTA. “It is a citizen of the screen.”
Eran Kolirin accepted the award for Best Director for “Let It Be Morning” at the 2021 Ophir Awards in Tel Aviv on October 5, 2021. (Tomer Neuberg/ Flash90)
Kolirin isn’t a fan of the label “Israeli film” in this case, even though that is how “Let It Be Morning” was categorized at its 2021 Cannes Film Festival premiere; its own press notes also list Israel as the “country of production.” That Cannes screening took place shortly after Israel’s deadly conflict with Hamas that killed more than 250 Palestinians in the Gaza Strip and around a dozen Israelis. The events turned Cannes into a political firestorm when the film’s Palestinian cast refused to attend the premiere.
“We cannot ignore the contradiction of the film’s entry into Cannes under the label of an ‘Israeli film’ when Israel continues to carry its decades-long colonial campaign of ethnic cleansing, expulsion, and apartheid against us — the Palestinian people,” the cast’s statement read in part.
“Each time the film industry assumes that we and our work fall under the ethno-national label of ‘Israeli,’ it further perpetuates an unacceptable reality that imposes on us, Palestinian artists with Israeli citizenship,” the statement continues, calling on “international artistic and cultural institutions” to “amplify the voices of Palestinian artists and creatives.”
Kolirin himself supported the cast’s action. He knew they were grieving over the outbreak of violence in Gaza and didn’t want to put themselves in a situation where “some politician is going to wave a flag over their head or whatever.”
What’s more, he said, the status of “Let It Be Morning” as an “Israeli” film, despite the fact that around half the crew was Palestinian, was not his decision: “The film was not submitted to Cannes as an Israeli film,” he said. “You know, you fill in the form: ‘Which were the countries that gave money?’” In this case, the answer was Israel and France.
Most of the cast later did not attend the Ophir Awards ceremony, Israel’s equivalent to the Oscars voted on by its filmmaking academy, where “Morning” won the top prize (which automatically made it Israel’s Oscar submission for that year). In solidarity at the awards, Kolirin read aloud a statement from his lead actress, Juna Suleiman, decrying Israel’s “active efforts to erase Palestinian identity” and what she called “ethnic cleansing.”
Orit Fouks Rotem (Courtesy of Kino Lorber)
“Cinema Sabaya” hasn’t played host to as much offscreen controversy, but its vision of Israeli multiculturalism is still inherently political. Rotem’s mother is a local government adviser on women’s issues in Hadera, and the film was inspired by her experience participating in a photography class designed to unite Jewish and Arab women. Rotem herself later led filmmaking classes in a similar vein as research for “Sabaya.”
In the film, Ivgy’s character, who is modeled on Rotem, instructs her class to film their home lives, while secretly hoping to make a movie from their efforts. When her desire to do so is revealed, the women in the class feel betrayed: They thought they were just making films for themselves, not for their stories to be told by someone else.
Similarly, Rotem said that working with Arab and Palestinian actresses made her “aware to the fact that I can’t really tell their story.” Her solution was to allow the performers — some of whom are well-known activists who had to think twice about appearing in an Israeli movie — to voice their own opinions, and to establish the necessary trust to allow them to be unscripted on camera.
She theorizes that “Cinema Sabaya” has been so well received in Israel because “it doesn’t say ‘occupation, occupation, occupation.’ It says ‘humanity,’ so people are less afraid.” (She also noted that, in real life, the women who attended her filmmaking classes bristled at her initial suggestion to make a documentary about them, telling her to fictionalize their stories instead — which she did.)
Lately the Israeli government has a tendency to view its filmmaking class as agitators unworthy of national support, particularly when they make films criticizing the occupation. Former Culture Minister Miri Regev often disparaged films she thought were bad for Israel, including celebrated international hits such as “Foxtrot” and “Synonyms.” Her current successor, Miki Zohar, has already threatened the makers of a new documentary about the West Bank city of Hebron, saying the movie smears the military and that the directors might have to return government funds.
In recent years, Israel’s culture ministry has pushed two new controversial proposals: a grant program earmarked for those who make films in settlements, which are considered illegal under international law; and a form pledging not to make films “offensive” to Israel or the military that filmmakers would be required to sign in order to apply for certain grants, which many directors have likened to a loyalty oath. For years, some of the country’s largest grantmakers have required applicants to sign a form promising to represent their projects as Israeli on the national stage.
There has also been an effort among some members of Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s new right-wing government to end funding to public broadcaster Kan, which the country’s film industry views as another attack on its free expression.
“Kan has all this dialogue,” Ivgy said. “It has Jewish and religious and Arab and Palestinian, for kids and for grownups. And nothing is taboo there. I feel that it’s very dangerous to close that option down.”
Many Israeli filmmakers are fighting back. Hundreds, including Kolirin and Rotem, have refused to sign the ministry’s pledge, and many have also protested the settlement grant program. Nadav Lapid, one of the country’s most celebrated and outspoken directors, harshly critiqued government restrictions placed on his own work in the 2021 drama “Ahed’s Knee,” which went on to win a special prize at Cannes.
Kolirin said he had recently been on a call with several Israeli filmmakers looking to further organize against artistic restrictions, and that it had given him hope. “I had this feeling of some optimism, which I didn’t have for a long time,” he said. But he didn’t mince words when discussing Israel’s new governing coalition, which he likened to “a circus of mad dogs unleashed.”
Rotem said that the current government is “very, very bad and scary,” but that it has only strengthened her resolve to make political films.
“For me, it’s also political to show women in Israel in a deep way: I mean Arabs and Jews,” she said. “Because I don’t think there are enough films that are doing that.”
For Kashua, a veteran TV writer and opinion columnist, the question of identity in Israeli and Palestinian filmmaking is even more pronounced. After a long career of trying to write about the Palestinian experience in Hebrew as a way of reaching Israelis, he left Israel for the United States in 2014, becoming discouraged by an incident in which Jewish extremists burned a Palestinian teenager alive as revenge after Palestinian terrorists kidnapped Israeli soldiers. Now based in St. Louis, he has worked as a writer and story editor on Israeli series that center on both Palestinian and Jewish stories — including the global hit “Shtisel,” which focuses on haredi Orthodox Jews, and its upcoming spinoff, along with “Madrasa,” a young-adult series about a bilingual Hebrew-Arabic school.
Israeli filmmakers choosing to center Palestinian stories can be its own radical political act, Kashua believes. He noted that the dialogue in “Morning” is almost entirely in Arabic, a language that Israel demoted from national language status in 2018 — doubly ironic as he had deliberately chosen to write his original novel in Hebrew.
“The idea that this film is ‘Israeli’ — it really contradicts the idea of Israel being a purely Jewish state,” Kashua said. He added that, while he had initially hoped a Palestinian director might have adapted his novel, he was ultimately happy with Kolirin’s approach.
“I truly love the movie, and it’s barely Orientalist,” he joked, echoing Palestinian-American intellectual Edward Said’s famous book about how a Western lens on Eastern cultures can be reductive and harmful. “Which is a big achievement for an Israeli filmmaker.”
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The post With ‘Let It Be Morning’ and ‘Cinema Sabaya,’ Israeli filmmakers are winning awards for portraying Palestinian stories appeared first on Jewish Telegraphic Agency.
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Secular Jews speak Yiddish in Israeli TV series ‘Makom Sameach’
במשך פֿון די לעצטע יאָרן קען מען אויף דער ישׂראלדיקער טעלעוויזיע באַמערקן אַלץ מער דיאַלאָג אויף ייִדיש.
געוויינטלעך הערט מען ייִדיש אין סעריעס וועגן דער פֿרומער וועלט, ווי „שטיסל“ אָדער „קוגל“, אָדער בײַ היסטאָרישע פֿילמען און סעריעס וואָס פֿאַרנעמען זיך מיט סעקולערע ייִדן. קומט די נײַע סעריע „מקום שׂמח“ („אַ גליקלעך אָרט“), אויפֿן קאַנאַל „כּאן 11“, און ווײַזט ווי דווקא חילונים (סעקולערע ייִדן) — הײַנטצײַטיקע תּל-אָבֿיבֿער — רעדן ייִדיש.
אין דער פּראָגראַם זעט מען ווי נערוועזע אַשכּנזישע געשטאַלטן זוכן אַ מער אינטערעסאַנט לעבן אַנטקעגן די נודנע „געוווינהייטן“ פֿון מאָנאָגאַמיע, פּרנסה און דעם זאָרגן זיך סײַ פֿאַר זייערע קינדער, סײַ פֿאַר זייערע עלטערן, ייִדן פֿון דער שארית-הפּליטה.
דער טיטל „מקום שׂמח“ נעמט זיך פֿונעם באַגריף בײַ פּסיכאָטעראַפּיע, וווּ מע עצהט מענטשן וואָס לײַדן פֿון אַ נערוועז-אַטאַקע, זיי זאָלן זיך אויסמאָלן אַ באַקאַנט היימיש אָרט וואָס קען זיי אַ ביסל באַרויִקן. נועה קאָלער, די שעפֿערין פֿון דער סעריע בשותּפֿות מיט רם נהרי, איז מסתּמא באַווירקט געוואָרן פֿון דער בראַסלעווער פֿילם-רעזשיסאָרין רמה בורשטיין, וואָס איז געווען איר רעזשיסאָרין אין דעם דערפֿאָלגרײַכן פֿילם „לעבֿור את הקיר“ (אַריבער דער וואַנט, 2016). מע קען זאָגן אַז די געשטאַלטן וואָס טראָגן מיט זיך די דורותדיקע טראַוומע און ווײַזן אַ טענדענץ צו מעלאַנכאָליע און נערוועזקייט, קוקן זיך די אויגן אויס אויף מקיים צו זײַן ר׳ נחמנס מצווה „לִהְיוֹת בְּשִׂמְחָה תָּמִיד“ — דאָס כּסדרדיקע זוכעניש נאָך אַן אייגן גליקלעך אָרט.
בײַם צענטער פֿון דער סעריע שטייט דאָס געשטאַלט פֿון ורד (ווערעד) קאָנפֿאָרטי, מײַסטעריש געשפּילט פֿון קאָלער אַליין. ווי עס פּאַסט פֿאַר אַ מענטש מיט אַזאַ משפּחה-נאָמען, וואָס זי האָט געקראָגן פֿון איר מאַן בען קאָנפֿאָרטי (דער אַקטיאָר אַבֿיהו פּנחסובֿ), זוכט זי אין משך פֿון די אַכט קאַפּיטלען שפּורן פֿון „קאָמפֿאָרט“, אַ טרייסט אין איר ליבע־ און משפּחה־לעבן. ס׳איז אָבער בכלל ניט קלאָר, אַז פֿון איר מאַן וועט זי אָט די געוווּנטשענע טרייסט טאַקע געפֿינען. אויף דער זײַט וואַרט אויף איר דער צוציִיקער גײַסטיקער היילער יותּם אַזולײַ (עידן חבֿיבֿ), וואָס פֿאַרקערפּערט, דורך זײַן פֿיזיק און סענסיטיווקייט, אַ שאַרפֿע סתּירה צו ורדס בערישן מאַן. די משפּחה-פּאַטאָלאָגיע פֿאַרפּלאָנטערט זיך נאָך מער ווען ורד שטעלט אָן יותּם צו פּרוּוון היילן איר עקשנותדיקע מאַמע, נעמי ווײַסבאַך (די קאָמישע אַקטריסע תּיקי דײן) פֿון צוקערקרענק, און דערבײַ אויסמײַדן די אַמפּוטירונג פֿון איר פֿוס.
אין דער סעריע מישן די ייִנגערע העלדן אַרײַן געוויסע ייִדישע פֿראַזעס אין זייער העברעיִש, אָבער די צוויי העלדינס פֿונעם עלטערן דור רעדן צווישן זיך טאַקע אַ פֿליסיקן ייִדיש. די צוויי פֿרויען זענען ורדס מאַמע, נעמי, און איר קוזינקע, די פּאַרטיזאַנערקע דבֿורה שלוש — אַ משפּחה-נאָמען וואָס ווערט געוויינטלעך אַסאָצייִרט מיט די ספֿרדישע בויערס פֿון דער שטאָט תּל-אָבֿיבֿ.
דבֿורה ווערט געשפּילט דורך לאה קעניג, וואָס איז שוין אין די נײַנציקער. קעניגס עלטערן האָבן נאָך געשפּילט אין דער ווילנער טרופּע. די רעזשיסאָרן קאָלער און נהרי האָבן באַשלאָסן אַז צווישן זיך זאָלן די עלטערע פֿרויען פֿירן גאַנצע שמועסן אויף ייִדיש. בײַ די קרעדיטן בײַם סוף באַצייכנט מען די ייִדיש־לערערין מרים טרין מיטן טיטל „מתרגלת ייִדיש“, ד״ה די וואָס האָט רעפּיטירט מיט די אַקטריסעס די ייִדיש־שפּראַכיקע רעפּליקן, בעיקר מיט תּיקי דיין וואָס רעדט נישט קיין ייִדיש. דיין האָט זיך אַפֿילו אַ ביסל באַקלאָגט וואָס זי מוז דאָס טאָן. קעניג, בכל-אופֿן, לויבט דיינס ייִדיש.
איין בײַשפּיל פֿון אַ ייִדישן דיאַלאָג אין דער סעריע זעט מען בײַם אָנהייב פֿונעם זעקסטן קאַפּיטל, „סודות חבֿויים“ (באַהאַלטענע סודות). דבֿורה און נעמי טרעפֿן זיך און פֿירן אַזאַ שמועס:
— שלום דבֿורה
— ערשטנס, אַנטשלודיקט זיך בײַ מיר.
— נו, באמת. האָסט אַ פֿרענקישן כּבֿוד.
— אויב דו ביסט געקומען אַהער, מיך נאָך אַמאָל באַליידיקן, קאָנסטו שוין צוריקגיין.
— וואָס שוין האָב איך דיר געזאָגט? איך בין געווען נערוועז און ס׳איז מיר אַרויס — „כּוס אמא שלך!“ צוליב דעם „כּוס אמא שלך“ מישפּטסט מיך אַזוי שווער?
ס׳רובֿ צוקוקער, וואָס קענען סײַ ייִדיש סײַ העברעיִש, לאַכן ווען זיי הערן ווי פֿון דיינס מויל, דער אַלטער ייִדישער באָבען, לאָזט זיך אַרויס די זאַפֿטיקע ישׂראלדיקע קללה „כּוס אמא שלך“. אַנדערע האַלטן דעם אויסדרוק אָבער ווי צו וווּלגאַר און איבערגעטריבן אין דעם קאָנטעקסט. אָבער אַזוי ווערט דער אַלטער סטערעאָטיפּ וועגן ייִדיש אין אַ געוויסן מאָס איבערגעקערט: די פּראָסטע קללה וואָס האָט זיך בײַ נעמין אַרויסגעכאַפּט מיט יאָרן צוריק און דערבײַ קאַליע געמאַכט די באַציִונגען צווישן די צוויי ייִדענעס איז דווקא אַ העברעיִשעאַראַבישע (דיינס געשטאַלט איז אַ ישׂראלי), בעת דבֿורה, די עלטערע „מער ייִדישלעכע“ פֿרוי דאָ, קאָן בשום-אופֿן נישט פֿאַרטראָגן צו הערן אַזאַ וווּלגאַרע פֿראַזע. אָט די בולטע איראָניע וואָס שײך די סטערעאָטיפּן פֿון העברעיִש־רעדער און ייִדיש־רעדער העלפֿט דאָ שאַפֿן אַ שאַרפֿע און אַמוזירנדיקע סצענע.
קאָלער, וואָס קומט פֿון אַ משפּחה מיט לעבן-געבליבענע פֿון חורבן, האָט אויף אַן אינטערוויו אין 2024 דערציילט, אַז זי איז אויפֿגעוואַקסן אין אַ היים פֿול מיט הומאָר. „די באָבע פֿלעג זיך וויצלען, ווען היטלער האָט זיך באַוויזן אויף דער טעלעוויזיע, זאָגנדיק אַז דער ימח־שמוניק איז ׳אַ חבֿר מײַנער׳. אָבער דאַן איז געקומען דער 7טער אָקטאָבער…“
די הײַנטיקע פּאָליטיק שפּילט אין „מקום שׂמח“ אָבער אַ קנאַפּע ראָלע און נאָר דורך סובטילע פּרטים: ווען ורד און בען מיינען אויף אַ רגע אַז זייער פֿאַרווײַלונג-צימער אינעם גליל ווערט אָנגעגריפֿן פֿון צפֿון; אָדער ווען ורדס ברודער נדבֿ ווײַסבאַך (רועי עידן) גייט אַרום אָנגעטאָן אין מיליטערישע מונדירן. אָבער אַפֿילו אָט דער שטאַרקער ישׂראלדיקער זעלנער האָט שטענדיק מורא פֿאַר זײַן ייִדיש מאַמעלע און פּראָבירט זי וואָס מער אויסמײַדן.
נעמיס שטענדיקע וואָרענונג, אַז זי וועט זיך נישט לאָזן אָפּערירן ווײַל „כ׳וויל נישט זײַן קיין בעל-מום אין מדינת-ישראל!“ קען מען אויסטײַטשן אַז אין ישׂראל קען מען זיך נישט דערלויבן צו זײַן אַ שוואַכינקע. די סעריע טוט אַ מערקווירדיקע אַרבעט בײַם אַרויסטרײַבן די שדים פֿונעם עבֿר וואָס רודפֿן דאָס ישׂראלדיקע באַוווּסטזײַן, אָבער פֿון דער אַנדערער זײַט קען מען די סעריע קריטיקירן אַז זי דערווײַטערט זיך פֿון זאָגן עפּעס באַטײַטיקס וועגן די הײַנטיקע פּלאָגענישן און בלוטיקע מלחמות.
אינעם זיבעטן קאַפּיטל „תּיירות יהודית“ (ייִדישער טוריזם), נעמט ורד אָן איר מאַמעס בקשה אַז פֿאַר דער אָפּעראַציע וויל זי באַזוכן ווילנע, כּדי צו זען דעם געטאָ וווּ איר באָבע פּעסיע איז געווען. דער גאַנצער קאַפּיטל איז טאַקע פֿילמירט געוואָרן אין ווילנע, און מיר באַקומען אַ שלל אויסערגעוויינטלעכע קאָמישע און דראַמאַטישע סיטואַציעס.
אַן אַנדער באַנוץ פֿון ייִדיש, וואָס פֿאַרחידושט בלי-שום-ספֿק די ישׂראלישע צוקוקערס געשעט אין אַן אַנדער עפּיזאָד, ווען נעמי פֿאַנטאַזירט אַז אַ באַרימטע ישׂראלדיקע טעלעוויזיע־פּערזענלעכקייט, מאָשיק גלאַמין, קומט צו איר אַרײַן אין דער דירה און הייבט אָן רעדן מיט איר אויף ייִדיש. ער זינגט איר אַפֿילו אַ שלאָפֿליד אויף ייִדיש: „תּל-אָבֿיבֿ פֿאַר האַלבער נאַכט דער ווינט וויל גאָרנישט בלאָזן נאָך און די לופֿט איז שווער און שטיקט און שטיקט מיך איך בין נישט זיכער וואָס צו זאָגן צי כּדאַי בכלל צו פֿרעגן, נישט פֿרעגן.“
קאָלער און נהרי האָבן אַ סך וואָס צו זאָגן וועגן דער הײַנטיקער ישׂראלדיקער געזעלשאַפֿט, וועגן אירע מוראס און שטרעבונגען. לאָמיר נאָר האָפֿן אַז אין זייערע צוקונפֿטדיקע שאַפֿונגען וועלן זיי אויך באַהאַנדלען די האַרבע שוועריקייטן פֿון מלחמה און שלום, וואָס פֿאַרשטיקן אונדזער אַלעמענס לופֿט.
https://www.kan.org.il/content/kan/kan-11/p-962212/s1/967128/
בילדער:
01 די הויפּט געשטאַלטן פֿון דער סעריע „מקום שׂמח“ (פֿון רעכטס): יותם, נעמי, ורד און בען (KAN 11)
02 ורד (קאָלער) און בען (פּנחסאָוו) לעבן אַדורך אַ קריזיס אין זייער זיווג-לעבן (KAN 11)
03 ורד (קאָלער) און איר מאַמע נעמי (דיין) זוכן אַ פֿאַרהיילונג אויפֿן ברעג-ים (KAN 11)
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Over 300 rabbis and Jewish leaders call for removal of UN official who denied Oct. 7 rapes
(JTA) — Over 300 Jewish leaders, including women’s rights advocates and rabbis, urged the United Nations on Tuesday to remove Reem Alsalem, the U.N. rapporteur on violence against women and girls, for denying that rape occurred during Hamas’ Oct. 7, 2023, attack on Israel.
The letter, which was addressed to U.N. secretary-general Antonio Guterres, came two weeks after Alsalem claimed in a post on X that “No independent investigation found that rape took place on the 7th of October.”
In the letter, its signatories express their “horror and outrage” at Alsalem’s rhetoric, and cite two U.N. reports from March 2024 and July 2025 that concluded that there was “reasonable grounds” to believe that sexual violence had taken place during the attacks “in multiple locations, including rape and gang rape.”
The petition was organized by Amy Elman, a professor at Kalamazoo College who has authored books on antisemitism and state responses to sexual violence, and Rafael Medoff, the director of the David S. Wyman Institute for Holocaust Studies. It was shared with the Jewish Telegraphic Agency soon after being sent to Guterres.
“The targeted sexual abuse of Israelis by Hamas and its supporters is one weapon in the arsenal of those seeking Israel’s obliteration,” Elman said in a statement. “It’s outrageous that deniers such as Reem Alsalem are aiding and abetting the sexual violence by claiming it never happened. These apologists should be ashamed of themselves.”
The letter’s signatories include Deborah Lipstadt, the former antisemitism envoy; Judith Rosenbaum, the head of the Jewish Women’s Archives; Rabbi Irving Greenberg, the former chairman of the U.S. Holocaust Memorial Museum; Rabbi Deborah Waxman, the president of Reconstructing Judaism; and Hebrew College president Rabbi Sharon Cohen Anisfeld.
Dispute over whether sexual violence took place as Hamas murdered about 1,200 people in Israel on Oct. 7 has solidified as a point of sustained interest for some of Israel’s staunchest critics who allege that Israel and its supporters are using claims of rape as propaganda. Even the United Nations, frequently maligned by Israel and its supporters over its record toward Israel, has drawn allegations of complicity in the propaganda campaign from pro-Palestinian voices — though the U.N. rapporteur on Palestinian rights, Francesca Albanese, who has faced her own calls for dismissal from the Trump administration, has also publicly questioned the claims.
In addition to the U.N. reports, independent reporting and research by an Israeli nonprofit have validated claims of sexual violence on Oct. 7.
In the X exchange that spurred the new letter, Alsalem was arguing with another user about the Israeli government’s prosecution of soldiers accused of abusing a Palestinian detainee.
A day later, Alsalem posted a link to a Substack podcast from October where she criticized the credibility of the March 2024 U.N. report and said she had sought contact with the Israeli government to confirm its findings but had not received a response.
“The media, certain organizations and the world basically fell into the trap that Israel set up, which is to project that there was barbaric sexual violence being committed by these barbarian Palestinian men, and it was spun around and disseminated and very much used in order to then justify the genocide,” said Alsalem on the podcast.
Medoff said in a statement that Alsalem’s continued employment reflected inconsistent standards when it comes to Israel and antisemitism.
“If a UN official made such a remark concerning rape victims from any other ethnic or religious group, there would be an international uproar,” he said. “The same standard should apply to Israeli Jewish women who were sexually assaulted by Hamas terrorists.”
The post Over 300 rabbis and Jewish leaders call for removal of UN official who denied Oct. 7 rapes appeared first on The Forward.
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Rome synagogue memorial for 2-year-old killed in 1982 Palestinian terror attack vandalized
(JTA) — A synagogue in Rome and a memorial for a 2-year-old boy killed in a 1982 attack by Palestinian terrorists on the city’s Great Synagogue were vandalized on Monday by unknown individuals.
The plaque dedicated to Stefano Gaj Taché, who was killed in the attack that also left 37 injured, is located on the Monteverde synagogue, also known as the Beth Michael Synagogue, in Rome.
The unknown vandals spray painted black on the memorial, and also wrote “Free Palestine” and “Monteverde anti-Zionist and anti-fascist” on the facade of the synagogue, according to the Italian newspaper Corriere della Sera.
The vandalism was condemned by Victor Fadlun, the president of the Jewish Community of Rome, who said in a post on Instagram that the incident came amid a “a climate of intimidation” where antisemitism has “become a tool of political protest.”
“We place our trust in the police and call for the government’s strong intervention to halt this spiral of hatred,” Fadlun continued.
The incident comes amid a recent series of antisemitic vandalism in Rome, an epicenter of pro-Palestinian activism that has continued to see large demonstrations even after the ceasefire in the Israel-Hamas war in Gaza.
In October, the words “Dirty Jews, may you all burn” were spray-painted on the shutters of a kosher bakery, and in June a sign at another local synagogue was defaced with the words “Sieg Heil” and ”Juden Raus.”
“This is an act that outrages the Jewish community and deeply wounds it, because the plaque is dedicated to a child murdered by Palestinian terrorism and because this is a meeting place where young people and children meet, where they pray and create a sense of community,” Fadlun told Corriere della Sera. “Attacking the synagogue in this way means disavowing and violating the right of Jews to be able to come together and lead a normal life.”
In a subsequent post on Instagram, Fadlun said Italian President Sergio Mattarella had spoken to him over the phone to express his “solidarity” in relation to the synagogue vandalism.
Antonio Tajani, the Italian minister of foreign affairs, also condemned the vandalism in a post on X, adding that he has called Fadlun as well.
The European Jewish Congress also condemned the vandalism in a post on X. “This is not ‘anti-Zionism.’ It is antisemitism: the targeting of Jewish memory, Jewish mourning and Jewish history,” the group said. “Stefano’s name is a symbol of one of Italy’s darkest terror attacks. His memory should be protected, not desecrated. We stand in solidarity with the Jewish community of Italy and call on authorities to investigate this hate crime and ensure that such acts are treated with the seriousness they deserve.”
The post Rome synagogue memorial for 2-year-old killed in 1982 Palestinian terror attack vandalized appeared first on The Forward.