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An abominable new Israeli law is a death warrant for democracy

A bill mandating the death penalty for terrorists, which the Knesset passed into law on Monday, is the latest dismal illustration of Israel’s democratic decline.

Promoted by the ultranationalist firebrand National Security Minister Itamar Ben-Gvir — whose resume includes convictions for supporting terrorism of the Jewish kind — the bill is plainly aimed at Palestinians only. It specifically targets West Bank residents. who are tried in military courts, which Jews are not. It will drag Israel another few steps further away from the democratic world, almost all of which — with the notable exception of the United States — has abandoned the death penalty as inhumane and flawed in its irreversibility.

This abomination passed by 62 to 48 votes, rejected by the key parties of the moderate opposition.

It’s part of a last-ditch effort by Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s coalition to hang onto power in upcoming elections, and illustrates just how dangerous that coalition’s continuing grip on Israeli politics is to the country’s soul.

The bill mandates that Israeli courts treat the death penalty as the default in the cases of those who have committed a “nationalistically motivated” murder of a citizen of Israel. Government critics like the Public Committee Against Torture in Israel called it an “imminent threat to the human rights of Palestinians.”

You do not need to be a leftist activist or an apologist for terrorism to share that concern. So it’s all but certain that the Supreme Court will strike the act down on the basis of equality under the law — or at the very least demand changes. The bill’s design — which features expedited executions and weakened legal safeguards — virtually guarantees it, and the Association for Civil Rights in Israel has already filed a petition demanding the act’s annulment.

And that is actually the point.

Netanyahu has spent years trying to weaken Israel’s judiciary and force it into compliance with his will, because he is on trial for bribery, fraud and breach of trust. His coalition has attempted to pass laws that would enable the government to appoint judges and also to overrule them by a simple majority in the Knesset. As he attempts to intimidate the legal system into letting him off the hook, Netanyahu has made an art of inciting his followers against prosecutors and judges, portraying them as part of a leftist deep-state conspiracy against him.

The public, which cannot be fooled all of the time, is generally aware of the trickery, and broadly opposes the judicial overhaul. With this act, Netanyahu and his allies are betting that while voters may hate his plans for creating an elected autocracy, they hate terrorists even more. He’s setting up a showdown with the Supreme Court to, effectively, make them choose.

After the Oct. 7 massacre by Hamas, and after calamitous years of war, there are decent odds that the public — despite Netanyahu’s unpopularity — will take his side. And if he foments enough outrage at the courts, then perhaps he might erase his considerable deficit in the polls, ahead of an election that must be held by October.

If he wins that election, he could claim to truly have a mandate for pushing through his effort to incapacitate Israel’s independent judiciary, turning Israel into a Jewish version of authoritarian Turkey.

In general, Netanyahu is betting that he stands to benefit by focusing the campaign on conflict with the Arabs — as opposed to domestic issues, like his hugely unpopular coddling of the Haredim, including vast funding and military draft evasions. That too may be a decent bet: Netanyahu is expert at framing opposition to his war policies as unpatriotic.

What of the fact that a death penalty for Arab terrorists is all but certain to further mar Israel’s international standing? In an extraordinary development, the foreign ministers of Germany, France, Italy and Britain — some of Israel’s most significant trading partners — all urged Israel to abandon the bill, saying: “We are particularly worried about the de facto discriminatory character of the bill.”

“The adoption of this bill would risk undermining Israel’s commitments with regards to democratic principles,” they added.

Alas: That appears to be intentional. Ignoring the experts — most Israel juridical and security experts also oppose the bill — is a feature in the playbook of right-wing populists, in Israel as in the U.S. And while further reputational damage should hardly be a welcome prospect, given the cratering of Israel’s standing in the world, especially in Europe, that is clearly not a concern for the coalition, which seems almost to fetishize an “us-against-the-world” pathology.

What makes this all the more sickening: Few expect the prospect of a death sentence to significantly deter the kind of terrorism Israel faces. There is a culture of martyrdom and fanaticism that embraces death in the context of jihad. That culture is visible in the inability of Israel — and now the Americans in Iran — to subdue rivals that are vastly overmatched in classic military terms.

In fact, it is likely to invite reprisal attacks and “executions” of captured Israeli soldiers as a matter of principle, as a tit-for-tat formal death penalty dynamic will start to somehow look legitimate.

But there is no easy way out of the new miseries this law will create. Should it somehow survive legal challenges, it would calamitously tie the hands of any future government that manages to oust Netanyahu. Any efforts to repeal this act would hand valuable talking points to a right-wing opposition, helping portray the new leaders as soft on terror — a major political liability.

In this tense situation, Netanyahu’s rivals are bracing for a series of further desperate measures in the spring parliamentary session, which will begin in about a month.

The coalition is expected to try to ram through several authoritarian reform bills, including one that would weaken the authority of the attorney general. And many people fear that Netanyahu will try to invoke emergency measures to put off the elections altogether if the polls remain low — a well-earned cynicism that is, obviously, devastating to morale at a time of war. It is not only crackpots and extremists who suspect he may try to prolong the wars in Iran and Lebanon, at least partly for this reason.

If the election does proceed, Netanyahu is widely expected to contest any close outcome, claiming fraud. If the Electoral Commission backs him but the Supreme Court does not, the result would be a constitutional crisis that Netanyahu will try to exploit to his advantage.

Here, too, Netanyahu’s close relationship with President Donald Trump can be seen as more than a matter of policy. It is about a wholesale upending of the political culture, as Trump has somehow made false charges of electoral fraud, and naked attempts to game the system, seem like a legitimate strategy.

The direction of travel is clear, as is the danger that all this will lead to violence in the streets. Israel is in grave, immediate peril — a problem this new bill will exacerbate.

The post An abominable new Israeli law is a death warrant for democracy appeared first on The Forward.

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They met on a Birthright trip then married. Now this American Israeli couple’s internet fame has turned to infamy.

Ethan and Hila Klein first met at Yad Vashem — Israel’s Holocaust museum — in 2007, a meet-cute they recounted, giggling, years later for their millions of YouTube followers.

“I think I went up to her and said something like, ‘They had it coming, don’t you think?’” said Ethan, known for his edgy humor and infamous internet trends, including Vape Nation and Papa Bless. “No I didn’t say that. I wonder if you would have laughed though.”

They were on a Birthright trip, Ethan an American and Hila an Israeli soldier on leave to join the group. Soon after the trip ended, Ethan moved to Israel to be with Hila, and the two began making videos under the name H3H3 Productions (the H for Hila and the 3 standing in as an E for Ethan). They married, moved to America, and started a popular podcast.

A Jewish love story, until Thursday, when Hila, now mother to their three children, accused Ethan publicly of having a months-long affair.

“The betrayal I feel is immeasurable,” Hila said in an Instagram post. “My only family on this side of the world. How do I even begin to make sense of this?”

Ethan reposted her statement.

Their podcast is run by a handful of crew members who often chime in and participate in various skits and bits. The crew also shared a statement saying they stand with Hila and refuse to work with Ethan, though they added they don’t know what this will mean for the future of the show.

A couple roiled by Oct. 7

The left-leaning, secular couple’s videos and podcasts focused primarily on pop culture, internet drama and general politics, not Jewish or Israeli issues.

Both Ethan and Hila would make statements sometimes when tensions in Israel flared, and they would occasionally speak out against IDF actions that upset them.

In 2021, Ethan started a podcast with political commenter Hasan Piker, a controversial left-wing influencer, called Leftovers, a nod to their leftist politics.

Then came Oct. 7.

Ethan, an American Israeli dual citizen like Hila, was horrified by the attacks but quick to call the IDF genocidal in the aftermath. In their first episode together after Oct. 7, Ethan and Piker said the show would continue through their disagreements. The episode was tense, and it was their last.

As Piker’s rhetoric on Israel intensified and became at times antisemitic, the two began a nasty internet feud, culminating in a nearly five-hour livestreamed debate.

Piker posted about the news of the affair on X, sharing a video of Ethan and expressing disgust for men who cheat.

“Now this is a high caliber man [with] good morals,” Piker said sarcastically. He also posted “Judge me by my enemies” after sharing Hila’s statement.

Hila, who owns a makeup and clothing company, increasingly came under scrutiny by Piker and others after Oct. 7 for her service in the IDF. Artists refused to work with her. One model she hired publicly disavowed her after finding out she was Israeli.

The couple was harassed, sometimes online, sometimes in-person, as they attempted to take what they viewed as a nuanced stance in the aftermath of Hamas’ attack on Israel and the ensuing war in Gaza. The united front seemed to fortify their relationship, as Ethan, ever outspoken, routinely came to his wife’s defense.

Their show lost thousands of subscribers, but loyal fans stuck with them — fans who now say they are gutted and confused by the news of the affair. Many in disbelief noted that Ethan had Hila’s face tattooed on his arm less than two years ago as a surprise for her.

“The greatest thing a man can do for his children is to love their mother,” says the quote surrounding the tattoo.

The Forward attempted to contact the Kleins through their work emails and did not immediately hear back.

The post They met on a Birthright trip then married. Now this American Israeli couple’s internet fame has turned to infamy. appeared first on The Forward.

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These Jewish college students have some ‘nonnegotiables’ for El-Sayed

At the University of Michigan, first-year student Robert Kashan, 18, and sophomore Jacob Reich, 19, sat behind a large blue sign. “Some things are nonnegotiable,” it declared in all caps.

The sign laid out their requirements for any candidate seeking their support: a commitment to Jewish safety, “including for Zionist Jews,” and supporting Jewish statehood in Israel, among other positions.

“Zionism is a legitimate part of the Democratic coalition, and a lot of us are feeling less represented by the Democratic Party,” Kashan told the Forward.

The students are part of a broader “Nonnegotiable” movement in Michigan, a coalition of Jewish Democrats who are spelling out their dealbreakers for candidates ahead of the Senate election between Democratic nominee Abdul El-Sayed and Republican nominee Mike Rogers. 

The movement has attracted national attention, with hundreds of rabbis across 34 states signing on to the “Nonnegotiable” demands. Meanwhile, about 20 students at the University of Michigan have publicly signed, while hundreds more offered support anonymously, according to Reich.

The “Nonnegotiable” supporters aren’t saying whom they’ll vote for if their concerns aren’t addressed — or whether they’ll vote at all. But they are pushing back against the assumption that Jewish voters will, as the saying goes, “vote blue no matter who,” urging El-Sayed to engage with their demands if he hopes to earn their support.

That’s in contrast with two other Jewish political camps, including a group called Michigan Jews for Democracy that endorsed El-Sayed. Their petition, which has garnered almost 1,000 signatures, notes that some signatories hold reservations about El-Sayed but are voting for him nonetheless as a check on President Trump.

“We understand that a vote is not a valentine; it’s a strategic chess move,” the petition reads.

A competing petition, dubbed “Michigan Jews Against Extremism,” has drawn hundreds of signatures from Michigan Jews who plan to vote for Rogers. That petition similarly emphasizes that Rogers voters may still have reservations about the candidate: “Our vote for Mike Rogers does not require that we agree with him on every issue or that we support President Trump,” it reads.

“Nonnegotiable,” meanwhile, rejects the idea that Jewish voters would have to choose between Zionist and Democratic values. Some have criticized the nonnegotiable movement for ignoring the reality of the electoral choice at hand. Others have called it “a veiled attempt to excuse the actions of Jewish Democrats who want to feel validated about voting for Mike Rogers.”

But Kashan and Reich, who met at Hillel and plan to major in political science, said the “Nonnegotiable” movement was the only way they could see themselves engaging in the election, as they felt increasingly pulled between their identities as Democrats and as Jews.

Some Michigan Jews have expressed alarm at El-Sayed’s questioning of whether Israel should exist as a Jewish state and his decision to campaign alongside controversial Twitch streamer Hasan Piker, who has been accused of antisemitic rhetoric. Rogers, who Trump has endorsed, earlier this week called El-Sayed “anti-Jew.”

In a letter to Michigan Jews, El-Sayed has vowed to “stand up against antisemitism and take the threat of violence against our Jewish community incredibly seriously.” He has also hired a Jewish liaison in the final weeks leading up to the election.

This will be the first election when Kashan, who just turned 18, is eligible to vote, and Reich’s first national election after voting in a local primary in his hometown of Palo Alto, California. For both, voting Democratic in their first major election had once seemed like a given.

“I’m a Jewish Democrat, and I want Democrats to take the Senate,” Reich said. “I want to vote for a Democrat in my own state.”

They’re still holding out hope that will happen — and that, with less than two weeks until the Nov. 3 election, El-Sayed will sign on to their petition.

And if he doesn’t? Neither student is ready to say.

The post These Jewish college students have some ‘nonnegotiables’ for El-Sayed appeared first on The Forward.

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Does anyone in Jerusalem care what happens to us?

An Israeli think tank has put on paper what most American Jews know in their kishkas: Israel’s actions over there affect our safety here.

So here’s my question: Does anybody over there care?

The report, published by The Institute for National Security Studies (INSS), drew on the input of 20 Jewish leaders from five countries. It  concluded that Israel’s actions since the Hamas attack on Oct. 7, 2023 have normalized hostility toward Israel, divided Jewish communities, sapped the political influence of pro-Israel organizations and fueled antisemitism.

Those actions include damaging statements by government officials, limits on humanitarian aid to Gaza at the height of the war, widespread damage to civilian infrastructure in Gaza and unchecked settler violence in the West Bank. The authors also cited as inflammatory “the proliferation of images of civilian death and suffering in Gaza” — though the actual civilian death and suffering has also alienated and enraged many outside Israel, including Jews.

“The conflict is not only over there in the Middle East, it is local all over the Jewish world now, and Diaspora Jewry has skin in the game,” said Theodore Sasson, one of the report’s authors, in an interview with JTA’s Andrew Silow-Carroll, who first wrote about the study.

To be clear, the report doesn’t excuse, exonerate or rationalize people who commit antisemitic acts. “Jews and Israelis are not to blame for antisemitism,” the report states.

“What we’re saying is that Israel is not the cause” of antisemitism, Sasson said, “but enlightened Israeli policy can seek to maintain robust Diaspora support for the state of Israel and can deny the antisemites the material that fuels their mostly spurious claims.”

This is not a novel connection. Three previous academic studies, in Belgium, Australia and the U.S. found statistically significant links between Israeli military operations that result in high Palestinian casualties and spikes in reported antisemitic incidents abroad. Not surprisingly, a Mellman group poll found that 56% of U.S. Jewish voters believe Israel’s policies have fueled antisemitism.

None of this means Israel shouldn’t act in its own interest and put the security needs of its own population first. Antisemites would continue to exist even if Israelis did nothing but play backgammon and sip  arak. The report is not about eradicating antisemitism, but about Israeli actions that provoke and endanger Jews abroad — and what Israel can do about those.

I get the principled resistance to a report that seems to shift some of the burden of antisemitism onto the Jews. David Bernstein of the North American Values Institute told Silow-Carroll that American Jews aren’t agents of Israel, and that nobody would say an African country’s actions endanger African Americans. That’s not entirely true — the 9/11 attacks increased hate crimes against American Muslims and bigots targeted random Asian Americans during the COVID-19 pandemic. Pretending actions have no consequence even if the reaction is illegitimate is principled, but naive. If Israel can lower the temperature, it should.

But here’s the sad fact about the current Israeli government: it doesn’t even lower the temperature for its own citizens.

Exhibit A is Oct. 7. This is the government on whose watch that horror happened, and Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has never engaged in a full, independent accounting of what went wrong. How do you prevent future Oct. 7s when you don’t know the weaknesses that enabled it in the first place?

Exhibit B is the flydubai near-disaster, which we in the Diaspora have already mythologized as yet another example of Israeli courage and pluck. It was that, but also a result of a complete breakdown of government responsibility. Israel’s rules should have kept the Omani pilot out of that cockpit, but, as Channel 12 reported, Minister of Transportation Minister Miri Regev took no action despite multiple warnings. Regev, a close ally of Netanyahu, remains in her job.

Finally, Exhibit C: Police under National Security Minister Itamar Ben Gvir have failed to curb violent crime in Israel’s Arab communities which recorded 252 murders in 2025 — and 2026 is on track to surpass that record.

Israel’s supporters often comfort themselves with the mantra that Israelis love life while their enemies love death. But this government has been pretty cavalier about life.

If that’s how Israel’s leaders treat their own citizens, is it so surprising they fail to be overly concerned about Jews abroad? Last year saw the highest death toll from antisemitic attacks in 30 years, while the agency Israel created specifically to deal with such calamities has been AWOL. The Ministry for Diaspora Affairs and Combating Antisemitism, a Tel Aviv University report found,  has “not contributed in any meaningful way to the cause, and in some cases has been an embarrassment.”

All this is happening as the screws are tightening on Jewish communities in Australia, France, Italy, Canada and elsewhere. But Israel, established in part to keep Jews safe, has, under this government, too often increased or ignored the dangers. Zionism is supposed to be the Diaspora’s Iron Dome, but this government, by inexorably, deliberately foreclosing on the possibility of a democratic Jewish state, is functionally anti-Zionist.

The report listed several measures Israel could take to reduce the threat to Diaspora communities, among them controlling the incendiary rhetoric of government ministers and opening a diplomatic path with the Palestinians that stops the slide toward a single, non-democratic state.

One of the report’s recommendations is that Israel set up procedures to assess how its policies affect Jews abroad. In other words, the think tank is asking the government to start caring, formally.

It’s hard to imagine any of that happening unless, on Oct. 27, Israelis vote the current government out.

“Netanyahu cannot be part of the healing process. It is Netanyahu from whom we must be healed,” David Horovitz, the far-from-radical founding editor of The Times of Israel, wrote this week in an editorial titled, “For Israel’s Sake, Netanyahu Has to Go.”

As it turns out, it’s for all our sakes.

The post Does anyone in Jerusalem care what happens to us? appeared first on The Forward.

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