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As religious affairs minister, Matan Kahana tried to bring Israelis closer to Judaism — by reducing religious laws
Matan Kahana was an F-16 fighter pilot in the Israeli Air Force, so he’s not one to back down from a difficult mission. When he entered politics and served as Israel’s minister of religious services in Naftali Bennett’s coalition government, Kahana gave himself a politically perilous assignment: to loosen the grip of haredi Orthodox rabbis on Israeli religious life. He pushed for significant reforms within Israel’s religious institutions and kashrut certifications and appointed women to religious councils. The Israeli press called his actions “revolutionary.” Now a Knesset member for Benny Gantz’s National Unity party, Kahana said he will fight to temper the far right and keep his reforms intact.
In our interview, Kahana talks about his own religious background, why he chose to take on a mission of reform, and how Israelis and the diaspora can find common ground.
The perception that the Orthodox have a hold on Israeli life is one of the most significant points of contention between Israel and Diaspora Jews. Is that starting to change?
Most of the Jews in Israel are Orthodox. Even the secular Jews in Israel are Orthodox. As we say here, “The synagogues that we are not going to are Orthodox synagogues.” Take me, for example. I never met a Reform Jew until I joined politics, and the first time I met a Conservative was after I was released from the army at the age of 46. All this influences the relationship between Israel and the Diaspora. We have to work together with the Jews in the Diaspora to find solutions to this to this issue. The hardest thing is the conversion issue because we don’t accept non-Orthodox conversions. Even when I was the minister of religious affairs, and I was a very revolutionary one, I made a lot of reforms in these religion-and-state issues. But we have to find a solution so we will not tear the relationship between Jews in Israel and Jews in the Diaspora. It’s very important that we continue to be am echad — one people.
The Times of Israel called you an Orthodox revolutionary. It sounds like that’s a term you embrace. What is it about your background or your personality that makes you want to take these established institutions and reform them?
That’s a very good question. The thing is, I have two legs. Of course, my right leg is an observant Jew that observes halacha and the living God and tries to do all the mitzvot. But my other leg is where I spent all of my adult life with the most secular people in Israel — the pilots in the Israeli Air Force. So, I thought that a person like me could bring a solution to these rifts. You can’t force anyone to believe in God. And you can’t force anyone to be a religious Jew. And I believe that if we do as much as we can to reduce forcing people, they will come by themselves. This is what I tried to do, to reduce religious laws, and hopefully, they will try to be more and more close to Judaism.
You’re a relative newcomer to politics. As you know, Israeli politics is a rough business. What have you learned so far?
I learned that it’s totally different from what I knew in the air force and in the army, where there is competition, but everyone wants you to succeed. In politics, everyone wants you to fail, and they will be happy to see you fail. Everything in politics comes with a price. If you and I want the same thing, but you want it a bit more than me, it will cost you.
What are your priorities now as a member of the Knesset?
I will fight to preserve some of the changes that I made. And I hope that they will not erase everything. I’m very afraid about what they are going to do when the opposition is very weak, and the coalition is very strong. I will have to make sure that things are going in the right direction. In every field that they will deal with — in security, the law, religion and state, economics, everything — we should watch them and see that they’re going the right way. Even in the field of connection to the Diaspora Jews, I am very afraid that it’s not going to be very simple.
The Z3 conference is focused on fostering a sense of Jewish unity. What do you think are the biggest obstacles to unity between Israel and the diaspora?
I will start with the relationship between the Orthodox Jews in Israel and Reform and Conservative Jews in the Diaspora. In my days as the minister of religious affairs, at least I had some conversations with non-Orthodox Jews in the Diaspora. When I was visiting the United States, I visited Reform synagogues. Maybe I didn’t deliver all that they wanted, but they knew that I would always listen to them. I am not so sure that the next minister of religious affairs will want to meet them at all.
Let’s say we put you in charge tomorrow. What is the ideal relationship between synagogue and state? How would you set things up?
What’s happening is that extremists from both sides have been influencing what’s happening in Israel. The ultra-Orthodox are telling us how we should act and, on the other side, there are also secular extremists that will not accept any kind of agreement. So, if the normal people in the middle of this political mess gather together and say, “We want some agreements,” everyone will give a little bit. Each side will compromise a little bit—not fulfill all our dreams, but we will be able to live together in harmony.
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The post As religious affairs minister, Matan Kahana tried to bring Israelis closer to Judaism — by reducing religious laws appeared first on Jewish Telegraphic Agency.
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Trump calls Jews who vote for Mamdani ‘stupid’
President Donald Trump on Tuesday called Jewish New Yorkers who vote for Zohran Mamdani “stupid.” Mamdani, the 34-year-old democratic socialist and critic of Israel, is the frontrunner in the race for mayor of New York City, home to the largest concentration of Jews in the U.S. If he wins, Mamdani would be the first Muslim to hold the office.
“Any Jewish person that votes for Zohran Mamdani, a proven and self professed JEW HATER, is a stupid person!!!” Trump posted on Truth Social, as New Yorkers were heading to the ballot box.
Trump on Monday night endorsed former Gov. Andrew Cuomo, who is running as an independent after losing the Democratic primary to Mamdani. “Whether you personally like Andrew Cuomo or not, you really have no choice,” Trump wrote. Cuomo resigned as governor in 2021 after being accused of sexually harassing multiple women while in office. He denied those allegations.
Asked Tuesday about Trump’s assertion that Jews would be “stupid” to vote for his opponent , Cuomo replied: “I don’t know if that’s true.” Nearby, a supporter told Cuomo that the “God of Israel” would help him win, and that people should “not vote for the terrorist.” A Quinnipiac poll released last week found Cuomo leading Mamdani among Jewish voters, 60 percent to 16 percent.
Cuomo asked if he agrees with Trump’s statement this morning that “any Jewish person that votes for Zohran Mamdani, a proven and self professed Jew hater, is a stupid person”?
Cuomo: “I don’t know if that’s true.” pic.twitter.com/Zi9YIE5IEh
— Jacob N. Kornbluh (@jacobkornbluh) November 4, 2025
A familiar pattern
Trump’s remarks were the latest in a yearslong pattern in which he has equated Jewish identity with political allegiance to him and to Israel, casting dissenters as disloyal or misguided. Since his first term, Trump has frequently questioned why most American Jews vote Democratic, describing it as a betrayal of faith or common sense.
In 2019, he labeled Jewish Democrats “disloyal” and “weak.” During his 2024 campaign, he intensified his attacks, saying that “any Jewish person that votes for Democrats hates their religion” and should be “ashamed of themselves.” At a fundraiser that spring, he went further: “Any Jewish person who votes for a Democrat or votes for Biden should have their head examined.”
After President Joe Biden dropped out of the race and Vice President Kamala Harris replaced him on the Democratic ticket, Trump repeated the line. “If anybody I know is Jewish and they would vote for Kamala over me, they should have their head examined,” he said. Harris’ husband, Doug Emhoff, is Jewish.
In a September 2024 speech, Trump warned that Jews would “have a lot to do with a loss” if he were defeated, and likened the moment to the months before the Holocaust. “You have to defeat Kamala Harris more than any other people on Earth,” he told the audience, and then conflated Israeli and American Jews. “Israel, I believe, has to defeat her.”
Jewish Americans have remained one of the most reliably Democratic constituencies in American politics. In the 2024 election, 71 percent voted for Harris and 26 percent for Trump, according to a post-election survey.
Trump’s strategy of tying Jewish support to a loyalty test for Israel has found its most receptive audience among Orthodox and conservative voters. But his repeated suggestions that Jewish voters are collectively responsible for U.S.–Israel relations, or for his own electoral fate, have previously alarmed many Jewish leaders. The statements have been criticized for perpetuating antisemitic notions of American Jews’ “dual loyalty” to Israel.
Mamdani, for his part, has often had to defend himself against allegations of antisemitism for: refusing to outright condemn the slogan “globalize the intifada;” reiterating support for Palestinians in his statement on the Gaza ceasefire; vowing to arrest Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu if he visits New York; and saying he doesn’t recognize Israel as a Jewish state.
He’s also drawn criticism from pro-Israel groups for his support of the Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions movement, and praise from progressives who see him as part of a generational shift in Democratic politics. His ascendancy has divided Jews across the country while simultaneously building a coalition of Jewish New Yorkers who support him.
The Mamdani campaign did not immediately respond to Trump’s comments.
Jacob Kornbluh and Louis Keene contributed to this article.
The post Trump calls Jews who vote for Mamdani ‘stupid’ appeared first on The Forward.
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Is there a future for Yiddish in Antwerp?
פֿון לייזער בורקאָ
איך בין געקומען קיין אַנטווערפּן מיטן ציל צו פֿאָרשן דאָס ייִדיש, וואָס מע רעדט דאָרט, ווײַל אַנטווערפּענער ייִדן האָבן אַ שם, אַז זיי רעדן דאָס בעסטע און דאָס עכטסטע ייִדיש. אַזוי האָב איך געהערט אַ סך מאָל; געלייענט אין חסידישע פֿאָרומס, און געהערט לעצטנס אין אַן אינטערוויו מיט ר׳ מענדל הערש פּאַנעט, אַן אַנטווערפּענער חסיד, וואָס וווינט הײַנט אין ניו־יאָרק.
די ייִדישע באַפֿעלקערונג אין אַנטווערפּן איז זייער קליין אין פֿאַרגלײַך מיט די גרויסע ייִשובֿים אין ניו־יאָרק און ארץ־ישׂראל. עס וווינען דאָרט סך־הכּל 20,000 ייִדן, מערסטנס חרדים — סײַ חסידים סײַ מתנגדים. דאָס איז אַנטקעגן 300,000 חרדים אין אַמעריקע און איבער אַ מיליאָן אין ארץ־ישׂראל, און 40,000 אין לאָנדאָן אַפֿילו. דער פּראָצענט ייִדן וואָס רעדט ייִדיש איז זיכער העכער אין אַנטווערפּן, אָבער דער ציבור איז פֿאָרט נישט אַזוי גרויס.
עס וווינען אויך מאָדערנע אָרטאָדאָקסישע ייִדן אין אַנטווערפּן. איך האָב געהערט, אַז אַ סך פֿון זיי קענען אויך ייִדיש, אָבער רעדן אין דער היים, דער עיקר — פֿראַנצויזיש.
די אַנטווערפּענער ייִדישע באַפֿעלקערונג איז נישט איינהייטלעך, אַפֿילו אויב אַ סך חרדים זעען אויס ענלעך. אַ גרויסע צאָל פֿון די מענער זענען פֿון ערגעץ אַנדערש, אָבער האָבן זיך אַריבערגעצויגן, כּדי חתונה צו האָבן מיט אַן אַנטווערפּענער כּלה. דערפֿאַר הערט מען דאָרט אויך נישט ווייניק ענגליש און עבֿרית אויף דער גאַס. פֿון דעסט וועגן, איז דאָס אַנטווערפּענער ייִדיש נישט אַזוי געמישט מיט ענגליש און עבֿרית, ווי דאָס ייִדיש בײַ אַמעריקאַנער אָדער ישׂראלדיקע חרדים. זיי ניצן אָבער יאָ אַ מאָל פֿלעמישע ווערטער, ווי למשל דאָס וואָרט „מוילבאַק“ (מיסטקעסטל) פֿון פֿלעמישן vuilbak.
אויף וויפֿל איך האָב געהערט, האָט דאָס אַנטווערפּענער ייִדיש טאַקע אַן אַנדער טעם ווי דאָס אַמעריקאַנער ייִדיש. ערשטנס רעדט מען מער אויפֿן פּויליש־גאַליציאַנער שטייגער מיט אַן אוּוווּלאַרן ריש (אַזוי ווי אויף עבֿרית, אָדער אויף פֿראַנצויזיש און דײַטש). מע הערט אָפֿטער דעם ווייכן למד אין ווערטער ווי „גלײַך“ און „קלײַן“. מע זאָגט ווערטער ווי „אויס“ און „אויך“ מיט אַ קלאָרן o.
לייענענדיק די אַלע נײַעס וועגן די פּראָטעסטן קעגן מדינת־ישׂראל אין מערבֿ־אייראָפּע און וועגן די אַנטיסעמיטישע אינצידענטן דאָרט, האָב איך זיך געזאָרגט אַ ביסל וועגן די אַנטווערפּענער ייִדן. מיט יאָרן צוריק האָב איך געמאַכט אַ וויזיט און איך האָב געדענקט, אַז עס וווינען דאָרט אַ סך מוסולמענישע אימיגראַנטן. צי זענען די ייִדן דאָרט טאַקע זיכער?
די שטאָט אַנטווערפּן איז טאַקע זייער אַ געמישטער עולם. איך בין אײַנגעשטאַנען נישט ווײַט פֿון אַ גרויסן פּוילישן סופּערמאַרק און אַ געשעפֿט פֿון אַפֿריקאַנער סחורות. די ייִדן וווינען אין מיטן שטאָט אין דרום פֿון דער פּרעכטיקער צענטראַלער באַנסטאַנציע, וווּ עס געפֿינט זיך דער באַרימטער דימענטן-קוואַרטאַל. ייִדן אַרבעטן שוין הונדערטער יאָרן אין אַנטווערפּן ווי שלײַפֿערס און סוחרים פֿון דימענטן. הײַנט אַרבעטן דאָרט מערסטנס אינדיער, ווײַל די דימענטן־אינדוסטריע איז כּמעט אין גאַנצן אַריבער קיין אינדיע, וווּ די שלײַפֿערס אַרבעטן פֿאַר ביליקער.
צי זענען די ייִדן דאָרט אין אַ סכּנה? איך אַליין האָב זיך געפֿילט זיכער, אָבער איך האָב נישט קיין באָרד און פּאות. אַ חסיד מיטן גאַנצן לבֿוש האָט אפֿשר אַן אַנדער דערפֿאַרונג.
קיין פּאָליציי אָדער זיכערהייט־כּוחות האָב איך נישט געזען אין דער ייִדישער געגנט, כאָטש אַ שומרים־אָרגאַניזאַציע („שמירה“) איז יאָ פֿאַראַן. איך בין אַרײַנגעגאַנגען אינעם גרויסן סאַטמערער בית־מדרש און אַרומגעגאַנגען דאָרט — קיינער האָט מיך נישט אָפּגעשטעלט אָדער געפֿרעגט, וואָס איך טו. די אַנטווערפּענער ייִדן האָבן נישט מורא פֿאַר פֿרעמדע, דאַכט זיך.
לויט די נײַעס־באַריכטן זענען יאָ פֿאָרגעקומען אַ סך מער אַנטיסעמיטישע אינצידענטן זײַט דעם אָנהייב פֿון דער עזה־מלחמה — אָבער אַזוי איז דער מצבֿ אומעטום. די אַנטווערפּענער ייִדן פֿילן זיך דאָרט אין דער היים און וועלן אַזוי גיך נישט אַנטלויפֿן.
אין אַנטווערפּן פֿאָרן אַ סך ייִדן אויף ביציקלען, וואָס זיי רופֿן „וועלאָס“ (פֿון פֿראַנצויזיש), אפֿשר נאָך מער ווי די פֿלעמער (Flemings בלע”ז). מע זעט אַפֿילו טאַטעס וואָס פֿאָרן מיט אַן עופֿהלע אויף אַ צווייט בענקל, וואָס דאָס זעט מען נישט אין אַמעריקע. דאָס איז דערפֿאַר ווײַל די ייִדישע געגנט איז קאָמפּאַקט און מע דאַרף נישט פֿאָרן ווײַט. נאָכן טאָג אין חדר גייען די קינדערלעך אַהיים אָדער פֿאָרן אַהיים אויף קליינע סקוטערס. בכלל הערשט אַ געפֿיל פֿון זיכערקייט, מער ווי אין ניו־יאָרק, למשל. ס׳איז פֿאָרט אייראָפּע, וווּ די מענטשן שיסן זעלטענער, און וווּ ווייניקער משוגעים דרייען זיך אויף די גאַסן.
אַחוץ אַנטווערפּן האָב איך אויך געמאַכט אַ וויזיט אין דער בעלגישער הויפּטשטאָט, בריסל. איך האָב באַלד באַמערקט אַן אונטערשיד: אַ סך פּאַלעסטינער פֿענער, אין ערטער אויך אַנטי־ישׂראלדיקע און אַנטיסעמיטישע גראַפֿיטי. די מוסולמענישע באַפֿעלקערונג פֿון בריסל איז אַ סך גרעסער. אין געוויסע געגנטן — ווי מאָלענבעק, וווּ איך בין אײַנגעשטאַנען — זעט עס אַ מאָל אויס ווי אַן אַראַבישע שטאָט. איך האָב זיך געהיטן דאָרט פֿון טראָגן אַ העמד אָדער עפּעס מיט אַ ייִדישער אויפֿשריפֿט. אין בריסל וווינען אויך מער אָרעמע־לײַט ווי אין אַנטווערפּן. מיר איז געווען אַ חידוש צו זען דאָרט פּוילישע שיכּורים, וואָס דרייען זיך אויף די גאַסן — אַ סך מער ווי איך זע אין וואַרשע.
אין בריסל האָב איך געכאַפּט אַ לאַנגן שמועס מיט ר׳ אַנשל מיכאָלי, אַ היגער ייִדישיסט און אַ געבוירענער בריסעלער. ער זאָגט, אַז די בריסעלער ייִדישע באַפֿעלקערונג איז אַ מאָל געווען גרעסער ווי די אַנטווערפּענער, אָבער זי גייט באַרג־אַראָפּ שוין אַ סך יאָרן, סײַ דעמאָגראַפֿיש, סײַ גײַסטיק. אין די 1960ער יאָרן זענען די מערסטע טראַדיציאָנעלע ייִדן געוואָרן זייער ציוניסטיש־געשטימט און זײַט דעמאָלטס האָבן אַ סך יונגע לײַט עולה געווען. די פֿאַרבליבענע וועלטלעכע ייִדן באַטייליקן זיך ווייניק אינעם קהילה־לעבן. קיין געפֿיל פֿאַר ייִדיש אָדער ייִדישקייט האָבן זיי נישט, בדרך־כּלל.
לאָמיר האָפֿן, אַז אַנטווערפּן וועט אויסמײַדן דאָס אומגליק, וואָס האָט געטראָפֿן בריסל, און אַז די קהילה וועט בלײַבן זיכער און וועט וואַקסן. עס וואָלט געווען אַ גרויסער שאָד, ווען עס גייט אונטער איינער פֿון די לעצטע ייִדישע אינדזלען אין אייראָפּע, וווּ מע רעדט אַזאַ שיינעם ייִדיש.
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In NYC, Election Day arrives with all eyes on Jewish voters
It’s Election Day in New York City
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Many New Yorkers are thinking far beyond the five boroughs as they cast their votes in an election some see as a referendum on the Middle East.
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Jewish and Muslim New Yorkers — two populations of about the same size, both nearing 1 million — are being closely watched today, as views on Israel, Palestine, antisemitism and Islamophobia mobilize voters with intense enthusiasm.
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Polls show Cuomo, a proud defender of Israel, leading with Jewish voters. And Mamdani’s longtime pro-Palestinian activism tapped into a movement of New Yorkers galvanized by the Gaza war, pollsters say.
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“There’s a large swath of New Yorkers, particularly those that were showing up at these protests, who in 2025 were looking for something to latch on to, some sort of organized effort,” Democratic pollster Adam Carlson told The New York Times. “There’s a lot of natural overlap between those groups, and I think that just fueled momentum.”
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Some anti-Zionist Jews, like members of the increasingly influential group Jewish Voice for Peace, strengthened Mamdani’s rise as he won the primary and held onto a strong lead in general election for months. But many others say they are worried about Mamdani’s views on Israel setting the stage for a “political normalization” of anti-Zionism that can bleed into antisemitism.
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Polls are open until 9 p.m. today, and election officials say results could come within an hour of that time. Find your polling site here.
A Mamdani Israel policy?
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If Mamdani is elected mayor, how could he actually take action on his pro-Palestinian advocacy?
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We dug into Mamdani’s greatest push for a new Israel policy in the state Assembly, where he proposed the bill “Not On Our Dime” to target donations to Israeli settlements. The legislation, which never advanced, faced a backlash from lawmakers in both parties, including Jewish Democrats.
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Shortly after winning his Assembly seat in 2020, Mamdani also called for a boycott of Cornell Tech on Roosevelt Island, a campus of Cornell University that partners with Technion-Israel Institute of Technology, because of the Israeli university’s ties to the military. His comment on the “Talking Palestine” podcast with Sumaya Awad resurfaced during the primary and again this week after a spokeswoman told The New York Times that, if elected, he would assess the Cornell partnership.
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Mamdani has said he does not intend to invest city funds in Israel bonds as mayor, in keeping with current Comptroller Brad Lander’s decision in 2023. But we also found that two of New York City’s five public pension funds could be vulnerable to a mayor-backed divestment push.
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Mamdani would be able to stack the boards of these two pension funds to put divestment from Israel on the table, and his supporters are pushing for that move.
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He will also face pressure from the Democratic Socialists of America, which counts him as a member, to implement boycott, divestment and sanction moves against Israel.
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On Sunday, the party’s “NYC Palestine Policy Committee” held a meeting to “iron out policies that the anti-war working group membership would like to see implemented at the municipal level,” according to a schedule on the D.S.A. website.
Corbyn hosts Mamdani phone bank
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Former U.K. Labour Leader Jeremy Corbyn, who was booted from his party amid an antisemitism scandal, hosted a phone bank for Mamdani on Sunday evening.
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The event was co-led with the New York City D.S.A. chapter and paid for by Mamdani’s campaign, according to a post shared on X by Corbyn.
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During the Zoom call, Corbyn said that Mamdani “will ensure that the world doesn’t pass by on the other side while the terrible genocide goes on in Gaza, which has been so terrible for the Palestinian people,” according to the Forward.
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We covered the accusations against Corbyn, including a 2020 government watchdog report that said his leadership was responsible for “unlawful acts of harassment and discrimination” against Jews.
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Cuomo pounced on the alliance. “Having Jeremy Corbyn – someone whose party was found to have committed unlawful acts of discrimination against Jewish people under his leadership – phone-banking for @ZohranKMamdani says everything you need to know,” he said on X.
Trump and Musk endorse Cuomo
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Cuomo got an official endorsement last night from President Trump, who has frequently opined on the race and insulted all of the candidates.
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“Whether you personally like Andrew Cuomo or not, you really have no choice,” Trump said in a Truth Social post. “You must vote for him, and hope he does a fantastic job. He is capable of it, Mamdani is not!”
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Trump also warned voters away from Republican nominee Sliwa, who is polling third. “A vote for Curtis Sliwa (who looks much better without the beret!) is a vote for Mamdani,” he said, referencing the red hat that Sliwa wears as the founder of the Guardian Angels.
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Cuomo is balancing his outreach to Republican voters with criticism of the president, who is deeply unpopular in New York City. “The president is right. A vote for Sliwa is a vote for Mamdani, and that’s why this election is now up to the Republicans,” he said in response to Trump’s post on 77 WABC.
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Mamdani, who has repeatedly linked Cuomo to Trump, pounced on the endorsement. “The MAGA movement’s embrace of Andrew Cuomo is reflective of Donald Trump’s understanding that this would be the best mayor for him,” he said in Astoria, according to Politico.
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Elon Musk also urged New Yorkers to vote for Cuomo, and to “bear in mind that a vote for Curtis is really a vote for Mumdumi or whatever his name is.”
Last call for Jewish voters
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Sliwa promised to protect Jews at the Society for Advancement of Judaism last night. “I’m standing outside of a synagogue on the Upper West Side tonight, as I’ve stood for many many years outside of synagogues, protecting Jews as they worship during their High Holidays all over this city,” he said on Instagram, referencing again his role in defending Jews during the 1991 Crown Heights riots.
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In a pointed gesture of solidarity with Jews, Cuomo posted his condolences for the family of Omer Neutra, an Israeli-American Long Island native whose body was returned by Hamas to Israel on Sunday.
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Dov Hikind, an Orthodox Jewish politician and former top surrogate of Sliwa’s who recently switched to Cuomo’s side, said in a Yiddish video that Jews would no longer be able to live in New York if Mamdani is elected.
Following the money
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Super PACS spent more than $29 million in the general election through Sunday. By today, that figure will likely surpass the $30.1 million spent ahead of the primary.
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Cuomo has the most money behind him. He received about $10 million in support, with another $13.6 million spent on negative ads against Mamdani, reported Politico.
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