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He’s running? Former Israeli Prime Minister Naftali Bennett gives off comeback vibes on a DC visit.
WASHINGTON (JTA) — He left office after one of the shortest terms of any prime minister in Israeli history and doesn’t have an active political party.
But just 10 months after stepping down from Israel’s highest position, and amid historic upheaval in Israel, Naftali Bennett is signaling that he’s ready to run again.
Bennett, formerly seen as a hardline right-wing politician, upended Israeli politics in 2021 by leading an ideologically diverse coalition that unseated Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu after 12 straight years in office. But Bennett’s coalition fell apart after about a year, he stepped down and Netanyahu won the subsequent election.
Now, far from home, Bennett is taking the public stage. On a visit to Washington, D.C., this week, Bennett spoke at the Washington Institute for Near East Policy — a go-to destination for prominent Israeli politicians visiting the United States — took questions from reporters and met with a group of Democratic lawmakers. In a photo from that visit, Bennett appears in his element, explaining something to the group as a crowded room looks on.
“Today in a series of meetings with congressmen and congresswomen on the Hill as well as government officials,” he tweeted in Hebrew along with the photo. “It begins.”
What is beginning is not clear. Bennett wouldn’t answer a question about whether he will run again, and a spokeswoman did not respond to a request to elaborate. But his social media feed suggests that he’s missing being prime minister, and in remarks to reporters on Tuesday it sounded like he might shoot for the office again.
“I’ve become a huge believer that we need moderacy in the way we govern Israel for the next 10 years,” he said at a meeting organized by the Washington Institute, calling himself a “radical moderate.”
“I believe that Israel, for the next decade or two, we need centrist governments that can focus on 70% of the issues that Israelis agree upon, and setting aside that 30% of issues that are in ideological conflict,” Bennett said, repeating a formula he’s often used to describe his governing philosophy. “I think it’s the only way forward for the next 10 to 20 years. We have to pull ourselves out of this ongoing polarization and toxic dialogue. And I believe Israel can succeed by doing that.”
In another tweet, he noted polls showing him winning eight seats in Israel’s parliament were he to return to politics — more than the seven seats his former party, Yamina, won in 2021, before he became prime minister.
On Monday, the eve of Yom Hashoah, Israel’s Holocaust Remembrance Day, he posted a speech he delivered as prime minister last year, in which he extolled the virtue of Israel “relying only on ourselves to be strong, and to never apologize for our existence.”
Last week, prior to embarking on his stateside visit, he posted a Twitter thread favorably comparing his performance with Netanyahu’s. “As long as I can remember, I have taken responsibility,” he wrote, accusing Netanyahu and his top advisors of peddling “blame and excuses.” And in a video posted about a week earlier, marking the 100th day of Netanyahu’s current government, he touted the record of his coalition in its first 100 days last year, tweeting, “Something different is possible.” That tweet is now pinned to the top of his feed.
Netanyahu’s coalition has proposed a far-reaching overhaul of Israel’s judiciary that would sap the Supreme Court of much of its power, and which has spurred unprecedented street protests. Part of his mission in the United States, Bennett said at the Washington Institute meeting, was to push back against perceptions that the turmoil was weakening Israel.
“I see that our enemies believe that the protests are a sign of weakness,” Bennett said. “They are misinterpreting what Israel is about. This is a sign of strength, democracy in Israel will prevail, and Israel will come out stronger for all.”
However enthusiastic he may be, Bennett could have a long road to a comeback after emerging battered from his brief time as prime minister. For more than a decade, he had been a leading politician in the pro-settler camp, vehemently opposed to Palestinian statehood and seen as a right-wing influence on Netanyahu. For years, the two men worked together despite personal acrimony between them, but in 2021, Bennett took his party, whose name translated to “rightward” in English, and partnered with a motley crew of right-wing, centrist and left-wing parties, as well as an Islamist party.
Bennett’s former right-wing allies portrayed that decision as a betrayal, and multiple members of his own party defected, depriving his coalition of a parliamentary majority and leading to new elections. Bennett didn’t run and handed the prime ministership to his centrist coalition partner, Yair Lapid, who lost to Netanyahu last fall.
Lapid, who is now leader of the parliamentary opposition, appears to be getting a second wind from the massive antigovernment protests. A recent poll asking Israelis for their preferred prime minister showed him running neck and neck with Netanyahu. Another centrist politician, Benny Gantz, got even higher marks.
This poll didn’t ask about Bennett.
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Germany’s Merz Heads to Saudi, Gulf in Quest for New Partners
German Chancellor Friedrich Merz speaks during a cabinet meeting at the Chancellery in Berlin, Germany, Feb. 4, 2026. Photo: REUTERS/Liesa Johannssen
German Chancellor Friedrich Merz began a tour of Saudi Arabia, Qatar, and the United Arab Emirates on Wednesday aiming to forge energy and arms partnerships as Europe’s biggest and richest economy sought to reduce dependence on the US and China.
“We need such partnerships more than ever at a time when politics is increasingly being determined by major powers,” Merz said at the start of his three-day trip, adding the aim of such alliances was to preserve freedom, security, and prosperity.
“Our partners may not all share the same values and interests, but they share the view that we need a world order in which we trust agreements and treat each other with respect,” he added.
The tour, which follows visits to Brazil and South Africa last year and India last month, is part of a broader German initiative to diversify global alliances.
“In such a network of partnerships, we reduce unilateral dependencies, mitigate risks and create new opportunities together for our mutual benefit,” said Merz.
In the Gulf, Merz said he wanted deeper cooperation in the energy and armaments sectors, adding Berlin was adopting a less restrictive approach on arms exports. Germany’s economy minister prepared the ground last week.
QATAR ALREADY ONE OF GERMANY’S BIGGEST FOREIGN INVESTORS
Relations with Saudi Arabia deteriorated after the killing of Saudi Arabian journalist Jamal Khashoggi in 2018. Merz said while some improvements in human rights had taken place, there was more to be done and he would discuss this.
The Gulf states, with large sovereign wealth funds, already play a role in Germany’s economy. Qatar is one of the largest foreign investors in Germany, holding stakes in companies such as Volkswagen, utility RWE and shipping group Hapag-Lloyd.
Merz said he would address broader regional issues, calling for greater peace, stability, and cooperation, including normalization with Israel.
“One day, Israel should also be a welcome part of this order, not a rejected foreign body,” said Merz, addressing the balance Gulf states maintain on Israel and Palestinians.
On Iran, Merz said he had three demands: that Tehran stops violence against its own people, halts its military nuclear program, and ends destabilizing activities in the region.
Germany remains one of Israel’s closest allies in Europe, while Gulf states have navigated differing approaches to Iran, particularly since the Gaza war.
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The US and Europe Are Funding a Palestinian Authority Army in Gaza — That Doesn’t Exist
People attend the funeral of Palestinian critic Nizar Banat, who died after being arrested by Palestinians Authority’s security forces, in Hebron in the Israeli-occupied West Bank, June 25, 2021. REUTERS/Mussa Qawasma
While donor countries continue sending hundreds of millions in aid for Palestinian Authority (PA) salaries, they might want to ask a simple question: What are we paying for?
In a staggering admission on official PA TV, a Palestinian economic expert revealed the existence of an entirely useless financial sinkhole:
Economic expert Muayyad Afaneh: “We have about 17,000 [PA] Security [Forces] employees in the Gaza Strip, and 20,000 civil employees. They are still receiving salaries from the PA, and there are many services in the Gaza Strip that the PA is spending money on.”
[Official PA TV, The Economic Discourse, Jan. 3, 2026]
Could you imagine that there are 17,000 PA Security Forces members in Gaza, where Hamas — not the PA — has ruled with an iron fist since 2007?
To be clear, these PA Security Forces have no authority and no involvement in Gazan policing. Hamas does not allow them to operate. They are a ghost payroll. Yet month after month, the PA sends them salaries funded by international aid.
This financial farce is made worse by the fact that Israel has already made it clear that these forces must not have any post-war role in Gaza. So, what exactly is the PA paying for?
Worse still, the economic expert on PA TV explained that PA employees in Gaza receive salaries equal to their counterparts in actual PA-controlled areas, despite doing nothing.
Currently the PA is paying twice to the Gaza Strip. The first time is the money being held [by Israel], and the second time, it is still obligated to pay the allocations to the Gaza Strip [it does] to the West Bank, meaning the same salary rate a [PA] employee in the West Bank receives, an employee in the Gaza Strip receives.
[Official PA TV, The Economic Discourse, Jan. 3, 2026]
This is a slap in the face to American and European taxpayers who genuinely believe they are contributing to peace, governance, and development.
The Palestinian Authority’s lack of respect for donor money is systemic. From glorifying terrorists with salaries and promotions to financing people not to work, the PA treats foreign aid like a bottomless ATM with no accountability.
It’s time donors ask: Why are you paying salaries to people who protect nothing and serve no one?
The author is a contributor to Palestinian Media Watch, where a version of this article first appeared.
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How October 7 Changed Jewish Identity Across the World
The personal belongings of festival-goers are seen at the site of an attack on the Nova Festival by Hamas terrorists from Gaza, near Israel’s border with the Gaza Strip, in southern Israel, Oct. 12, 2023. Photo: REUTERS/Ronen Zvulun
The impact of October 7 and its aftermath on Jews around the world will be felt for at least a generation to come.
There is a concern that since the hostages have been returned, and the war in Gaza is over, that the energy and commitment on the part of Jewish people will subside. This is not the case. People have been recalibrated in ways that have not yet been fully understood, and those changes apply to Jewish people from all different walks of life.
Long after the headlines fade and the news cycle moves on, the psychological, emotional, and communal reverberations will continue to shape how Jewish people understand themselves and one another.
The questions about how to maintain “Jewish peoplehood,” have also largely been answered. For decades, Jewish leaders and thinkers have pondered how to maintain a shared sense of peoplehood — especially in open societies where assimilation and secularism were not only possible but often encouraged. Many Jews, particularly outside of Orthodox communities, experienced Jewishness as cultural, incidental, or even optional. The events surrounding October 7, 2023, shattered that assumption. What has become clear is that Jewish identity, whether embraced or ignored, is not something that can simply be set aside.
While Orthodox Jews may have always felt a strong and explicit sense of belonging to the Jewish people, the shift among secular and loosely affiliated Jews has been particularly striking. Individuals who once felt no sense of “otherness” have been forced to confront the reality that others see them as such.
A brief anecdote illustrates this shift. Recently, a customer of mine, who is otherwise completely secular, remarked to me during a routine conversation, “You know, Dan, I really didn’t realize how much people hate Jews. I’m honestly shocked by it.”
What had changed was not his theology or observance, but his awareness. He had come to recognize that his identity connected him to a broader people — and that this connection carried meaning, consequences, and responsibility. He indicated that while in the past he felt no particular affiliation, he now understood himself as part of something larger. The feeling of this man is not an isolated feeling; it is one that is shared by countless people. Out of his pain a reawakening occurred that will ultimately serve to preserve his Jewish identity.
When looking at the glass half full, one can take comfort from the phrase “what doesn’t kill you makes you stronger.” Jewish people have been quite literally forced to reinforce their connections and identification with their Jewishness. This has made the Jewish people stronger. It may be hard to see since people are still in the midst of it, but from 10,000 feet away and over the arc of time, this will become clear.
This observation does not, in any way, minimize the profound pain, grief, and suffering endured by victims, families, and communities. None of that is diminished here. But alongside the trauma exists another truth: a reawakened sense of peoplehood is real. This, too, is part of the Jewish story in this moment — and it deserves to be told.
Daniel Rosen is the co-founder of a non-profit technology company called Emissary4all, which is an app to organize people to move the needle on social media and beyond. He is the co-host of the podcast “Recalibration.” You can reach him at dmr224@yahoo.com