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How Abraham Learned to Walk with God
A Torah scroll. Photo: RabbiSacks.org.
On a warm Sunday afternoon — July 7, 1946 — the world’s richest man almost killed himself trying to outfly the laws of physics. Howard Hughes — movie mogul, aviation pioneer, and eccentric genius — was testing his new reconnaissance aircraft, the XF-11, over Beverly Hills.
Although his engineers warned that the aircraft was not ready, Hughes took off alone from his private airport in Culver City, California, for what was supposed to be a short test flight.
After about an hour in the air, the XF-11 developed a hydraulic leak that caused the right engine’s rear propeller to reverse pitch. Instead of shutting down that engine, Hughes tried to balance the drag by cutting power on the left engine and keeping the right engine at full power. But this only made things worse, and Hughes lost control.
The plane veered wildly over the Los Angeles Country Club, clipped the rooftops of several homes on the 800 block of North Linden Drive, and finally crashed into 808 North Whittier Drive — right in the heart of Beverly Hills. The impact ignited a fireball that engulfed the house, tore through the street, and left Hughes trapped in twisted metal and flames.
Miraculously, Hughes survived — but barely. He was pulled from the wreckage with third-degree burns, cracked ribs, a punctured lung, and a shattered collarbone, and countless cuts and bruises. Witnesses said the crash site looked like something out of an apocalypse.
Later, Hughes summed it up with characteristic flippant bravado: “I was flying fine until I wasn’t.”
The crash was both a literal and symbolic explosion of human hubris. For all his intellectual brilliance and skill as a pilot, Hughes was undone by the same quality that made him extraordinary — the conviction that he could master every element of the world.
The accident epitomized the defining trait of the modern era: the belief that technology, wealth, and intellect can conquer nature, eliminate risk, and even outwit mortality itself. But there’s a moment when ambition crosses into arrogance — when pushing boundaries morphs into believing you’re above them. Cross that line — and the fall is fast, fiery, and usually self-inflicted.
That same fatal overconfidence lies at the heart of one of the most haunting episodes in Parshat Vayera — the story of Sodom and its fiery destruction. Like Hughes, Sodom was fueled by prosperity and innovation. It was dazzlingly prosperous, the most modern, successful city of its day. Its citizens had everything: fertile land, abundant water, thriving commerce.
By any measure, it was the Silicon Valley of the ancient world. Yet, just as Hughes’ brilliance led to disaster, Sodom’s intoxication with success turned inward — becoming the very embodiment of arrogance, which soon curdled into selfishness and cruelty.
The prophet Ezekiel spells it out bluntly (Ez. 16:49): “Only this was the sin of your sister Sodom: arrogance! She and her daughters had plenty of bread and untroubled tranquility; yet she did not support the poor and the needy.”
Sodom’s sin was not mere depravity — it was hubris. They believed their superiority exempted them from moral responsibility and shielded them from consequences. They legislated selfishness, convinced that the laws binding others did not apply to them.
The Midrash tells us that hospitality was outlawed in Sodom, and generosity mocked. When the two angels sent by God came to visit Lot, the townspeople surrounded his house — not out of curiosity, but to rid the city of these unwanted outsiders. Sodom’s creed was simple: “We invent reality and owe nothing to anyone.”
Just as Hughes believed he was exempt from rules and could do as he pleased, Sodom considered itself above the norms of ordinary human existence. Its citizens imagined that success canceled obligation — that wealth and achievement freed them from the standards governing everyone else. But the Torah reminds us: such hubris always ends the same way — and so it was with Sodom.
And then, against this backdrop of self-worship, the Torah showcases Abraham — the antithesis of Sodom. Like the people of Sodom, Abraham was wealthy, bright, and powerful; he was also the patriarch of a growing clan, respected by kings and blessed by God.
But unlike Sodom, his instinct was not self-indulgence but service. This contrast becomes clear when three dusty travelers appeared on the horizon: Abraham ran to greet them. The Torah slows down the moment, describing every gesture — the water, the bread, the shade, the choice cuts of meat. Every act of hospitality is detailed, as if to remind us that true greatness shines brightest in the smallest deeds, particularly when done by a great man.
Later, when God informs Abraham that Sodom is about to be destroyed, he doesn’t shrug and move on. He stands before God and pleads: “Will You destroy the righteous with the wicked?”
It is one of the most astonishing conversations in all of human history — a man challenging God, not for his own benefit, but to intercede for others with whom he has no personal connection and who stand for all he opposes. This is greatness in its purest form.
And when God denies his plea, Abraham is not defeated. He accepts that however exalted he may be, only God is the true master.
And there’s another revealing contrast between the two stories. When the angels arrive in Sodom, they find a city obsessed with protecting its privileges. But when they arrive at Avraham’s tent, they find a home open on all sides — a man running to serve strangers.
One culture is built on taking, whatever the cost; the other on giving, no matter the effort. One collapses in fire; the other becomes the foundation of a nation destined to bless all others.
It’s not hard to see echoes of this today. We live in an age that revels in self-indulgence and worships those who “push boundaries,” yet rarely stops to ask what those boundaries are for. Against this backdrop, we are surrounded by technologies that promise to transcend every human limit — to manipulate biology, redefine morality, and even simulate consciousness.
In such a world, the temptation to believe we can do anything is powerful. Yet the Torah’s warning in Sodom’s downfall is clear: not everything we can do is worth doing, and the ultimate price of hubris is self-destruction.
Howard Hughes lived long enough to see his brilliance consume him — but more importantly, he became a living lesson in the destructive power of hubris. After surviving the crash, he withdrew into paranoia and isolation — a man imprisoned by the very perfectionism that had once made him great. He died in 1976, unrecognizable, emaciated, and alone.
The story of Sodom ends no better: a city reduced to ash, remembered only for its cruelty.
Abraham may not have invented machines or built empires, but his achievement was infinitely greater. He taught that whatever power we possess must never be self-serving; that prosperity demands compassion; and that moral aspiration is not a weakness, but the very thing that keeps humanity close to God.
There’s an old saying: “When man tries to play God, he ends up playing with fire.” Sodom’s downfall etched that warning into our earliest history, and Hughes’ crash was a modern echo of the same truth. Both remind us that the higher we climb without humility, the harder the fall.
Sodom believed it had conquered the heavens. Howard Hughes tried to own the heavens. But Abraham — kind, caring Abraham — understood how to connect with the heavens, and walk with God.
The author is a rabbi in Beverly Hills, California.
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Deni Avdija becomes first Israeli to be selected as an NBA All-Star
(JTA) — Portland Trail Blazers star Deni Avdija’s meteoric rise has officially reached a new stratosphere, as the 25-year-old forward has become the NBA’s first-ever Israeli All-Star.
Avdija was named an All-Star reserve for the Western Conference on Sunday, an expected but deserved nod after the northern Israel native finished seventh in All-Star voting with over 2.2 million votes, ahead of NBA legends LeBron James and Kevin Durant. Avdija’s breakout performance this season has earned him repeated praise from James and others across the league.
Avdija’s star turn began last year in his first season with Portland, when he further captured the adoration of Jewish fans across Israel and the U.S. But he took another step forward this season, averaging 25.8 points, 6.8 assists and 7.2 rebounds per game. His points and assists clips are by far the best of his career, and rank 13th and 12th in the NBA, respectively. He’s considered a front-runner for the league’s Most Improved Player award.
For close observers of Israeli basketball, Avdija’s All-Star selection is the culmination of a promising career that began as a teenage star with Maccabi Tel Aviv and made him the first Israeli chosen in the top 10 in an NBA draft.
“Deni Avdija being named an NBA All-Star reserve is an unbelievable achievement in the mind of every Israeli basketball fan,” Moshe Halickman, who covers basketball for the popular Sports Rabbi website, wrote in an essay for the Jewish Telegraphic Agency. “This is a dream come true for many — a dream that became realistic and even a must-happen during his breakout season — but something that in his first five seasons in the NBA never came across as something that was going to be real.”
Halickman, who has covered Avdija in Washington, D.C., and in Israel, wrote that Avdija is not only considered the greatest Israeli hooper of all time, but perhaps the best athlete to come out of Israel, period.
Oded Shalom, who coached Avdija on Maccabi Tel Aviv’s Under-15 and Under-16 teams, echoed that sentiment in a recent profile of Avdija in The Athletic.
“Even though he is only 25, I think he is Israel’s most successful athlete in history,’’ Shalom said. “We’ve had some great gymnasts — and I hope everyone forgives me for saying it, because we’ve had some great athletes — but I think Deni has become the greatest.”
Avdija’s ascension has also come against the backdrop of the Gaza war and a reported global rise in antisemitism, which he has said affects him personally.
“I’m an athlete. I don’t really get into politics, because it’s not my job,” Avdija told The Athletic. “I obviously stand for my country, because that’s where I’m from. It’s frustrating to see all the hate. Like, I have a good game or get All-Star votes, and all the comments are people connecting me to politics. Like, why can’t I just be a good basketball player? Why does it matter if I’m from Israel, or wherever in the world, or what my race is? Just respect me as a basketball player.”
Now, Avdija’s talents will be on display at the NBA All-Star Game, on Sunday, Feb. 15, in Los Angeles.
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Democratic leader says GOP-led Congress boosted ICE funding while Jewish security is underfunded
House Democratic Leader Hakeem Jeffries used a Jewish gathering in New York on Sunday to spotlight what he described as an imbalance in federal priorities, building on outrage over the Trump administration’s violent crackdown in Minneapolis that resulted in two fatal shootings.
Jeffries criticized the Republican-controlled Congress for boosting immigration enforcement funding by billions while, he said, security funding for Jewish institutions continues to lag amid rising antisemitic threats. He said that in the One Big Beautiful Bill Act, which passed last July and included cuts to Medicaid, the Department of Homeland Security received an additional $191 billion, including $75 billion for ICE.
“If that can happen, then the least that we can do is ensure that this vital security grant program is funded by hundreds of millions of dollars more to keep the Jewish community and every other community safe,” Jeffries said.
The Nonprofit Security Grant Program, established by Congress in 2005 and administered by FEMA under the Department of Homeland Security, provides funding to nonprofits, including houses of worship, to strengthen security against potential attacks. Congress began significantly increasing funding in 2018 after a wave of synagogue attacks nationwide, bringing the program to $270 million today.
Major Jewish organizations are pushing to raise funding to $500 million amid rising antisemitic threats. Last year, the Trump administration briefly froze the program as part of broader agency cuts, and some groups have been reluctant to apply because applicants must affirm cooperation with federal immigration enforcement.
Jeffries said House Democrats strongly support an increase to $500 million annually to meet escalating security needs. “It’s got to be an American issue, because that is what combating antisemitism should be all about,” he said.
The breakfast, previously held at the offices of the UJA-Federation of New York, was held this year for the first time in the events hall at Park East Synagogue, which was the site of a pro-Palestinian protest last year that featured antisemitic slogans and posters.
Sunday’s program also included remarks from Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer, who told the audience that his support for Jewish security funding will only continue growing under his leadership, calling it his “baby.”
“As long as I’m in the Senate, this program will continue to grow from strength to strength, and we won’t let anyone attack it or undo it,” Schumer said.
Rep. Jerry Nadler, the co-chair of the Congressional Jewish Caucus who is retiring at the end of the year after 36 years in the House, also spoke at the event. Nadler, like several other Democrats in recent months, compared the actions of ICE agents to the Gestapo, Nazi Germany’s secret police. The comparison has drawn sharp criticism from Democrats, Republicans and Jewish leaders.
Support for Israel aid
Both Schumer and Jeffries vowed in their remarks to continue supporting U.S. military assistance to Israel, amid increasing calls within the party for sharper opposition to Israel. Polls show that Democratic voters are increasingly sympathetic to Palestinians. In July, a record 27 Senate Democrats, a majority of the caucus, supported a pair of resolutions calling for the blocking of weapons transfers to Israel.
“I think it’s the humane thing to do to ensure that Israel has a right to exist as a Jewish and democratic state and eternal homeland for the Jewish people,” Jeffries said. The House Minority Leader, who has cultivated close ties with Jewish leaders since his election in 2012, noted that he has visited Israel nine times. He recalled that on his recent trip, Israel’s ambassador to the U.S., Yechiel Leiter, joked that it might be time for Democrats to buy property in Jerusalem.
Schumer, the nation’s highest-ranking Jewish elected official, has seen his popularity decline and has faced calls to step down from his role as leader. On Sunday, he pledged that he “will always fight to give Israel what it needs to protect itself from the many who want to wipe Israel off the face of the map.”
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Antisemitism speech sparks pushback from Jewish conservatives
(JTA) — When Orit Arfa read political theorist Yoram Hazony’s recent comments on antisemitism on the American right, she decided that her past admiration for him no longer justified staying silent about what she sees as a moral failure.
Arfa, who served until last month as a spokesperson for Hazony, responded Thursday with a deeply personal essay in Tablet magazine titled “Yoram Hazony’s 15 Minutes.” She wrote about her departure after four years from the Edmund Burke Foundation, the organization Hazony founded that is an institutional hub of the national conservatism movement. In her essay, she accused Hazony of erasing work she and others did under his leadership and of publicly faulting Jewish institutions for failures she says he knowingly helped create.
“I have known and admired Yoram for many years,” Arfa wrote, praising his scholarship and describing his 2015 book on the Book of Esther as one of the most influential works in her intellectual life. “It’s with a heavy heart, then, that I feel compelled to set the record straight.”
An Israeli conservative intellectual, Hazony is one of the architects of national conservatism, arguing for a politics grounded in nationalism, religion and tradition. His ideas have gained influence among Republican politicians, donors and movement strategists, particularly within the wing of the party associated with figures like Vice President JD Vance.
Hazony’s influence has placed him at the center of a growing dispute on the Jewish right, as the movement he helped shape confronts allegations of antisemitism in its orbit. Hazony has declined requests for an interview from the Jewish Telegraphic Agency in recent months.
Because of Hazony’s prominence, Arfa’s break with him has resonated well beyond their personal history, highlighting a broader debate among Jewish conservatives over how to confront antisemitism when it comes not from political opponents, but from figures embedded in the American right.
That debate was thrust into the open after Hazony’s keynote speech earlier this week at the Second International Conference on Combating Antisemitism in Jerusalem, where he forcefully condemned antisemitic rhetoric aired on the program of conservative media figure Tucker Carlson. Hazony described Carlson’s show as a “circus of aggressive anti-Jewish propaganda,” listing familiar antisemitic tropes aired by guests.
“These aren’t normal political messages, disagreeing with other members of the Trump coalition on legitimate policy issues,” Hazony said. “They’re abusive, wild slanders, and their repeated appearance on Tucker’s show has persuaded almost every Jew I know that the program’s purpose is to drive Jews—along with tens of millions of Zionist Christians—out of the Trump coalition and out of the Republican party.”
At the same time, Hazony argued that Jewish and Christian Zionist activists had failed to persuade Republican leaders to distance themselves from Carlson — not because Carlson was too powerful, but because critics had not presented their case professionally. He mocked the absence of a concise, evidence-based “15-minute explainer video” that could persuade conservatives unfamiliar with Carlson’s program, calling this a sign of “extreme incompetence” by what he labeled the “antisemitism-industrial complex.”
That claim became the focal point of Arfa’s response.
“The truth, as Yoram well knows, is that there is such a video,” she wrote. According to Arfa, she and other Edmund Burke Foundation staff members worked with Hazony to produce exactly such an explainer — a 14-minute, 57-second compilation of examples of antisemitic rhetoric aired on Carlson’s program.
Hazony, she said, chose not to make it public.
“He kept it unlisted in an obscure account,” Arfa wrote, adding that she was “flabbergasted” to hear Hazony publicly insist no such work existed. “It saddens me that he would diminish the work of his dedicated employees by erasing our efforts.”
A spokesperson for Hazony did not immediately respond to a request for comment.
The dispute over Hazony’s speech has become a proxy for a larger argument about responsibility and strategy. Hazony is urging Jews to focus on building alliances with what he describes as the dominant nationalist wing of the Republican Party, arguing that moralistic confrontations risk alienating potential allies and entrenching antisemitism.
“What would you find if you actually invested the time and effort, and opened those doors?” Hazony said in his speech. “Mostly, you’d discover that nationalist Republicans are not anti-Semites. That they are strongly committed to having Jews in their coalition. That they would like to have closer relations with the Jewish community. That many of them see Israel as an inspiration and wish America were more like Israel. In short, you’d discover that most of them are potential friends and allies.”
Critics counter that this approach shifts responsibility away from political leaders who tolerate antisemitism. Several commentators on the right have argued that treating antisemitism as a communications problem, rather than a moral red line, risks normalizing it.
Tablet, where Arfa’s essay was published, issued an unusually scathing response on social media, accusing Hazony of effectively blaming Jews for their own marginalization.
In a post on X directly responding to a Hazony, Tablet wrote, “Tucker Carlson could goose-step down Pennsylvania Avenue butt-naked with a swastika carved into his forehead and it would be the fault of ‘the anti-semitism industrial complex’ for not making the case ‘clear enough’ to ‘Republican nationalists.’”
Tablet’s post added, “The fault doesn’t lie with the Jews for being targeted by political arsonists. It lies with those people themselves, and with those who have given them political and intellectual cover, yourself included.”
The post went on to accuse Hazony of importing European-style ethnonationalist ideas into an American context defined by constitutional liberalism and religious pluralism, warning that such thinking risked alienating both Jews and the broader electorate.
Others focused less on ideology than on political accountability. Max Abrahms, a political scientist who studies extremism and political violence, argued that Hazony’s framing functioned as a defense of powerful allies who have declined to distance themselves from Carlson.“I interpret this as a defense for your political allies, especially J.D. Vance and Kevin Roberts who won’t ditch Tucker,” Abrahms wrote.
A broader critique came from Saul Sadka, a conservative writer and analyst, who accused Hazony of minimizing antisemitism in service of what he considered a marginal political project. Writing on X, Sadka argued that Hazony mischaracterized the Republican Party, overstated the influence of nationalist conservatives, and pressured Jews to align themselves with forces that, he said, are both electorally weak and tolerant of antisemitic rhetoric.
For her part, Arfa,wrote in Tablet that she’d prefer to stay out of the conversation now that’s stopped working for Hazony. Her focus is on studying to become a rabbi at the Abraham Geiger College in Potsdam, Germany, a seminary affiliated with Reform and liberal Judaism.
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