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How Abraham Learned to Walk with God
A Torah scroll. Photo: RabbiSacks.org.
On a warm Sunday afternoon — July 7, 1946 — the world’s richest man almost killed himself trying to outfly the laws of physics. Howard Hughes — movie mogul, aviation pioneer, and eccentric genius — was testing his new reconnaissance aircraft, the XF-11, over Beverly Hills.
Although his engineers warned that the aircraft was not ready, Hughes took off alone from his private airport in Culver City, California, for what was supposed to be a short test flight.
After about an hour in the air, the XF-11 developed a hydraulic leak that caused the right engine’s rear propeller to reverse pitch. Instead of shutting down that engine, Hughes tried to balance the drag by cutting power on the left engine and keeping the right engine at full power. But this only made things worse, and Hughes lost control.
The plane veered wildly over the Los Angeles Country Club, clipped the rooftops of several homes on the 800 block of North Linden Drive, and finally crashed into 808 North Whittier Drive — right in the heart of Beverly Hills. The impact ignited a fireball that engulfed the house, tore through the street, and left Hughes trapped in twisted metal and flames.
Miraculously, Hughes survived — but barely. He was pulled from the wreckage with third-degree burns, cracked ribs, a punctured lung, and a shattered collarbone, and countless cuts and bruises. Witnesses said the crash site looked like something out of an apocalypse.
Later, Hughes summed it up with characteristic flippant bravado: “I was flying fine until I wasn’t.”
The crash was both a literal and symbolic explosion of human hubris. For all his intellectual brilliance and skill as a pilot, Hughes was undone by the same quality that made him extraordinary — the conviction that he could master every element of the world.
The accident epitomized the defining trait of the modern era: the belief that technology, wealth, and intellect can conquer nature, eliminate risk, and even outwit mortality itself. But there’s a moment when ambition crosses into arrogance — when pushing boundaries morphs into believing you’re above them. Cross that line — and the fall is fast, fiery, and usually self-inflicted.
That same fatal overconfidence lies at the heart of one of the most haunting episodes in Parshat Vayera — the story of Sodom and its fiery destruction. Like Hughes, Sodom was fueled by prosperity and innovation. It was dazzlingly prosperous, the most modern, successful city of its day. Its citizens had everything: fertile land, abundant water, thriving commerce.
By any measure, it was the Silicon Valley of the ancient world. Yet, just as Hughes’ brilliance led to disaster, Sodom’s intoxication with success turned inward — becoming the very embodiment of arrogance, which soon curdled into selfishness and cruelty.
The prophet Ezekiel spells it out bluntly (Ez. 16:49): “Only this was the sin of your sister Sodom: arrogance! She and her daughters had plenty of bread and untroubled tranquility; yet she did not support the poor and the needy.”
Sodom’s sin was not mere depravity — it was hubris. They believed their superiority exempted them from moral responsibility and shielded them from consequences. They legislated selfishness, convinced that the laws binding others did not apply to them.
The Midrash tells us that hospitality was outlawed in Sodom, and generosity mocked. When the two angels sent by God came to visit Lot, the townspeople surrounded his house — not out of curiosity, but to rid the city of these unwanted outsiders. Sodom’s creed was simple: “We invent reality and owe nothing to anyone.”
Just as Hughes believed he was exempt from rules and could do as he pleased, Sodom considered itself above the norms of ordinary human existence. Its citizens imagined that success canceled obligation — that wealth and achievement freed them from the standards governing everyone else. But the Torah reminds us: such hubris always ends the same way — and so it was with Sodom.
And then, against this backdrop of self-worship, the Torah showcases Abraham — the antithesis of Sodom. Like the people of Sodom, Abraham was wealthy, bright, and powerful; he was also the patriarch of a growing clan, respected by kings and blessed by God.
But unlike Sodom, his instinct was not self-indulgence but service. This contrast becomes clear when three dusty travelers appeared on the horizon: Abraham ran to greet them. The Torah slows down the moment, describing every gesture — the water, the bread, the shade, the choice cuts of meat. Every act of hospitality is detailed, as if to remind us that true greatness shines brightest in the smallest deeds, particularly when done by a great man.
Later, when God informs Abraham that Sodom is about to be destroyed, he doesn’t shrug and move on. He stands before God and pleads: “Will You destroy the righteous with the wicked?”
It is one of the most astonishing conversations in all of human history — a man challenging God, not for his own benefit, but to intercede for others with whom he has no personal connection and who stand for all he opposes. This is greatness in its purest form.
And when God denies his plea, Abraham is not defeated. He accepts that however exalted he may be, only God is the true master.
And there’s another revealing contrast between the two stories. When the angels arrive in Sodom, they find a city obsessed with protecting its privileges. But when they arrive at Avraham’s tent, they find a home open on all sides — a man running to serve strangers.
One culture is built on taking, whatever the cost; the other on giving, no matter the effort. One collapses in fire; the other becomes the foundation of a nation destined to bless all others.
It’s not hard to see echoes of this today. We live in an age that revels in self-indulgence and worships those who “push boundaries,” yet rarely stops to ask what those boundaries are for. Against this backdrop, we are surrounded by technologies that promise to transcend every human limit — to manipulate biology, redefine morality, and even simulate consciousness.
In such a world, the temptation to believe we can do anything is powerful. Yet the Torah’s warning in Sodom’s downfall is clear: not everything we can do is worth doing, and the ultimate price of hubris is self-destruction.
Howard Hughes lived long enough to see his brilliance consume him — but more importantly, he became a living lesson in the destructive power of hubris. After surviving the crash, he withdrew into paranoia and isolation — a man imprisoned by the very perfectionism that had once made him great. He died in 1976, unrecognizable, emaciated, and alone.
The story of Sodom ends no better: a city reduced to ash, remembered only for its cruelty.
Abraham may not have invented machines or built empires, but his achievement was infinitely greater. He taught that whatever power we possess must never be self-serving; that prosperity demands compassion; and that moral aspiration is not a weakness, but the very thing that keeps humanity close to God.
There’s an old saying: “When man tries to play God, he ends up playing with fire.” Sodom’s downfall etched that warning into our earliest history, and Hughes’ crash was a modern echo of the same truth. Both remind us that the higher we climb without humility, the harder the fall.
Sodom believed it had conquered the heavens. Howard Hughes tried to own the heavens. But Abraham — kind, caring Abraham — understood how to connect with the heavens, and walk with God.
The author is a rabbi in Beverly Hills, California.
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All Jewish eyes are on Michigan as heated El-Sayed-Rogers Senate campaign draws to a close
(JTA) — DETROIT – The U.S. Senate race in Michigan, a deeply contentious contest that has strained Jewish relationships with the Democratic Party, drew to a bitter close Tuesday as voters headed to the polls in a race that could shape which party controls the chamber.
At its center is Abdul El-Sayed, the former county health director and Democratic nominee whose anti-corporate, Medicare For All candidacy has become a rallying cry for the national progressive movement.
His uncompromising stances on Israel have also made him a target among pro-Israel groups, including AIPAC, which has spent heavily against him in both the primary and general election. AIPAC’s rare entry into a general election race came to support El-Sayed’s opponent, Republican former congressman Mike Rogers.
One of El-Sayed’s positions on Israel — to end all U.S. military aid — was once thought a far-left pipe dream. But that has changed. On Election Day morning, Trump announced that, under his watch, nearly $4 billion in annual U.S. military aid to Israel would wind down by the end of the year. Trump said Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu was in agreement with the need to end aid and deny Democratic critics a point of attack.
In his announcement of the plan, Trump cited El-Sayed.
“Why should we suffer the slings like lunatics like an El-Sayed when they don’t need it?” Trump said on Fox News, referring to Israel’s financial strength.
Representatives for the El-Sayed and Rogers campaigns, and for the Republican Jewish Coalition, did not immediately return requests for comment on Trump’s new pledge. It is unclear whether it will be straightforward for the White House to halt the funding by the end of 2026, given that the existing memorandum of understanding that governs it extends to 2028.
El-Sayed’s campaign has galvanized young voters and a range of other constituencies, and he pulled ahead in the polls in the race’s final stretch. But his questioning of Israel’s existence as a Jewish state and whether it or Iran posed a greater threat to the United States, as well as his prior associations with figures such as Hasan Piker, the streamer who has spread extreme rhetoric about American Jews, have sparked concern among Jewish Michiganders.
So, too, did comments the candidate made following the March terror attack on Temple Israel, a major synagogue in the state, in which El-Sayed appeared to link the attack to Israel’s war in Lebanon after reports that the attacker lost family in an Israeli strike. Hostile behavior from some of El-Sayed’s supporters toward pro-Israel Democrats, most prominently on display at the state party’s spring convention, have also alarmed Jews. El-Sayed has pledged to stand up to antisemitism.
Some Jews who had long considered themselves Democrats, including several local Jewish leaders, have cited such controversies in pledging to vote for Rogers. In some Michigan Jewish neighborhoods, yard signs proclaim that a vote for Rogers is a vote “against antisemitism.”
Accordingly, Rogers has made a play for the Jewish vote. He told the Jewish Telegraphic Agency in October that his opponent is “anti-Jew,” while running ads that played up El-Sayed’s tenuous family associations with the Muslim Brotherhood.
Top Republicans have seized on the narrative, with President Donald Trump calling Jews “crazy” if they back El-Sayed, and Texas Sen. Ted Cruz calling him a national security threat. A Trump administration event to address antisemitism was held at a Michigan synagogue weeks before the election, though El-Sayed’s name was not mentioned there.
Jewish Democrats who had broken with El-Sayed found major validation in the race’s dramatic closing days. Democrat Haley Stevens, a strongly pro-Israel congresswoman who had narrowly lost to El-Sayed in the primary, flipped sides to endorse Rogers days after her Jewish fiancé, a Democratic megadonor, did the same.
The surprise move, which Jewish Democratic leaders joined many other prominent Democrats in criticizing, came after days of back-and-forth between Stevens and El-Sayed as she sought to publicly pressure him to condemn a PAC ad that had linked rising grocery prices to U.S. aid to Israel.
Meanwhile, some prominent Jewish Democrats in the state either avoided endorsing El-Sayed or did so with heavy reservations. Michigan’s Jewish Democratic Caucus, whose leadership has been deeply divided on El-Sayed, issued a statement Monday declaring the caucus would never vote for a Republican.
“Our commitment to the Democratic ticket remains resolute as we work to build a more inclusive coalition,” the caucus stated.
Throughout the campaign, El-Sayed has sought to reassure Jewish voters. He apologized for his Temple Israel comments; distanced himself from Piker; hired a Jewish outreach director; said in a recent “60 Minutes” interview that Israel has a right to exist; and sent mailers to Jewish households stating, “I am committed to protecting all Michigan Jews against hatred and injustice.” He told JTA in August that “the prerequisite of Jewish safety is never in question to me.”
More than 1,000 Michigan Jews have signed an open letter pledging to vote for El-Sayed, compared to 560 who have done the same for Rogers. Progressive Jewish figures of note have held salons throughout the state in a bid to convince on-the-fence Jews to back him.
Yet El-Sayed also has continued to stake out positions many Jews find alienating. He asserted in the campaign’s closing weeks that Israel was “not actually our friend” and declined during a debate to say whether Israel or Iran was the bigger danger to the U.S. His campaign also released an ad, designed to appeal to conservatives, that featured a brief clip of Tucker Carlson, the right-wing pundit who has promoted conspiracy theories about Israel. In addition, El-Sayed’s careful sidestepping of objectionable material about Jews and Israel from his ostensible allies, such as Piker and his uncle, left-wing anti-Israel pundit Cenk Uygur, has continued up to Election Day.
Ahead of Election Day, some liberal-leaning Zionist Jews tried to put pressure on El-Sayed to speak more directly to their concerns. A group of rabbis and other Jewish leaders launched Nonnegotiable Michigan in a bid to have him affirm what they called five core principles of Jewish participation in the Democratic Party, including “Jewish sovereignty in Israel.” After silence from the campaign, some of Nonnegotiable’s figureheads urged their followers to write in the 19th-century Jewish poet “Emma Lazarus” instead of voting for either candidate.
Michigan’s already small Jewish population, which numbers around 105,000 adults, has further splintered over El-Sayed’s candidacy. But it could prove pivotal to the outcome of a race that may determine control of the chamber. In 2024, the state’s Senate race was decided by fewer than 20,000 votes.
Either way, the race has crystallized the Democratic Party’s shifting fault lines over Israel — and many Jews’ growing uneasiness with their place in the liberal coalition.
This article originally appeared on JTA.org.
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Trump says US aid to Israel will stop at end of year
(JTA) — President Donald Trump on Tuesday morning said that the United States would halt billions of dollars in annual aid to Israel by the end of 2026, potentially ending decades of military support for one of America’s closest allies in the Middle East.
“We were giving them $4 billion. We are. But it gets cut off at the end of the year,” Trump declared during a call-in appearance on the “Fox & Friends” morning program on Fox News. Israel’s 10-year memorandum of understanding with the United States, which currently gives Israel $3.8 billion annually, runs through 2028 so it’s unclear how easy it would be for the White House to stop the funding this year.
Referencing Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s statement in January that he wanted to taper off aid to zero at some point in the future, Trump questioned why Republicans should have to deal with criticism from hardline pro-Palestinian Democrats like Michigan Democratic Senate candidate Abdul El-Sayed when “we give them more than anybody else and they no longer need it.”
“It’s a bad talking point,” he added. His comments came as Americans across the country are voting Tuesday in midterm elections that will determine control of the U.S. House and Senate.
“We reached an agreement on that” and Netanyahu “brought it up,” Trump continued. “He said: ‘I think it would be appropriate if we do not receive aid,’ because he understands that this is one of their points of contention.”
A growing number of Democratic congressional candidates across the United States have campaigned on a platform of reducing or halting military aid to Israel during the run-up to today’s midterm elections. This April, dozens of senators — almost all of them Democrats — voted in favor of a failed motion to block the sales of certain weapons to Israel.
Yair Golan, chairman of Israel’s liberal Democrats party, slammed Netanyahu in the wake of Trump’s statement, tweeting that “precisely at a time when Israel’s defense spending has reached enormous proportions, when Israel needs to replenish its offensive weapons stockpiles, and after air defense capabilities have been depleted following such a long war—Netanyahu logs another massive failure under his name.”
“The cessation of U.S. aid is heavy damage to Israel’s security” and “a responsible prime minister would have fought to increase American aid, not eliminate it,” added Golan, whose party opposes Netanyahu’s and is trying to form a coalition to oust Netanyahu from power following Israel’s own elections last Tuesday.
This article originally appeared on JTA.org.
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A ‘unique 20th Century Israelite’ who always made sure we got it right
It’s fitting that I first met Rabbi Capers Funnye in a television studio. And it should surprise no one that the topic that brought us together — by no means accidentally — was a discussion about Black Jews.
We never stopped talking about it. And making sure others got it right.
The spiritual leader for decades of Chicago’s Beth Shalom B’nai Zaken Ethiopian Hebrew Congregation and since 2016 the Chief Rabbi of the International Israelite Board of Rabbis, Funnye died Nov. 2 at 74.
Our friendship spanned decades, beginning before we co-founded the Alliance of Black Jews with Michelle Stein-Evers Frankl in 1995. With Stein-Evers, then in Los Angeles, and me in Boston, the organization brought together Jews of African descent from around the country to celebrate our dual affiliations as normative.
Although the organization did not last beyond its early years, it spawned numerous other groups that exist today. Most significantly, it mainstreamed the fact that Blackness and Judaism are not mutually exclusive.
That’s the message we had been imparting five years earlier, on the Black Entertainment Television show Our Voices in 1990. Having filed a story mentioning Black Jews while a reporter for BET’s news division, I was asked by the network to co-produce a special on the subject. In addition to me, they asked who else should appear.
“There’s a rabbi in Chicago,” I said unhesitatingly, though I had yet to meet him, “and the police chief in Charleston, South Carolina” — Reuben Greenberg, who passed away in 2014.
Each of us came to Judaism differently: me, the child of a non-Jewish African-American father and non-Black Jewish mother; Greenberg, via conversion first through Reform, then Conservative Judaism (and also “reversion” in that he was reaching back to the religion of his grandfather), and Funnye, who had been Methodist before joining the Ethiopian Hebrew denomination (of African Americans, not Ethiopians) and later underwent a Conservative conversion.
Although his smicha was granted by the Ethiopian Hebrew group (now more broadly termed Israelite) and not by the Conservative body, he was invited to join the Chicago Board of Rabbis as its first African American member in 1997.
His dual affiliations as both Conservative and Israelite — and indeed, that of his largely Black and increasingly Hispanic Chicago shul, which also had merged with an aging Ashkenazi congregation — allowed him to serve as a bridge between many strains of Judaic practices.
“He accomplished what he wanted,” said Rabbi Baruch A. Yehudah of Congregation B’nai Adath Kol Beth Yisrael in New York. “He wanted to be a bridge builder and he built many — into the Ethiopian community, the Nigerian community, South Africa, Ghana, Uganda. He was the first one of us to be on a mainstream board of rabbis.”
“I loved him,” Yehudah added. “He wasn’t just my boss.”
Bruce Haynes, author of The Soul of Judaism, called Funnye “the most unique 21st Century Israelite” because of his role as chief rabbi. “To my knowledge, that (position) was the first of its kind. It elevated him institutionally as the premiere figure among modern-day Hebrew Israelites.”
Yet that outreach went beyond the bima. “Having chosen to move his whole family toward Conservative Judaism was an important step in cementing a personal relationship between Israelite congregations and rabbinic Judaism,” Haynes said.
Rabbi Tamar Manasseh, a protégé of Funnye who in 2021 became the first woman ordained by the Israelite body, said Funnye was “doing the whole bridge thing before anybody knew that they wanted a bridge.
“There were Black Jews who didn’t like that. There were white Jews who didn’t like that, either. It was uncomfortable for everybody until it wasn’t uncomfortable for anybody.”
She praised him for enduring “all of the stuff he had to go through to get us to a point where I can complain about things now, which is remarkable.”
I too find it difficult to separate the personal from the bridge-building. In addition to our numerous Black Jewish campaigns and initiatives — we literally traveled the world together, from Chicago to Boston to San Francisco to Uganda — he served as the rabbi for my mother’s funeral and my daughter’s wedding.
In my ever-diverse family, both were examples of bridge-building in their own right. During the wedding, my now son-in-law, whose native language is Russian, recited the line “I concentrate you to me as my wife,” prompting Funnye to break from the prepared liturgy to correct him.
“No, no. Consecrate. We gotta get this right.”
“I consecrate you to me as my wife,” the groom said, appreciative of the gentle but authoritative guidance.
Because Capers made sure to get it right.
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