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I’m an Australian Jew: Your Support, and Support From Around the World, Really Matters to Us
A woman keeps a candle next to flowers laid as a tribute at Bondi Beach to honor the victims of a mass shooting that targeted a Hanukkah celebration at Bondi Beach on Sunday, in Sydney, Australia, Dec. 16, 2025. Photo: REUTERS/Flavio Brancaleone
Last Sunday, on the Bondi Beach beachfront, something broke in Australian society.
Two Jihadi terrorists — a father and son — decided to “Globalize the Intifada,” actualizing the chant so many anti-Israel demonstrators have been repeating in Australia over the past two years.
They did it by launching a murderous attack on innocent men, women, and children celebrating the first night of Hanukkah.
And by the time they were finally stopped, 15 people lay dead, their blood staining the grass and sand amidst the petting zoo and face painting booths.
It was both the deadliest terror attack in Australian history and the greatest loss of Jewish life since the October 7 massacre.
But as shocked as we are, and as traumatized as we feel, every Jew in Australia will tell you the same thing: we are not surprised.
In the pages of The Algemeiner itself, I had warned about this exact scenario for years.
This massacre had been building ever since the sickening displays of open Jew-hatred in Australia on the very evening of October 7. Even as the Hamas attack was still taking place, firebrand imams were standing in the street of Sydney and screaming to a joyous crowd, “This is a day of celebration! This is a day of courage!”
Just two days later, on the steps of the Sydney Opera House, chants of “F the Jews” echoed around Australia’s most famous icon, as thousands of people celebrated the “success” of the Hamas terror spree in southern Israel.
The failure of the police authorities, the state government, and the federal government to snuff out that hatred right there and then meant a green light was tacitly given for the greatest increase in Jew-hatred in Australian history.
From that moment, antisemitic graffiti popped up everywhere. Anti-Israel demonstrations that often descended into violence and chaos were held weekly, intimidating the Jewish community. Soon after came the torching of vehicles in Jewish neighborhoods. Then attacks on businesses and houses of worship.
Schoolchildren were subjected to antisemitic assaults on buses. In the virtual world, Jewish creatives were doxed by online groups, leading to many artists and musicians losing their livelihoods. In the physical world, they were attacked in the streets. Worshipers were forced to evacuate synagogues during Friday night Shabbat services. And one synagogue was burnt down in an arson attack, while others were similarly targeted.
Each escalation added to the mounting pressure on the social cohesion of our multicultural society until it finally gave way, with disastrous consequences, last Sunday.
So how does the Australian Jewish community feel right now, knowing that the attention of much of the world has been focused on this small community of 120,000 people in this far-flung island, making up less than half a percent of the population?
Well, we feel worried. We feel vulnerable. We feel abandoned. We feel devastated and traumatized. We feel isolated and alone. And we feel an overwhelming sense of grief and sadness.
It is a feeling that most Jews felt right after October 7. A deep and aching numbness in which the joy of life had been taken from us, leaving just empty vessels struggling to feel anything, unable to eat, to smile, to laugh.
Many Australian Jews believed we were in the lucky country, far from those places in the old world like France, Belgium, or the UK, where Jews were forced to hide their identity and violence was never far.
But that illusion has been shattered, along with a realization that has hit Australia — and hit it hard. We now know that the hatred we once believed belonged to distant places is now firmly entrenched in our own soil — and in our own lives.
However, we also feel something else.
Last evening, I attended a Hanukkah candle lighting at another beachfront in Melbourne to celebrate our identity and show solidarity with our community. While there was a strong police contingent and I never felt unsafe, I nevertheless instinctively couldn’t help scouring the buildings and the surroundings, trying to assess if there were any visible threats lying in wait. It sounds crazy, yet this is how many Jews feel right now — extreme vigilance is now part of our existence.
However, seeing the support from not just the Jewish community but from the wider community has been overwhelming. I, along with many other Australian Jews, have received messages of support and love from around the world, from America and from Israel and from South Africa and from the UK. Ordinary Australians have been donating blood in huge numbers and laying floral tributes at the massacre site and at synagogues and public menorahs around Australia.
Just as Australian Jews held vigils for the victims of October 7, so now are Israeli Jews holding vigil for the victims of the Bondi Beach terror attack.
Never underestimate the power of standing with someone who is hurting, and the impact that support has, because I know that we all feel it deeply down under in this far corner of the world.
So how do I feel now? Still wounded, bewildered, horrified and angry — but what I can say is that with the heartfelt support we have received, I feel a little less lonely than I did before.
Justin Amler is a policy analyst at the Australia/Israel & Jewish Affairs Council (AIJAC).
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Saudi, French, US Officials Push Hezbollah Disarmament Plan
Lebanese army members stand on a military vehicle during a Lebanese army media tour, to review the army’s operations in the southern Litani sector, in Alma Al-Shaab, near the border with Israel, southern Lebanon, Nov. 28, 2025. Photo: REUTERS/Aziz Taher
French, Saudi Arabian, and American officials held talks with the head of the Lebanese army on Thursday in Paris aimed at finalizing a roadmap to enable a mechanism for the disarmament of the Hezbollah terrorist group, diplomats said.
Israel and Lebanon agreed to a US-brokered ceasefire in 2024, ending more than a year of fighting between Israel and Hezbollah that severely weakened the Iran-backed terrorists.
Since then, the sides have traded accusations over violations with Israel questioning the Lebanese army’s efforts to disarm Hezbollah. Israeli warplanes have increasingly targeted Hezbollah in southern Lebanon and even in the capital.
Speaking after the meeting, France’s foreign ministry spokesperson Pascal Confavreux said the talks had agreed to document seriously with evidence the Lebanese army’s efforts to disarm Hezbollah as well as strengthening the existing ceasefire mechanism.
CEASEFIRE AT RISK
With growing fear the ceasefire could unravel, the Paris meeting aimed to create more robust conditions to identify, support, and verify the disarmament process and dissuade Israel from escalation, four European and Lebanese diplomats and officials told Reuters.
With legislative elections due in Lebanon in 2026, there are fears political paralysis and party politics will further fuel instability and make President Joseph Aoun less likely to press disarmament, the diplomats and officials said.
“The situation is extremely precarious, full of contradictions and it won’t take much to light the powder keg,” said one senior official speaking on condition of anonymity.
“Aoun doesn’t want to make the disarming process too public because he fears it will antagonize and provoke tensions with the Shi’ite community in the south of the country.”
With the Lebanese army lacking capacity to disarm Hezbollah, the idea would be to reinforce the existing ceasefire mechanism with French, US, and possibly other military experts along with UN peacekeeping forces, the diplomats and officials said.
The parties agreed to hold a conference in February to reinforce the Lebanese army, Confavreux said.
ISRAELI STRIKES
As officials convened for the talks, multiple Israeli strikes hit towns in southern Lebanon and areas of the Bekaa Valley on Thursday, Lebanon’s state news agency NNA reported.
The Israeli military said it struck Hezbollah targets across several areas, including a military compound used for training, weapons storage, and artillery launches, saying the activity violated understandings between Israel and Lebanon and posed a threat to Israel. It also said it struck a Hezbollah militant in the area of Taybeh in southern Lebanon.
Commenting on the attacks, parliament speaker and Hezbollah-allied Amal Movement leader Nabih Berri said the strikes were an “Israeli message” to the Paris conference, NNA added.
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Israel, Germany Sign $3.1 Billion Contract Expansion for Arrow Air Defense System
Flags flutter in front of a radom of the “Arrow Weapon System for Germany” pictured in Annaburg, Germany, Dec. 3, 2025. Photo: REUTERS/Axel Schmidt
Israel and Germany signed a contract worth around $3.1 billion to expand the Arrow-3 air and missile defense system manufactured by Israel Aerospace Industries, Israel‘s defense ministry said on Thursday.
Germany first purchased the Arrow system in 2023, as it sees Russia’s intermediate-range missiles as the primary threat to its population and critical infrastructure.
“Combined, the two agreements total approximately $6.7 billion, representing the largest defense export deal in Israel’s history,” the ministry said.
Germany in December became the first European nation to deploy the Arrow air defense system, built to intercept intermediate-range ballistic missiles such as Russia’s Oreshnik, as it seeks to counter what it views as a growing threat from Moscow.
The system, developed by IAI in cooperation with the US Missile Defense Agency, is used as the upper layer of Israel‘s missile defenses, together with the Iron Dome, which takes out short-range threats.
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Trump Administration Imposes Sanctions on Two More ICC Judges for ‘Politicized Actions Targeting Israel’
US Secretary of State Marco Rubio speaks during a US-Paraguay Status of Forces agreement signing ceremony at the State Department in Washington, DC, US, Dec. 15, 2025. Photo: REUTERS/Kevin Mohatt
US President Donald Trump’s administration on Thursday imposed sanctions on two more judges from the International Criminal Court over their involvement in the court’s case against Israel, ratcheting up Washington’s pressure campaign against the war tribunal.
In November 2024, ICC judges issued arrest warrants for Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and former Israeli defense chief Yoav Gallant for alleged war crimes and crimes against humanity during the Gaza conflict.
Israel has adamantly denied war crimes in Gaza, where it has waged a military campaign to eliminate Hamas following the terrorist group’s Oct. 7, 2023, invasion of and massacre across southern Israel.
The Trump administration has already imposed sanctions on nine ICC judges and prosecutors and threatened to designate the court in its entirety – a move that would be detrimental to its operations – if the ICC did not drop its charges against the Israeli leaders.
Washington’s other demands on the court are that it formally end an earlier probe of US troops over their actions in Afghanistan and change its founding statute to ensure that it would not pursue a prosecution of Trump and his top officials, a Trump administration official told Reuters last week.
“The ICC has continued to engage in politicized actions targeting Israel, which set a dangerous precedent for all nations. We will not tolerate ICC abuses of power that violate the sovereignty of the United States and Israel and wrongly subject US and Israeli persons to the ICC’s jurisdiction,” US Secretary of State Marco Rubio said in a statement.
Rubio said the United States was designating ICC judge Gocha Lordkipanidze from Georgia and Erdenebalsuren Damdin from Mongolia and said they had “directly engaged in efforts by the ICC to investigate, arrest, detain, or prosecute Israeli nationals, without Israel‘s consent.”
Earlier this year the US administration sanctioned six other judges and the court’s prosecutor Karim Khan and his two deputies.
The measures mean the judges cannot travel to the United States or hold any assets there, but they also make it virtually impossible for them to hold credit cards, making everyday financial transactions and online purchases difficult.
‘FLAGRANT ATTACK’
Rubio referred to the magistrates’ involvement in voting to reject one of several Israeli legal challenges against the ICC probe into its conduct of the Gaza war earlier this week.
The judges named were part of a panel that refused to overturn a lower court decision that the prosecution’s investigation into alleged crimes under its jurisdiction could include events following Hamas’s Oct. 7 atrocities, which included the murder of 1,200 people and kidnapping of 251 hostages during the Palestinian terrorists’ rampage across southern Israel.
The ICC said it deplored the new round of sanctions, which is the fourth round of measures this year.
“These sanctions are a flagrant attack against the independence of an impartial judicial institution,” it said in a statement, adding that the measures put the international legal order at risk.
The ICC was founded in 2002 under a treaty giving it jurisdiction to prosecute genocide, crimes against humanity, and war crimes that were either committed by a citizen of a member state or had taken place on a member state’s territory.
The ICC has no jurisdiction over Israel as it is not a signatory to the Rome Statute, which established the court. Other countries including the US have similarly not signed the ICC charter. However, the ICC has asserted jurisdiction by accepting “Palestine” as a signatory in 2015, despite no such state being recognized under international law.
Th Netherlands, which hosts the ICC in The Hague, also condemned the sanctions and said international courts should be able to work without interference.
“International courts and tribunals must be able to carry out their mandates unhindered,” Dutch Foreign Minister David van Weel said on social media platform X.
The ICC’s decision to seek the arrest of Netanyahu has received widespread backlash.
Khan initially made his surprise demand for arrest warrants for Netanyahu and Gallant on the same day in May that he suddenly canceled a long-planned visit to both Gaza and Israel to collect evidence of alleged war crimes. The last-second cancellation reportedly infuriated US and British leaders, as the trip would have offered Israeli leaders a first opportunity to present their position and outline any action they were taking to respond to the allegations.
However, the ICC said there were reasonable grounds to believe Netanyahu and Gallant were criminally responsible for starvation in Gaza and the persecution of Palestinians — charges vehemently denied by Israel, which has provided significant humanitarian aid into the enclave during the war.
Israel also says it has gone to unprecedented lengths to try and avoid civilian casualties, despite Hamas’s widely acknowledged military strategy of embedding its terrorists within Gaza’s civilian population and commandeering civilian facilities like hospitals, schools, and mosques to run operations and direct attacks.
US and Israeli officials have issued blistering condemnations of the ICC move, decrying the court for drawing a moral equivalence between Israel’s democratically elected leaders and the heads of Hamas, which launched the war in Gaza with its Oct. 7 atrocities.