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Is Mamdani bad or good for Jews? Here’s how not to tell
What will Zohran Mamdani’s mayoralty mean for New York City’s Jews?
Much ink was spilled on that question during Mamdani’s campaign. But now that he is actually in office, there are two approaches we can use in assessing his performance in tackling antisemitism.
The first involves focusing on signals. We saw this method used extensively in expressions of concern during Mamdani’s campaign. His refusal to condemn the phrase “globalize the intifada” on a podcast, for example, was taken as a signal that he would not be serious about fighting antisemitism.
The second involves looking at how the new mayor actually shows up for Jews — a tactic that means taking a longer view of his ability to navigate the complicated and painful issues facing Jewish communities.
The first approach has already been used widely in Mamdani’s first days in office.
On Jan. 1, Mamdani overturned a host of executive orders that his predecessor, former Mayor Eric Adams, had put into place, some of which were relevant to antisemitism and Israel. This included revoking the city’s use of the International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance definition of antisemitism.
Critics of that definition say that it threatens to chill legitimate criticism of Israel. (The IHRA definition includes, among possible examples of antisemitism, actions like “denying the Jewish people their right to self-determination, e.g., by claiming that the existence of a State of Israel is a racist endeavor.”) And some Jews argue that it insists on a limited understanding of Jewish identity for political purposes.
But to some, Mamdani’s revocation of the Adams order enshrining that definition was an important signal — one that cemented a sense that he does not take Jewish safety or wellbeing seriously.
“Removing protections is a dangerous move, especially on day one. Jewish New Yorkers deserve security, not a delete button,” ADL chief Jonathan Greenblatt posted. “Despite the eloquent rhetoric, actions like this speak far, far louder than words.”
Israel’s foreign ministry wrote, “This isn’t leadership. It’s antisemitic gasoline on an open fire.” And William Daroff, head of the Conference of Presidents of Major American Jewish organizations, said Mamdani’s move was “a troubling indicator of the direction in which he is leading the city, just one day at the helm.”
But there is little evidence that adopting the IHRA definition of antisemitism has done anything to actually quell antisemitism, despite a broad push to have it embraced by universities, states and the federal government.
Which raises the question: When we broadly interpret individual acts as symbols of a deeper intention, what do we miss?
At the same time Mamdani overturned every executive order signed by Adams since late September 2024, when Adams was indicted on corruption charges, he announced that he will keep the Office to Combat Antisemitism — which Adams founded — open. That office liaises between the city and its Jews on safety and security, and will make recommendations to Mamdani on public education efforts around antisemitism.
What if we asked practical, rather than symbolic, questions in response to those day one actions?
Not “how outraged should we be by the revocation of the IHRA definition?” but “will that revocation actually change how safe Jews are?” Or: What will the functions of the Office to Combat Antisemitism actually look like under Mamdani? How will the office track antisemitism? What will it do differently under Mamdani than under Adams? What will public education on antisemitism in Mamdani’s New York look like?
Mamdani revoked an Adams order that gave the police commissioner — currently Jessica Tisch — the responsibility to evaluate proposals for regulating protests outside houses of worship. (Mamdani was criticized for his response to a November protest outside Park East Synagogue.) But he put in place a new order that authorized the Police Department and Law Department to conduct similar reviews.
Concerned Jews could ask how those departments will handle this role differently, and what the new mayor will do with their proposals.
And beyond that: Which Jewish communities will Mamdani engage with, and what will he offer them in terms of practical action? How will he demonstrate a commitment to Jewish New Yorkers, in all their pluralism and diversity? If other officials in New York engage in antisemitic conspiracy theories, how will he react to them?
What will it look like when he celebrates holidays with Jewish New Yorkers? When he inevitably disagrees with various Jewish New Yorkers, how will his administration try to communicate across differences?
Taking this second approach could come with downsides. Polling shows that New York Jews continue to be deeply anxious about their future under Mamdani, and are eager for quick answers on what they can expect for the next four years. Evaluating the real impact of his performance does not offer concise opportunities for a headline or a statement offering those responses. It’s a slower and more boring kind of proof to collect.
But it has upsides, too. The answers would be slower to come, but they would reflect not just strong feelings around what could happen, but what is actually happening. They would be nuanced. And maybe they would lead to a stronger sense of safety and security, too.
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UCLA student government condemns campus Hillel for hosting former hostage
A campus event featuring freed Israeli hostage Omer Shem Tov drew the condemnation of UCLA’s student government on Tuesday. In an open letter, the UCLA Students Associated Council said that bringing Tov to speak to students “served to legitimize and normalize” atrocities in Gaza and Lebanon.
Shem Tov, 23, was kidnapped from the Nova music festival in Southern Israel on Oct. 7, 2023, and held hostage in Gaza until his release in a prisoner exchange in February 2025. UCLA hosted him on April 14 for a Yom HaShoah event.
“While we affirm the humanity of all people impacted by violence, we reject the selective platforming of narratives that obscure the broader reality of ongoing state violence,” the student government letter wrote in the letter, which was addressed to the UCLA administration and UCLA Hillel among others. “Israel is currently continuing to carry out what has been widely identified by human rights advocates as a genocide in Gaza, while also expanding its illegal military campaign into Lebanon.
“In this context, elevating a single narrative, absent of critical political and humanitarian framing, serves to legitimize and normalize these ongoing atrocities.”
Rabbi Chaim Seidler-Feller, UCLA Hillel’s director emeritus, called the statement “completely ridiculous.”
“You can’t present the narrative of your experience without it being called ‘one sided,’” Seidler-Feller said. “There has to be a counter-story to persecution. Is there a counter-story to killing people?”
UCLA Hillel executive director Daniel Gold dismissed the criticism in Tuesday’s letter as antisemitic.
“Hillel at UCLA and Students Supporting Israel UCLA would like to apologize…for absolutely nothing,” he wrote in a statement. “Members of UCLA student government have once again shown they are anti-dialogue, anti-learning, anti-truth, anti-student and antisemitic.”
The USAC did not respond to a request for comment.
As college campuses across the country became a hotspot for pro-Palestinian activism following the Oct. 7 attack, UCLA, with an activist history and a large Jewish population, stood out as a major flashpoint. Its student encampment was the site of a riot in April 2024 and eventually cleared by police in riot gear.
The USAC has sided with pro-Palestinian protesters throughout. In a Feb. 2025 letter titled “We Are All SJP,” the USAC, which is democratically elected by the roughly 30,000-member UCLA student body, condemned Chancellor Julio Frenk’s suspension of Students for Justice in Palestine. The letter referred to Israel only as “the Zionist state” or put the country’s name inside quotation marks.
The University of California has since been sued by the Department of Justice, which said that UCLA created a hostile work environment against Jewish and Israeli faculty in violation of Title VII of the Civil Rights Act.
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Trump extends ceasefire with Iran, even after Iran balks at new round of negotiations
(JTA) — President Donald Trump announced on Tuesday that he would unilaterally extend the U.S.-Israeli ceasefire with Iran, even though Iran had not agreed to his conditions or even to return to the negotiating table.
Trump announced the decision on Truth Social just hours before the two-week-old deal was set to expire. Citing Iran’s “fractured” leadership, Trump wrote that he had been asked by Pakistani Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif to “hold our Attack on the Country of Iran until such time as their leaders and representatives can come up with a unified proposal.”
Vice President JD Vance’s planned trip to Islamabad, where talks were set to take place, was postponed indefinitely after Iran failed to confirm its participation in negotiations.
Trump added that the United States would maintain its naval blockade of Iranian ports in the Strait of Hormuz, despite Iran’s repeated calls for the restrictions to be lifted.
The announcement marked a sharp departure from the president’s statements earlier in the day, telling CNBC that, if a deal was not made before the deadline, “I expect to be bombing.”
In a statement Tuesday, Sharif thanked Trump for his “gracious acceptance” of Pakistan’s request to extend the ceasefire, adding that the country would “continue its earnest efforts for a negotiated settlement of the conflict.”
The announcement adds to uncertain about the war’s future, including for Israelis who lived through six weeks of Iranian bombing, and renews questions about Trump’s commitment to achieving his war goals, which have varied and included blunting Iran’s nuclear ambitions, achieving regime change, and destroying Iran’s stockpile of ballistic missiles. He said earlier this week that he was asking Iran to limit its nuclear program for 20 years, five years longer than was required by the deal struck by Barack Obama in 2015. Trump exited that deal in 2018.
Last week, Trump announced a different ceasefire, between Israel and Lebanon, on Truth Social, contradicting Israel’s claim that the Iran ceasefire would not apply to its fighting with Hezbollah, an Iran-backed proxy in Lebanon.
Trump’s announcement of the ceasefire extension came during the night in Israel, after Israelis began their celebration of Independence Day. It drew criticism from one of his staunchest pro-Israel supporters, the Zionist Organization of America, whose national president Morton Klein said in a statement that “interminable delay is the standard Islamic Iranian regime negotiating tactic” and that acceding to it represented a victory for Iran. The statement did not mention Trump.
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Alan Dershowitz quits Democratic Party, calling it ‘most anti-Israel party in U.S. history’
(JTA) — Alan Dershowitz, the prominent pro-Israel attorney whose clients have included Donald Trump and Jeffrey Epstein, announced on Monday that he was leaving the Democratic party and registering as a Republican.
Describing himself as a “lifelong Democrat,” Dershowitz wrote in a Wall Street Journal op-ed that he had decided to “bite the bullet and register as a Republican,” citing Democratic support for an arms embargo on Israel last week and the Michigan Senate candidate Abdul el-Sayed’s anti-Israel rhetoric.
“There is no denying that the hard left, anti-Israel wing of the Democratic Party has moved from the fringe to the mainstream,” Dershowitz wrote, adding that “Republicans have their own antisemitic fringe, but for now it remains a fringe.”
The announcement formalized a political evolution for Dershowitz, who defended Trump during his first impeachment and has increasingly broken with Democrats over Israel in recent years.
In 2021, Dershowitz nominated Jared Kushner, Trump’s son-in-law, and Avi Berkowitz, Trump’s top Middle Eastern envoy during his first administration, for the Nobel Peace Prize over their hand in shaping the Abraham Accords.
Dershowitz — who has recently faced scrutiny over his ties to Epstein, and previously denied allegations of sexual misconduct made by one of Epstein’s accusers — panned the Democratic Party as the “most anti-Israel party in U.S. history” in the op-ed.
“I believe that the Democratic Party’s hostility to Israel represents a deeper and more dangerous shift away from the center and toward a radical approach that is bad for America and the free world,” Dershowitz wrote, adding that he intended to “work hard to prevent the Democrats from gaining control of the House and Senate.”
Dershowitz’s comments are in line with Trump’s statements about Jews and the Democratic Party. He has repeatedly expressed amazement at how any Jews could vote for the Democrats considering his own record when it comes to Israel.
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