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Jewish Democrats press for oversight as Trump’s Iran war rages on
After Congress failed to rein in President Donald Trump’s authority to wage war alongside Israel against Iran, Democrats say the fight over congressional oversight is far from over.
Jewish Democrats, many of whom support U.S. action to curb Iran’s nuclear program and dismantle its ballistic missile infrastructure, are grappling with how to respond as the midterm elections approach and opposition to the war runs deep within their party.
All but one member of the congressional Jewish Caucus voted last week for the War Powers Act resolution, which would have required the administration to halt U.S. strikes against Iran until it received congressional approval.
Trump further complicated things when he described the U.S. strikes as “war” in his public remarks and proclaimed Sunday that “everything is on the table,” including possible ground troops, in destroying Iran’s capabilities to develop nuclear weapons and creating the conditions for regime change. Secretary of State Marco Rubio, however, said Monday that the mission’s goal is to dismantle the Iranian “terroristic regime’s” ability to develop and launch missiles that threaten its neighbors and the broader region by land and sea. Seven U.S. servicemembers have been killed in Iranian missile strikes.
On Monday afternoon, Trump said the war could end “pretty quickly,” but that the U.S. has not yet “won enough.”
Halie Soifer, the head of the Jewish Democratic Council of America, said in an interview that members of Congress are exploring new ways to demand oversight as it becomes increasingly clear that the administration “lacks a coherent strategy in Iran.” She said lawmakers will have an opportunity to seek transparency from the White House about its objectives and the path forward in the conflict when the White House requests supplemental funding for the war.
The conflict is estimated to cost as much as $1 billion a day. The Pentagon is expected to request a defense supplemental package of up to $50 billion in the coming days.
Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer hasn’t outlined his strategy in public. In his response to the failed war powers vote, he pointed fingers at Republicans enabling Trump. “It’s another sign that this administration is allergic to having a plan and thinking about the consequences in advance,” he said. A Senate official, who requested anonymity to discuss internal conversations, said Democrats have been quietly talking with Republicans about negotiating a path forward, as some in the GOP appear increasingly uneasy about the war.
At a press conference Monday, Trump again called Schumer, America’s highest-ranking Jewish elected official, a “Palestinian” over his criticism of the war. “He’s gone from totally pro-Israel to totally pro-Palestinian,” Trump said. “He wants to protect the Iranian people, that are quite nasty.”
Senate Democrats have reportedly launched an effort to force top administration officials to testify in congressional hearings and are threatening to disrupt business if Republicans resist. Some members have already introduced five additional war powers resolutions seeking to halt U.S. strikes on Tehran as the situation unfolds.
Rep. Josh Gottheimer of New Jersey, who has at times crossed party lines in support of Israel and offered forceful support for action against the Iranian regime, both before and after the strikes began, introduced with a number of his colleagues a more moderate alternative that would order Trump to end the military campaign within 30 days unless Congress authorizes a formal declaration of war. Gottheimer ultimately voted in favor of the war powers measure last week.
Some Jewish Democrats took issue with that vote and want to move on. “Sadly, it is purely political games,” said Abe Foxman, the former head of the Anti-Defamation League.
Foxman noted that previous Democratic administrations conducted military operations without explicit congressional authorization. “Ninety-nine percent of Democrats are on record saying Iran is a terrorist state and cannot have nuclear weapons. So why this game?” he asked.
Recent polling in Israel suggests overwhelming support for the war effort across Israel’s political spectrum. Some 80% of Israelis support the military campaign, including 77% of voters who support opposition parties. A Jewish People Policy Institute survey of 692 American Jews with relatively strong ties to the Jewish community, Jewish identity or Israel found that 68% support the U.S. decision to go to war against Iran, while 26% oppose it.
Trump said Sunday that any decision on when to end the war with Iran would be made “mutually” with Netanyahu.
That gap between Israeli public opinion and Democratic sentiment in Washington has become a central talking point for Republicans, portraying it as evidence that the party is further drifting away from Israel ahead of the midterms.
“Trump Derangement Syndrome is melting Democrats’ brains,” said Sam Markstein, a spokesperson for the Republican Jewish Coalition. “Democrats continue to play politics with the national security of the United States, and the American people will remember in November.”
Jewish Democrats say lack of oversight and strategy complicates support
Pro-Israel groups aligned with the Democratic Party pushed back, insisting their position reflects concern about strategy and constitutional authority rather than any sympathy for the Iranian regime.
Amanda Berman, head of the liberal feminist Zioness Movement, said the debate over Trump’s approach has been mischaracterized in a binary and partisan manner, with Republicans defending the unlimited use of force without congressional authorization and most Democrats portrayed as broadly opposing military action to curb Iran.
The narrative should be that this is about process, not outcome, Berman said. “Congress has to determine whether the war is in the best interest of the people of the United States, and I believe that there is a strong argument that it is in the best interest,” she said. “The issue is that there is a lack of clarity around the strategy and the goals.”
JDCA’s Soifer, who was a national security adviser to former Vice President Kamala Harris while she was in the Senate, said it “oversimplifies it to characterize our position as opposition to the war.”
“We support some of the short-term tactical gains that have been made, and we support Israel in its efforts to ensure its security,” Soifer said. “But no, we will not stop pressing the administration to fulfil its responsibility to explain to the American people how it’s going to achieve its objectives in this war, and what those objectives are.”
Brian Romick, president of Democratic Majority for Israel, said the party’s voters overwhelmingly “agree on the fundamental threat posed by Tehran. He pointed to the House resolution reaffirming the U.S. position that Iran remains the world’s largest state sponsor of terrorism that passed last week with bipartisan support, 372 voting in favor and only 53 Democrats voting against.
“Ending Iran’s nuclear threat, ballistic missile program and ability to sponsor terrorism will unequivocally make the world safer,” Romick said. At the same time, he said, lawmakers are seeking clarity from the administration about its long-term strategy.
The pro-peace J Street group lobbied Congress to support the war powers resolution, saying it was opposed to any action against Iran without congressional oversight. Jeremy Ben-Ami, J Street president, said at its annual conference in Washington, D.C. last week that their position applies to all administrations. “This idea of presidential ability to use the armed forces at their whim is a very dangerous one,” he said.
Ben-Ami also said J Street supports a diplomatic solution to end the war, even if it would come with strict terms set by Trump. “The right way to get out of this will be through some form of diplomatic agreement,” he said.
The post Jewish Democrats press for oversight as Trump’s Iran war rages on appeared first on The Forward.
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Why I’m vibing with the pope’s first big statement
I have long been obsessed with the Vatican and the inner workings of the papacy. (I majored and did my Master’s in religious studies.) But usually other people are not as tickled as I am by analyzing the newest theological statements from the Holy See.
Not this week. Pope Leo XIV just put out his first encyclical — the term used to refer to official statements outlining the church’s stance on a topic — and it has gone viral. “Spitting fire right out the gate,” said one of many similar trending posts, as though the encyclical was a rap song.
The topic is buzzy: AI, which the pope casts as one of the greatest threats to human flourishing and morality. (The encyclical is titled “Magnifica Humanitas,” or “Magnificent Humanity” in English, if that gives you the gist.) “Humanity, created by God in all its grandeur,” it opens, “ is today facing a pivotal choice: either to construct a new Tower of Babel or to build the city in which God and humanity dwell together.”
The document notes many of the concrete risks of AI — sexual abuse, distortion of facts, job loss — and calls for pragmatic solutions. But it is, at its heart, a testament to what makes humans human, written with palpable adoration for the people of the world: our creativity, our empathy, even our weaknesses. It’s a declaration that machines can never have the ineffable qualities of God’s children.
Structuring our world around technology, Leo writes, reduces “creation to an object of exploitation and human beings to mere cogs in a system driven toward ever greater efficiency.”
Later, in a paean to the importance of deep thought over easy answers, he goes on: “The speed and ease with which answers or summaries can be obtained risk extinguishing the desire to ask questions,” he writes, calling on the world “to protect our young people from the promise of the perfect machine” and warning against rendering “human thought seemingly superfluous precisely when it is most needed.”
“Magnificatus Humanitas” is a major statement, both in length — more than 43,000 words — and in symbolism. A pope’s first encyclical indicates the issues they believe are most important to the church, and signals the likely direction of their papacy.
That direction, for Pope Leo, is to be a voice for moral leadership, writ large. He addressed the encyclical not only to Catholics or even Christians, but “to all men and women of goodwill,” and cited thinkers like Hannah Arendt and J.R.R. Tolkien alongside the Bible.
It’s a declaration of a new — or, arguably, very old — relevance for religious leaders. As people rush through our increasingly fast-paced, frantic world, striving to keep up with the newest technology or geopolitical shift affecting markets and jobs, the slow-moving, zoomed-out perspective of religious leaders seems to be more and more important.
The Vatican held massive authority both moral and military for much of Western history. But its sway faded in the modern age. As democracy rose, Christianity broke into factions and religion’s prominence weakened, leaving the Church without the same ability to bestow a divine mandate on nations and rulers.
So many modern popes have kept their sights more narrowly focused on the theological. Even Pope Francis, who was a liberal, modernizing force for the church, and spoke out strongly on topics like the environment and immigration, focused three of his four encyclicals on Christian theological concepts like the Sacred Heart and Christianity as the world’s guiding light.
Pope Leo, however, seems to have found his way to modern, secular relevance by speaking out clearly on major issues of the day. He notes that he drew inspiration for “Magnificatus Humanitas” from Pope Leo XIII, an influential pope in the late 1800s and the inspiration for the modern Leo’s own papal moniker, whose 1891 encyclical “Rerum Novarum,” on the economy and conditions of the working class, was criticized for insufficient focus on the Gospel. The current pope’s own document is remarkably concrete and political.
Making political statements isn’t new for Leo, but the encyclical canonizes his boldness into an official form. In the past few months I’ve written about the ways in which Pope Leo has used sermons and statements to directly counter those made by U.S. leaders. After Pete Hegseth made a speech implying the U.S. military is doing God’s will, the pope gave a homily saying that prayers for war cannot be heard by God. He has made strongly worded comments about the rights of immigrants as Trump announced increased ICE raids, and made a point of appointing foreign bishops in American parishes. He has refused to visit the U.S. despite the fact that he is American and has been invited numerous times, including for the nation’s 250th birthday; he is instead planning to visit an island that serves as a refugee landing point in the Mediterranean.
It’s not all that surprising that Leo is making pronouncements on the justness of wars; popes have always given commentary on the world, albeit often less pointedly. Of course, Catholics have always looked to the pope for moral leadership — though that is increasingly under question, as renegade Catholics doubt the pope. (Even J.D. Vance, a Catholic convert with a book coming out about his conversion, has warned the pope to be “careful” with his theological interpretations — a near heretical statement. That’s how Protestantism came about.) The difference today is that everybody is listening.
I think the reason is that there is a certain ineffable quality that can’t be accounted for in so much of modern-day discourse in our metrics-focused world. Everything needs to be provable with a statistical analysis or some quantifiable indicator, or it needs to be as profitable as possible to extract value. But so much of what is most valuable in the human experience is intuitive — experiences and emotions like love, joy, transcendence. Connection with each other. Religious leaders have been honing the language to talk about these qualities for centuries, and they guard one of the only arenas in which the intangible remains central.
Of course, there are also plenty of issues with religious institutions, and the Vatican in particular is famous as a site where abuses of power were hidden and protected. But “Magnifica Humanitas,” and its virality, points toward a new relationship with religion, and a newly important role for it to play.
Or maybe that’s just wishful thinking, a hope for my own increased importance as a religion reporter.
The post Why I’m vibing with the pope’s first big statement appeared first on The Forward.
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How can I live freely as a Jew in a world where strangers rip my mezuzah off my doorframe?
Twice, the mezuzah on my front door was ripped off.
The first time, I was shocked. The second time, I made a decision that still pains me. I did not put it back up.
This was before the Hamas attack of Oct. 7, 2023.
That is the part I keep coming back to. The fear did not begin after the Hamas attacks. It was already there, intruding with the quiet calculation of whether a small Jewish symbol on my home made me less safe.
A mezuzah is not a political statement. It makes no argument about a government or a war. It is a sacred object, a marker of memory, a tiny declaration that says: Jews live here. I thought about that mezuzah again recently when the Anti-Defamation League released its annual audit showing that antisemitic physical assaults in the United States reached record highs in 2025. That increase reflects something many Jews already feel in daily life: the slow erosion of ease, the daily calculation of whether to speak up or stay quiet — things I have felt since the first time my mezuzah was violently torn off my doorframe.
Since then, the realm in which I feel safe as a visibly Jewish person has been shrinking from all directions.
After the Oct. 7 attack, the bulletin boards in my apartment building began filling with calls to boycott Israel. Campaign flyers for a Jewish political candidate who came to speak there were defaced with Hitler mustaches. I learned to scan the walls before I scanned my mail.
This was not happening on a campus quad or in some distant place. It was happening where I live.
Then, among my mother’s things, I found a Star of David necklace from the 1930s — marcasite set against black onyx, delicate and old. A boyfriend had given it to her when they were both 14.
I put it on in Florida, where I spend much of my time caring for my mother. I loved wearing it. It felt like more than jewelry. It felt like inheritance, memory, and a small way of carrying my family with me.
But when my mother knew I was going back to New York, she told me to take it off.
My mother is 102. She is not easily frightened. She has lived long enough to know when the temperature in the room has changed. She was not making a political argument. She was trying to protect her daughter.
I still wear that Star of David. But I admit I am selective. In New York, there are moments when I leave it visible and moments when I tuck it under my shirt. That calculation itself tells me something about the world I am moving through.
Recently, in a private Facebook group for women essayists, I shared a personal piece I had written for the United Kingdom-based Jewish Chronicle about how Oct. 7 changed life for my mother and me. It was not a political manifesto. It was a reflection on fear, Jewish identity, aging and visibility.
And still, I was attacked by other writers.“What about Gaza?” I was asked. The message was clear: even my personal Jewish pain had to pass a political test before it could be acknowledged.
That is the narrowing.
This ugliness is coming from more than one direction now. It stems from old conspiracy theories on the right and newer moral certainties in some of the progressive spaces where I once felt most at home. Different language brings about the same result: Jews become less human, less particular, less entitled to fear.
That collapse is what frightens me most: the definitional collapse between Jew and Israeli; Israeli and Israel’s government; Jewish symbol and political provocation; mezuzah and target.
As Jews like me reckon with that collapse, we must reckon with how much we’ll go along with it.
Right now, too often, Jews are being asked to choose between our own safety and our compassion for others. We should be able to prioritize both. I am a Zionist. I believe in the right of the Jewish people to a homeland. I also believe Palestinians are human beings who deserve freedom, dignity, and protection from suffering.
These beliefs should not cancel each other out. They should make us more careful, more humane, more committed to truth.
Yet now we must choose between speaking about antisemitism and being accused of indifference to other hatreds. That is no way to live.
Since Oct. 7, I have found myself going to synagogue on Shabbat, something I never did before. I was a High Holiday Jew. Now I seek out rooms where I do not have to explain why this moment feels frightening. I have learned where I feel seen. I have learned who can hold my fear without turning it into an argument.
The mezuzah I did not put back up is small. It fits in the palm of my hand.
But what it represents is not small: memory, faith, survival, home, and the right to be visibly Jewish without fear.
When I did not put it back up, I told myself I was being practical. But now — after Oct. 7, the bulletin boards, my mother’s warning, and the explosive allegations I’ve seen travel through respected media without sufficient care or verification — I understand it differently.
I was not just protecting a doorframe. I was learning to shrink.
The post How can I live freely as a Jew in a world where strangers rip my mezuzah off my doorframe? appeared first on The Forward.
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Podcast: A lively conversation in Yiddish with actress Lea Koenig
ס׳איז לעצטנס אַרויס אַ פּאָדקאַסט מיט דער באַליבטער אַקטריסע אין ישׂראל, ליאַ קעניג, וועלכע איז הײַנט צום בעסטן באַקאַנט ווי די ייִדיש־רעדנדיקע באָבע פֿונעם פּערסאָנאַזש שלום שטיסל אין דער ישׂראלדיקער טעלעוויזיע־סעריע „שטיסל“.
אינעם שמועס באַטייליקן זיך אויך יניבֿ גאָלדבערג — דער מחבר פֿון אַ נײַער ביאָגראַפֿיע וועגן איר אויף ענגליש; דער איבערזעצער און דראַמאַטורג מיכל יאַשינסקי, און דער ייִדישער זינגער און קולטור־טוער חיים וואָלף. דעם פּאָדקאַסט האָט טראַנסמיטירט די באָסטאָנער ראַדיאָ־פּראָגראַם „דאָס ייִדישע קול“.
ליאַ קעניג גיט איבער אירע זכרונות במשך פֿון איר לאַנגער קאַריערע אין ייִדישן טעאַטער, ווי אויך אינעם העברעיִשן טעאַטער, טעלעוויזיע און קינאָ. כּדי צו הערן דעם פּאָדקאַסט, גיט אַ קוועטש דאָ.
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