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Jewish teens see a generational split in their own families over Mamdani
This article was produced as part of the New York Jewish Week’s Teen Journalism Fellowship, a program that works with Jewish teens around New York City to report on issues that affect their lives.
Sixteen-year-old Chase, who lives on the Upper East Side, is close with his grandparents. They talk about school, work and national politics, but there’s one topic he avoids discussing with them: the New York City mayoral election.
He and his grandparents, who are all Reform Jews, have split views on the 34-year-old democratic socialist frontrunner, Zohran Mamdani. Chase, who did not want his last name included so his views would not be searchable to the public, has positive feelings about the candidate, while his grandparents are strongly opposed to him.
Though Chase thinks Mamdani has “good intentions and questionable execution,” he thinks he would probably vote for Mamadani if he could.
His grandparents, on the other hand, have called Mamdani antisemitic — though they don’t go into much detail beyond that, Chase said. While he thinks their perspective lacks nuance, Chase recognizes that his grandparents faced antisemitism when they were growing up in Brooklyn in the 1950s and 1960s, and were sometimes afraid to be openly Jewish. They see Mamdani’s support of Palestine and harsh criticism of Israel as a rejection of Jews. “To them, Israel is supposed to be a bastion against antisemitism,” Chase said.
Chase’s family is just one example of the generational divide among Mamdani’s supporters and detractors. A poll conducted earlier this month by Beacon Research and Shaw & Company Research found that 73% of voters under 30 support Mamdani compared to just 15% for Andrew Cuomo. For voters in the oldest bracket, 65 and older, Cuomo led Mamdani by 43% to 27%.
For New York City Jews, Mamdani’s candidacy also laid bare divisions. An October 29 poll by Quinnipiac University found 60% of Jewish voters supporting Cuomo and 16% of Jewish voters supporting Mamdani. A different poll from July by Zenith Research and Public Progress Solutions found 43% of Jews support Mamdani with the other votes spread across all other candidates. Mandani’s support in this poll came primarily from younger Jews, with two-thirds of Jews aged 18 to 44 supporting Mamdani compared to just a quarter of older Jews.
At issue for many of New York’s Jews is Mamdani’s commitment to anti-Zionist views, which some classify as a threat to Jews. Mamdani has ties to the BDS (boycott, divestment and sanction) movement, and started the first Students for Justice in Palestine chapter at Bowdoin College, where he graduated in 2014. During his campaign for mayor, he has claimed Israel committed genocide, and that while he believes Israel has a right to exist as a state, he is “not comfortable supporting any state that has a hierarchy of citizenship on the basis of religion or anything else.”
Mamdani’s stances on Israel are a quandary for many liberal New York City Jews, many of whom support his domestic policies, like building affordable housing and raising the minimum wage, but are concerned about Jewish safety and the future of the state of Israel.
Sam Rosberger, a 16-year-old Jew from Harlem who sees himself “in the middle” between Reform and Conservative, supports Mamdani’s domestic policies. “I think generally all his ideas are good, I think rent control is good. The 2% tax on people [making] over a million [dollars] is good,” he said. Although Rosberger admits that some of Mamdani’s statements about Israel have been “possibly troubling,” he does not believe the candidate is antisemitic.
However, his parents had a different first impression of Mamdani. They were “worried about him being antisemitic,” based on information and opinion pieces that circulated online, Rosberger said. Once they started listening directly to Mamdani and his messaging, their views began to change. “I don’t think it was something in specific,” Rosberger said. “They saw his actions and they saw what he said, watching debates and hearing his voice [directly].”
Rosberger’s parents also disliked the other candidates running. They thought former New York Gov. Andrew Cuomo was “not an appealing person on a personal level,” he said, and they have contrasting policy priorities to Republican candidate Curtis Sliwa, the radio personality and founder of the Guardian Angels. As a result, Rosberger said his parents supported Mamdani in the primary, and he thinks they will likely vote for him in Tuesday’s general election.
Gershon Leib, a junior at a Manhattan Jewish day school, said his older brother is an anti-Zionist who has canvassed for the Mamdani campaign, something that Leib said his parents are not happy about.
“There was definitely some tension in the family over his decision to do so [to canvas], I could definitely feel that,” Leib, 16, said.
Leib, a former New York Jewish Week Teen Fellow, said both of his parents disapprove of Mamdani. While his stance on Israel-Gaza is part of the problem, he said they are primarily concerned by the state assemblyman’s lack of experience and policy platform, which they disagree with.
Leib, on the other hand, sees Mamdani as “the least bad option.” He’s encouraged by what he sees as the success of other progressive mayors such as Boston’s Michelle Wu — who has implemented free buses and expanded free pre-k — to be a positive sign for Zohran’s policies.
Leib said his parents are concerned that his brother has not done enough research into Mamdani’s policy platform and is only supporting Mamdani because of his anti-Zionist stance.
In the Leib family, the generational divide extends upward to the grandparents as well. Like Chase’s grandparents, they are concerned with Mamdani’s history with the BDS movement. The whole dynamic “has been causing some friction, even at the dinner table,” Leib said.
With the election one day away, the situation with his brother is still a bit of an open wound. “Obviously they [Gershon’s grandparents] did not shut him out entirely,” Leib said, “but I could see tension boiling over who he was willing to support.”
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The post Jewish teens see a generational split in their own families over Mamdani appeared first on Jewish Telegraphic Agency.
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Majority of House Democrats vote to defeat Lebanon war powers measure
(JTA) — A House resolution aimed at preventing U.S. involvement in hostilities in Lebanon failed Thursday.
Rep. Rashida Tlaib, a Michigan Democrat and fierce critic of Israel, forced a vote on the House floor Thursday. It was defeated 324 to 92, with 91 Democrats voting in favor. The sole Republican vote came from Kentucky Rep. Thomas Massie, who will be departing Congress next year after losing his primary.
The resolution, which would have ordered President Donald Trump to remove U.S. troops from Lebanon within seven days, was defeated after Democratic Party leaders noted in a joint statement that there are “no U.S. servicemembers involved in combat operations or hostilities in Lebanon.”
The statement issued by House Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries, Minority Whip Katherine Clark and Caucus Chair Pete Aguilar continued: “We stand with the Lebanese people, the government of Lebanon and the Lebanese Armed Forces in their efforts to live peacefully and defeat Hezbollah, a violent terrorist organization that is a sworn enemy of the United States.”
Jewish Democratic Reps. Jerrold Nadler and Dan Goldman of New York also voted “no” on the resolution, writing in a joint press release that their opposition “should not be taken as an approval of Prime Minister Netanyahu’s prosecution of Israel’s military action in Lebanon.”
“To the extent that American armed forces are present in Lebanon, it is to support the current Lebanese government, which deserves our assistance,” the statement continued.
But Tlaib defended her resolution in a post on X Thursday ahead of the vote. “The people of Lebanon can’t wait another month for Congress to act,” Tlaib wrote. “Every day that we do nothing, 11 more Lebanese children are killed or injured by the Israeli military in this U.S.-supported invasion. Congress must pass today’s Lebanon War Powers Resolution.”
Tlaib was citing a UNICEF report of data from Lebanon’s Ministry of Public Health last month that found 77 children in Lebanon had been killed over the course of a week as Israeli strikes continued to pummel the country.
Some of those who opposed Tlaib’s resolution, including Nadler and Goldman, said they would vote for an alternative version of the resolution that would preserve cooperation with the Lebanese Armed Forces in their fight against Hezbollah.
The defeat of the resolution came the same day that Hezbollah rejected the latest ceasefire agreement brokered between Israel and Lebanon, as fighting between the Iranian proxy and Israel has intensified in recent weeks.
On Wednesday, the House narrowly passed a resolution for the first time that would limit President Donald Trump’s power to continue the war in Iran. While the development was largely symbolic, it marked a rebuke of the president’s increasingly unpopular strategy in Iran.
On Friday, 85 members of Congress also signed onto a letter to Secretary of State Marco Rubio calling on the Trump administration to “use every available diplomatic tool to halt imminent settlement construction in the E-1 area of the West Bank,” a corridor east of Jerusalem.
Citing Israeli Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich’s orders to demolish a Palestinian Bedouin village in the West Bank last month, the letter, which was led by Democratic Reps. Mark Pocan and Jan Schakowsky, who is Jewish, argued that the issue of settlements in the area had reached a “critical and final inflection point.”
“The window for meaningful diplomatic intervention is closing rapidly, and we believe it is not too late for the United States to act,” read the letter, which was also signed by Nadler and Jewish Tennessee Rep. Steve Cohen.
This article originally appeared on JTA.org.
The post Majority of House Democrats vote to defeat Lebanon war powers measure appeared first on The Forward.
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After years of hostile relations with Israel, Slovenia’s new prime minister signals diplomatic reset
(JTA) — Less than an hour after Slovenia’s newly elected prime minister, Janez Janša, was sworn into office by the country’s parliament, he had the Palestinian flag lowered from a government building.
The move marked the first step in a sharp reorientation of Slovenia’s posture towards Israel under Janša. The right-leaning prime minister, who previously held office in 2022, replaced a prime minister for the liberal Freedom Movement party.
Israeli Foreign Minister Gideon Saar announced on Thursday that Israel would open its first-ever embassy in Ljubljana, Slovenia’s capital, writing in a post on X that the move was a statement of “friendship, dialogue, and a shared belief in freedom, democracy, and security.”
“The election of Prime Minister @JJansaSDS marks a new chapter in relations between Israel and Slovenia,” Saar wrote. “After years of the hostility of the previous government- we now have an opportunity to rebuild, strengthen, and deepen a real partnership.”
Saar wrote in another post on X that he had spoken with Tone Kajzer, who was appointed as Slovenia’s minister of foreign affairs under the new administration, and that he had “pledged all the assistance necessary” to ensure the “swift establishment” of the embassy.
Janša replied to Saar’s post Thursday, writing, “Welcome to Ljubljana. 🇸🇮🇮🇱Looking forward to a new era in Slovenia-Israel relations.”
Under Slovenia’s outgoing prime minister, Robert Golob, the country voted to recognize a Palestinian state in June 2024 and became one of the few European Union countries to label Israel’s war in Gaza a “genocide,” a charge Israel firmly rejects. It was one of five nations to boycott the Eurovision song contest this year over Israel’s participation.
Last year, Slovenia also became the first EU country to impose a travel ban on Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, as well as far-right ministers Itamar Ben Gvir and Bezalel Smotrich.
For the country’s Jewish population, which numbers just 100, the spate of anti-Israel measures adopted by the former government contributed to a growing sense of isolation in the country.
But now, Janša, an admirer of President Donald Trump and an ally of former Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orbán, appears eager to reset relations with Israel.
On Friday, days after an Israeli passenger plane was denied entry to the country by Slovenian authorities in a protest against the Israeli government, Slovenian politician Jernej Vrtovec announced that the airline Israir had “once again been granted authorization to operate flights between Tel Aviv and Ljubljana.”
“The time has come for a responsible Slovenian 🇸🇮foreign policy based on facts, Slovenian national interests and international law,” Janša wrote in a post on X. He added that the “politically and economically harmful period of government support for activist anti-Semitism” had ended.
This article originally appeared on JTA.org.
The post After years of hostile relations with Israel, Slovenia’s new prime minister signals diplomatic reset appeared first on The Forward.
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Israel gives in to the politics of debasement
A small episode this week crystallized the broader pathology of Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netayahu more clearly than any grand speech or ideological argument ever could: the Knesset vote for state comptroller, one of the most sensitive institutional positions in Israeli public life.
In Israel, the 120 members of the Knesset elect the comptroller by secret ballot. The office audits government ministries, investigates failures of governance, oversees public integrity, and possesses enormous influence over public accountability. In the aftermath of the Hamas attack of Oct. 7, 2023, and the Gaza war, the role carries even greater significance. The comptroller may shape future investigations into catastrophic national failures and wartime decision-making.
This week — in a move straight out of United States President Donald Trump’s playbook — Netanyahu nominated his longtime personal lawyer, Michael Rabello, for the role.
Historically, the comptroller’s office has been occupied by senior judges, jurists, or respected public servants with reputations for independence. Figures such as Miriam Ben-Porat, Eliezer Goldberg, and Micha Lindenstrauss embodied a certain ethos: they were stern institutional guardians standing somewhat above partisan warfare.
The idea of placing the prime minister’s own attorney into the country’s central oversight institution struck many Israelis as grotesquely inappropriate.
Yet the truly astonishing part came during the voting itself, in which the opposition candidate was a former justice on the Supreme Court — an institution Netanyahu’s coalition has long vilified. The first round reportedly revealed substantial defections among Netanyahu’s coalition. His preferred candidate fell short. Panic spread.
Suddenly, allegations and reports emerged that coalition lawmakers were being encouraged to photograph or film their ballots in order to prove their loyalty. There was a pause in the proceedings as the Knesset speaker, Likud’s Amir Ohana, received legal advice to not allow phones in the voting area. He restarted the vote anyway. Israeli media filled with coalition lawmakers posting images of themselves voting the right way. The images and reports were the excruciating stuff of banana republics.
I cannot recall ever seeing a similar scene in a functioning democracy. Rabello was elected.
Secret ballots exist precisely because democracies understand that free voting collapses when superiors can verify obedience. The entire purpose of ballot secrecy is to protect individuals from coercion, intimidation, retaliation and patronage systems.
Modern democracies adopted secret ballots in the nineteenth century to break the power of bosses, landlords, oligarchs, and political machines that demanded proof of loyalty.
The blatant violation of these norms by Netanyahu’s coalition helps explain why so many Israelis react to him not merely with opposition, but with exhaustion, fury, and moral revulsion.
It’s not just the corruption trials, the permanent manipulation, the serial falsehoods, the failed strategic assumptions about Hamas, the relentless cultivation of tribal resentment, the attacks on state institutions, the politics of personal loyalty and the transformation of every disagreement into an existential struggle between patriots and traitors. It’s the cumulative exhaustion of watching every institutional norm eventually be subordinated to the most vulgar politics imaginable.
The episode revealed something larger than one parliamentary scandal: the culture Netanyahu has spent years cultivating. It is a system organized increasingly around personal allegiance rather than institutional responsibility. A political environment in which independent judgment becomes suspicious, dissent becomes betrayal, and every institution gradually bends toward one man’s political ambition.
So we have here a prime minister under criminal indictment pushing his own lawyer into a top civil service oversight role.
Opposition leaders Naftali Bennett and Yair Lapid plan to appeal Rabello’s election to the Supreme Court, calling the vote “tainted.” Even that might not work. Several government ministers, including the justice minister, have suggested in recent months that they no longer consider court decisions binding.
And that is what outsiders often miss about Netanyahu fatigue in Israel. The anger does not emerge from one scandal, one trial, one war, or one speech. It comes from the constant sense of humiliation. This week, inside Knesset voting booths that were meant to be hidden from view, Israelis saw the whole story compressed into a single degrading scene.
The post Israel gives in to the politics of debasement appeared first on The Forward.
