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NY lawmakers move to ban corporal punishment in schools — and spark a Twitter fight
(New York Jewish Week) — A group of New York State Assembly members and state senators are proposing a ban on corporal punishment in schools in the wake of a lengthy New York Times investigation of yeshivas published last October that included several allegations of teachers hitting students.
Multiple bills were proposed in the senate and assembly last week to outlaw the practice, which is already banned in public schools but not explicitly within private schools. One bill deemed likely to garner the most support, according to the New York Times, defines corporal punishment and prohibits it across educational settings in the state. The bill’s lead sponsors are State Senator Julia Salazar and Assemblywoman Emily Gallagher, both Democrats who represent the heavily Hasidic Brooklyn neighborhood of Williamsburg.
But after the Times published its coverage of the bill, Salazar found herself in a Twitter spat with Eliza Shapiro, one of the reporters who wrote the story and many of the articles in the paper’s monthslong investigative series on Hasidic schools. That, in turn, led to Orthodox activists disputing the claims of another Hasidic lawmaker, Simcha Eichenstein, on the social media platform.
The first installment of the Times’ investigative series, published in September, reported that yeshivas that had received a total of $1 billion in taxpayer funding over a period of four years were providing less than adequate schooling in secular subjects. The article also reported on 911 calls and interviews with alumni who said that some teachers in Hasidic schools regularly use corporal punishment in class.
Leading Hasidic groups claimed that the investigation encouraged antisemitism. In response to the article and its followups, Agudath Israel of America, an umbrella haredi Orthodox group, launched a campaign called “Know Us” to push back on the findings of the Times investigation.
The investigation, however, has spurred officials into action to address its claims. Last week, the Times story on the corporal punishment legislation said that it came in response to its reporting.
Salazar then wrote on Twitter that “the use of physical or violent methods to ostensibly discipline students has happened in many schools. I haven’t seen any evidence of it being a pattern in yeshivas.”
Shapiro, who co-wrote the investigation with Brian Rosenthal, replied by posting a statement by Salazar in which the state senator said the legislation was, in fact, a response to the Times investigation. Salazar then responded: “Reports – which must be addressed, hence the bill – are different from a pattern. I hear more about CP [corporal punishment] in other non-public schools.”
Eichenstein, who represents Borough Park, a large Hasidic enclave in Brooklyn, retweeted Salazar’s tweet, suggesting that the bill’s goal is “no corporal punishment at any school.”
“As a yeshiva parent/former student, I’m not familiar with the use of corporal punishment at yeshivas, nor would I tolerate it,” Eichenstein wrote. Echoing the claims of haredi groups, he added, “Sadly, @nytimes needs to continue its onslaught against Orthodox Jews & prop up their mudslinging.”
Eichenstein’s tweet led dozens of Hasidic people on Twitter to respond with stories of experiencing or hearing of corporal punishment while they were students at yeshivas. The stories ranged from someone having his braces smashed into his cheeks to someone being thrown against a blackboard to students being slapped or having chalk thrown at them.
Eichenstein later posted another tweet saying:“I have not and will not cast doubt on anyone’s lived experience.”
“What I will not tolerate is this notion that corporal punishment is somehow accepted as a routine disciplinary tool in today’s era at yeshivas,” Eichenstein wrote. “That is an outright lie.”
Eichenstein told the New York Jewish Week on Monday that he had never experienced corporal punishment when he was a student at a yeshiva. He reiterated that he wasn’t disputing people’s personal stories.
“If you’re going to talk about something you saw that happened 30 years ago, clarify that it happened 30 years ago,” he said. “I can’t sit here and tell you that there may not be a singular instance a week from now. It could happen, we’re a very large system. But the idea that [corporal punishment] is an acceptable tool with no consequences is not true…If an educator raises their hand on a child, there should be zero tolerance. That educator should no longer be allowed in the building, let alone a classroom.”
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The post NY lawmakers move to ban corporal punishment in schools — and spark a Twitter fight appeared first on Jewish Telegraphic Agency.
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Why the Super Bowl antisemitism ad uses a familiar slur
To the editors:
The sticky note cruelly slapped on a high school student’s backpack didn’t have to say “Dirty Jew.”
It could have been any one of dozens of other antisemitic slurs, and believe me, throughout my life and current line of work, I’ve seen and heard them all. At the Blue Square Alliance Against Hate, our Command Center closely tracks the spread of antisemitism online, in all its pernicious forms.
In his piece for the Forward about our new Super Bowl ad, PJ Grisar argues that the ad misses the mark by using “Dirty Jew,” characterizing it as old-fashioned and out of touch with the heavily coded, meme-driven ways students typically express antisemitism today.
We’ve seen all of those slurs gaining traction among younger people that Grisar gave as examples of how kids hate today.
But we didn’t pull “Dirty Jew” out of the history books. In creating the ad, the Blue Square Alliance made a conscious decision to follow the research. Our decisions are based on data, from the one billion social media posts we analyze daily, to our semi-annual 7,000-participant survey on American sentiment toward Jews and antisemitism, to our multi-stage audience testing that is foundational to our creative development.
Here’s the hard data: With nearly 500 million social media impressions since 2023, “Dirty Jew” is a slur that has managed to penetrate all corners of American discourse. Worse yet, its usage online has increased by 174% in the past three years, growing at a significantly higher rate than other slurs. And sadly, the last few years have seen more than a few disturbing and real incidents of the scenario in the ad play out in real life. In U.S. high schools. Right now. Not 1950.
This data-guided approach drove our selection of “Dirty Jew” among all the possible antisemitic slurs as the one to appear on the sticky note. Even though at first glance this phraseology may seem dated, it’s actually timeless and ubiquitous — scarily — and is even outpacing other slurs in frequency of use.
So, whether you’re a Boomer, Millennial or Gen Z, there’s no subtlety to what this ad is showing you: this is antisemitism, pure and simple. And, as Grisar acknowledges in his piece, the challenge of storytelling within a 30-second ad window requires a clear, unambiguous message. In that short time, clarity beats complexity.
It was also important to us to use the high school setting and focus our ad on a younger demographic because that is where we have seen the most concerning trends in antisemitism data. Our most recent survey data shows that Gen Z is three times more likely to witness antisemitism than older generations, and yet nearly twice as likely to say it is not a problem.
At the heart of this campaign is Blue Square Alliance’s dedication to addressing another data point: more than 100 million Americans say they are unengaged in the collective effort to stand up against anti-Jewish hate. We have spent the past few years closely studying this segment, and our surveys show that unengaged Americans often don’t know Jewish Americans, they aren’t familiar with antisemitism (their news feeds and social feeds don’t share the awful stories that we all know too well), and they don’t think antisemitism is a significant problem. Importantly, they don’t feel personal or societal pressure to be an ally.
That’s exactly why we’re using the Super Bowl — a cultural touchstone for the entire country — to raise awareness and model allyship. We test all of our ads, including “Sticky Note” and our earlier ads like “Tony,” specifically with this target audience. What we’re seeing is promising.
Among the unengaged, exposure to our messaging measurably shifts attitudes: viewers become 36% more familiar with recent antisemitic incidents and 41% more likely to see antisemitism as a major problem in the United States. And the impact doesn’t stop at awareness — it moves people to act. After seeing our ads, unengaged viewers are 27% more likely to say they would speak up when they witness antisemitism.
And our work to cultivate allies extends far beyond the television screen. We complement our social media, outdoor and audio campaigns with on-the-ground bridge-building to strengthen connections with Americans across communities and reach those who have not yet been meaningfully involved in this issue. Over the past year, we’ve expanded our programs to bring more people into the conversation, like our partnership with UNCF and Hillel International, now on a 14-stop “Unity Dinner” tour, to connect Black and Jewish students on campuses nationwide. And last fall, we joined with the Appeal of Conscience Foundation to launch “Stand Up Sunday,” an interfaith effort that mobilized hundreds of thousands of congregants across the nation to reject antisemitism and all faith-based hate.
Our founder, Robert Kraft, created the Blue Square Alliance Against Hate in 2019 because he recognized that reversing the rise in antisemitism would require both awareness and empathy.
With “Sticky Note,” we’re showing what it means to be an upstander and giving Americans a clear, accessible way to step off the sidelines. We won’t simply win over the unengaged through displays of toughness and bravado alone, as some people have suggested. To reach the unengaged majority, you have to meet them where they are — not where we, as a deeply committed Jewish community, already stand.
The post Why the Super Bowl antisemitism ad uses a familiar slur appeared first on The Forward.
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Amid Iran Standoff, Witkoff and Kushner Pose Aboard USS Abraham Lincoln Aircraft Carrier
Steve Witkoff (R) aboard the aircraft carrier Lincoln. Photo via i24 / social media used in accordance with Clause 27a of the Copyright Law
i24 News – Special US envoys Steve Witkoff and Jared Kushner visited on Saturday the USS Abraham Lincoln aircraft carrier.
The duo, who led the US in the indirect nuclear talks with Iran on Friday, visited the aircraft carrier at the invitation of US Central Command chief, Adm. Brad Cooper.
The carrier arrived in the region last week as part of a US “armada” amid rising tensions with the Islamic regime of Iran. It is stationed in the Arabian Sea.
The visit came hours after US President Donald Trump stated that while the talks went well, “But I think Iran looks like they want to make a deal very badly, as they should. Last time, they decided maybe not to do it, but I think they probably feel differently. We’ll see what the deal is. It’ll be different than last time. And we have a big armada. We have a big fleet heading in that direction. It’ll be there pretty soon. So we’ll see how that works out.”
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Pentagon Says It Will Cut Academic Ties With Harvard University
U.S. Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth arrives to administer the oath to U.S. Army National Guard soldiers during a re-enlistment ceremony at the base of the Washington Monument in Washington, D.C., U.S., February 6, 2026. REUTERS/Jonathan Ernst
Pentagon chief Pete Hegseth said on Friday his department was ending professional military education, fellowships, and certificate programs with Harvard University, marking the Trump administration’s latest escalation against the school.
President Donald Trump’s administration has cracked down on top US universities, including Harvard, over a range of issues such as pro-Palestinian protests against US ally Israel’s assault on Gaza, diversity programs, transgender policies and climate initiatives.
“Starting now and beginning in the 2026-27 school year, I am discontinuing all graduate level Professional Military Education (PME), all fellowships and certificate programs between Harvard University and the War Department for active duty service members,” Hegseth, who himself holds a master’s degree in public policy from the Harvard Kennedy School, said on X.
The policy will apply to service members enrolling in future programs while those currently enrolled will be allowed to finish their courses, Hegseth said.
He also added that the Pentagon will evaluate similar relationships with other universities in the coming weeks.
Rights advocates have raised free speech, academic freedom and due process concerns over the government’s actions against universities.
A Harvard spokesperson directed Reuters to a page on the history of the university’s ties with the US military that says Harvard has played a “significant role” in America’s military traditions since the nation’s founding.
TRUMP-HARVARD TENSIONS CONTINUE
The university has previously sued the Trump administration over the government’s attempt to freeze federal funding.
Hegseth accused Harvard of “hate America activism,” also calling the university antisemitic in a reference to pro-Palestinian protests.
Protesters, including some Jewish groups, say the government wrongly equates criticism of Israel’s assault on Gaza with antisemitism and advocacy for Palestinian rights with support for extremism.
Harvard has condemned discrimination on campus. Its antisemitism and Islamophobia task forces found last year that Jews and Muslims faced bigotry after the start of Israel’s war in Gaza following an October 2023 Hamas attack.
Trump’s attempts to freeze federal funds for Harvard have faced legal resistance and the two sides have failed to reach a deal thus far.
Trump said this week his administration was seeking $1 billion from Harvard to settle probes into school policies.
Some Ivy League schools have reached agreements with the Trump administration and accepted certain government demands. Columbia University has agreed to pay more than $220 million to the government while Brown University has agreed to pay $50 million to support local workforce development.