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NYC voters elected a BDS mayor. Voters in my city went much farther.
I first declared myself a Zionist when I was 10 years old in 1981, singing the song of Camp Young Judaea Sprout Lake, which went like this: “We are Young Judaeans, we have a story to tell. Too young for Tel Yehudah, but Zionists just as well.” Tel Yehudah was the high school age camp of Young Judaea, the year-round, non-denominational Zionist “movement” founded in 1909.
I was deeply involved in Young Judaea through my high school graduation in 1988. At the time, 40 years after the creation of the state of Israel, being a Zionist was not controversial. But Zionism as a “‘movement” felt fossilized. Its main goal had been achieved generations earlier, but we were still learning about the pre-state ‘Zionist thinkers.” The question of Jewish political autonomy in our ancient homeland had long since been settled. Some Israelis laughed at us. Israel was their country, not a movement.
Flash forward another 35 years and Zionism is very far from being a consensus ideology. We have seen anti-Zionism rise to prominence in New York City with the election of Zohran Mamdani. But it has arguably has reached its highest pitch here in my current city of Somerville, Massachusetts, where 55% of the electorate recently answered “yes” to the following non-binding ballot measure:
“Shall the Mayor of Somerville and all Somerville elected leaders be instructed to end all current city business and prohibit future city investments and contracts with companies as long as such companies engage in business that sustains Israel’s apartheid, genocide and illegal occupation of Palestine?”
This is possibly the most vociferously anti-Israel ballot measure that has been passed by any municipality in the country, making Somerville the unofficial capital of anti-Zionism. Many may criticize this as radically outside the mainstream, but the leaders of Somerville for Palestine, who spearheaded the measure, would take such criticism as a badge of honor. They call it leading on the issue.
Since my high school days, until Oct. 7, 2023, I hadn’t given much thought to Zionism. I never had a great urge to move to Israel. I lived there for a year before and after college. I turned my Jewish engagement into more of a religious enterprise than a political one. But, like many Jews, I have a wide group of friends and family there, and Oct. 7 and its aftershocks rekindled my convictions that Jews cannot rely on anyone else to secure our own safety. I am once again an active Zionist.
But, being a Zionist in Somerville is, frankly, exhausting. My post-Oct. 7 “Stand with Israel” sign was repeatedly stolen and vandalized just a few months into the war. This included a note from someone taped to the sign that ended in “Heil Hitler.”
In Somerville, there have been an ongoing parade of actions meant to isolate Israel and label it as the sole aggressor in the conflict. This included a hastily organized ceasefire resolution in January 2024 that originally did not condemn Hamas’ original attack. Following some last-minute scrambling that led to some improvements in the text, such as condemning Hamas, the measure passed 9-2.
Brian Sokol holds a sign opposing an Israel boycott ballot initiative in Somerville, Massachusetts, in 2025. (Courtesy Sokol)
In response, a group called “Shalom Somerville” was formed. This group counters the anti-Zionist narrative and actions and shares a more nuanced view of the conflict. It includes people from across the religious and political spectrum, all of whom agree on the basic idea that Israel has a right to exist as a Jewish state. Within that framework, a large majority of the group does not support the current Israeli government or how Israel conducted the war.
Shalom Somerville has had its work cut out for it.
There has been a “standout” for Palestine outside the high school nearly every day. Throughout 2024 and 2025, many city community events have been disrupted by Palestinian activists. This includes Pride events, Disability events, film screenings, local markets, and festivals and an endless stream of graffiti. My own appointment to Somerville’s Human Rights Commission was also opposed by a letter-writing campaign on the basis of my professed Zionism. Protesters — Jewish and not — even showed up to the city’s Hanukkah celebration.
One additional key feature of local anti-Zionism is the extent to which it has divided the Jewish community itself. Somerville for Palestine has amplified the voices of Jews who agree with them. Several editorials signed by lists of self-identifying Jews have appeared in local newspapers. Local synagogues have had to struggle not to alienate either side in order to sustain their membership and some modicum of Jewish unity, with at least one issuing a formal non-statement that left frustrated people on both sides of the issue. Our sanctuaries are no longer sanctuaries.
But the biggest skirmish was the ballot measure. It was originally proposed in March 2025. The City Council meeting that voted whether the question could go directly to the ballot was attended by Somerville for Palestine activists, with their keffiyehs, signs, songs and chants. The City Council decided not to send the measure directly to ballot, but to require ballot supporters to gather the requisite number of signatures (approximately 5,800). As those opposing the ballot passed the chanting crowds while leaving the meeting, some were insulted and spat upon. The local head of the New England ADL, a Somerville resident who also spoke at the meeting, had to be escorted to her car by police officers. Thus began months of canvassing where the ballot measure was peddled in every major town square.
Meanwhile, Shalom Somerville focused on preparing for the November vote. We decided to highlight the impact of the measure on Somerville, while also noting that the measure would not have any real effect on Palestinians in Gaza. Despite our objections to the language of the measure, we did not want to be litigating the war. We wanted our local officials to “focus on Somerville,“ not Israel and Palestine. For example, we emphasized that boycotting the construction equipment giant Caterpillar would make it much harder to rebuild our schools and roads, and that boycotting HP, the supplier of laptops for our schools, would cost the schools more money and negatively affect local students and teachers.
We spent the summer organizing and raising funds. When we did start sending out mailers and creating social media ads and posts, we were called carpetbaggers. The campaign also raised several legal issues with the ballot approval process, including the lack of a 150-word pro and con discussion on the ballot itself. Lacking this, less engaged voters were more likely to see it as a simple vote for or against genocide, which the text proclaims as if this were a non-controversial, established fact. These court challenges were called anti-democratic. Both the outside influence and undemocratic charges also tapped into myths of hidden Jewish wealth and power.
The final election result should be understood as a split decision. The ballot passed, but not by a landslide. More importantly, Jake Wilson, the mayoral candidate who said he would not implement the measure, beat Willie Burnley, Jr., who pledged to enact it. This could be taken to mean that the majority of voters either were comfortable with the “statement of conscience” but not with the prospect of implementation. Or, more likely, voters simply had higher priorities in their choices for city government. Voters were focused on Somerville after all.
At left: Somerville for Palestine supporters celebrate a projected win for Question 3, a non-binding resolution imploring the Boston suburb to divest from companies that do business with Israel, Nov. 4, 2025; a still from an ad opposing the measure paid for by a local Jewish group. (Screenshot via Instagram; Screenshot via YouTube)
The ballot measure was just a beginning. The proponents will now push at every turn to implement it. And Shalom Somerville will push back. All of this, will happen regardless of events on the ground in the Middle East or issues we could be working on together in Somerville. The ceasefire currently in place made barely a ripple in the local political climate. Shalom Somerville is also exploring ways to not just react to anti-Israel efforts but to engage positively in creating spaces for dialogue and deeper understanding of Israel and Palestine.
As one of the leaders of Shalom Somerville said after the election, Jews know how to be in the minority and continue to fight for our own dignity. We have done that throughout history. We had grown unaccustomed to this need here in America, but we have tapped back into that deep, generational knowledge. As a first step, we have found each other, learned to support each other, disagreed civilly, relied on each other’s skills, built coalitions, and fought back. Like the first Young Judaeans way back in 1909, we have started a new movement.
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The post NYC voters elected a BDS mayor. Voters in my city went much farther. appeared first on Jewish Telegraphic Agency.
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Gershon Weiss’ poetic surprises
פֿאַראַיאָרן האָט דער תּל־אָבֿיבֿער „ה. לייוויק־פֿאַרלאַג‟ אַרויסגעגעבן אַ לידער־זאַמלונג פֿונעם דיכטער גרשון ווײַס. דאָס בוך, „אַלט־נײַע לידער פֿאַר דעם איין־און־צוואַנציקסטן יאָרהונדערט‟, איז בלויז 28 זײַטלעך, נאָר האָט אַן אוניקאַלן טעם, באַגלייט מיט דעם מחברס אייגענע אילוסטראַציעס.
ווען איך האָב צום ערשטן מאָל געעפֿנט די דאָזיקע אויסגאַבע, האָט מיך גלײַך פֿאַרחידושט דער אימאַזש, אַז דער באַראַן (אַן ער־שעפּס), וועלכער פֿיגורירט אין דער מעשׂה וועגן דער עקידת־יצחק, ווי ער דערקלערט אינעם ליד אַליין, איז „חנום דער ווידערמענטש־אָפּגאָט‟. אַ פּלוצעמדיקע אַסאָציאַציע… און נישט קיין צופֿעליקע!
אינעם אַלט־מיצרישן פּאַנטעאָן איז טאַקע דאָ אַזאַ פֿיגור, וואָס זײַן נאָמען לייענט זיך ווי „כנום‟. גרשון ווײַס האָט פֿאַרשריבן זײַן נאָמען אויף אַ כּמו־לשון־קודשדיקן אופֿן, כּדי אונטערצושטרײַכן די אוראַלטקייט פֿונעם דאָזיקן אָפּגאָט, אַ מענטש אַ באַראַן. באַקומט זיך, לויט דעם דיכטערס רעיון, אַז בעת דער עקדה האָט אַבֿרהם אָבֿינו מבֿטל געווען די דאָזיקע עבֿודה־זרה… צי נישט? זײַן ניט־לאַנגע פּאָעמע „עקדה־צײַטן‟ שליסט זיך מיט די ווערטער „און זיי זײַנען געגאַנגען ווײַטער‟. טאַקע געגאַנגען, אינעם בוכשטעבלעכן היסטאָרישן זין. די אַרכעאָלאָגן האָבן באַשטעטיקט, אַז בערך מיט 2,500 יאָר צוריק איז אין דער מיצרישער אינדזל־שטאָט עלעפֿאַנטינע אָנגעגאַנגען אַ סיכסוך צווישן די אָרטיקע דינער פֿונעם שעפּס־קולט און ייִדן, וועלכער האָבן דאָרט אויפֿגעשטעלט אַן אייגענעם בית־המיקדש.
אין „פּרקי־אָבֿות‟ שטייט געשריבן, אַז יענער באַראַן איז געווען צווישן די זאַכן און באַשעפֿענישן, וואָס זענען באַשאַפֿן געוואָרן בײַם סאַמע סוף פֿון די ששת־ימי־בראשית. אויב אַזוי, ווערט ער אין דער ייִדישער טראַדיציע טאַקע באַטראַכט ווי עפּעס אַ מיסטישע חיה. די פֿאַרבינדונג מיטן באַראַן־מזל טלה (Aries), אויך דערמאָנט אינעם ליד, איז גענוג גוט באַקאַנט. ס׳איז פֿאַראַן אַ דעה, אַז די עקדה־מעשׂה איז פֿאָרגעקומען אינעם חודש ניסן, אונטער דעם דאָזיקן הימלישן סימן.
אָט אַזעלכע קייטן פֿון היסטאָרישע און סימבאָליש־פֿילאָסאָפֿישע פֿאַרבינדונגען בויען זיך, ווען מע לייענט גרשון ווײַסעס דיכטונג. זײַן פּאָעזיע איז פֿול מיט ניט־טריוויאַלע קבלה־אַסאָציאַציעס און אויך, ווי עס וואַרפֿט זיך אין די אויגן, מיט פּסיכאָ־אַנאַליז: „אַ לולבֿ און אתרוג טרעפֿן זיך… ער גרין מיט חשק, זי העל און רונד‟. אינעם נאָכוואָרט דערציילט דער דיכטער, אַז אין די לעצטע דרײַסיק יאָר האָט ער געאַרבעט ווי אַ „פּסיכאָטעראַפּיסט אין פֿאַרשידענע געביטן‟. אויפֿגעוואַקסן איז ער אין די 1970ער יאָרן אין אַ ניו־יאָרקער פֿאָרשטאָט.
אין ווײַסעס וועלטלעכער משפּחה האָט מען אויף ייִדיש נישט גערעדט. אינעם יאָר 1977 האָט ער זיך געלערנט אין דער אינטענסיווער ייִדיש־פּראָגראַם פֿון ייִוואָ און קאָלומביע־אוניווערסיטעט, אָנגעהויבן כּסדר פֿאַרבעסערן זײַן שפּראַך־קענטעניש און אין 2008 אָנגעהויבן פּובליקירן זײַנע ייִדישע לידער אינעם זשורנאַל „אויפֿן שוועל‟. גיטל שעכטער, איינע פֿון די רעדאַקטאָרן פֿונעם דאָזיקן זשורנאַל, האָט מיר איבערגעגעבן, אַז דער דיכטער וווינט אין איר שטאָט טינעק, ניו־דזשערזי, האָב איך זיך מיט אים פֿאַרבונדן.
גרשון ווײַס האָט מיר איבערגעגעבן, אַז איצט איז ער אויף פּענסיע און האָט אַ סך צײַט אויף צו שרײַבן לידער. איז גאַנץ מעגלעך אַז ער וועט אַרויסגעבן נאָך אַ זאַמלונג. איידער ער האָט זיך אויסגעלערנט ייִדיש, האָט ער געשריבן פּאָעטישע ווערק אויף ענגליש, אָבער הײַנט וויל ער שאַפֿן פּאָעזיע דווקא אויף דער ייִדישער שפּראַך, און דווקא צונויפֿשמעלצן זײַנע „צוויי אָבסעסיעס – רעליגיע און פּסיכאָלאָגיע‟.
אין עטלעכע לידער, דערקלערט ווײַס, האָט ער געוואָלט אויסשילדערן די תּנ״כישע פּערסאָנאַזשן ווי קאָמפּליצירטע עמאָציאָנעלע מענטשן, נישט סתּם „מאָראַלישע אַרכעטיפּן‟. ווי אַזוי? האָט מיר דער דיכטער דערקלערט אויף ייִדיש: „דאָס ליד פֿליסט אַרויס פֿון דעם דיכטערס אומוויסיקייט אין אַן אומסטרוקטורירטער פֿאָרעם, געמישט מיט פּערזענלעכע געדאַנקען און פֿראַגמענטן פֿון דעם דיכטערס קולטורעלער (מסתּמא, פֿילקולטורעלער) ירושה‟. זײַנע באַליבטסטע דיכטער זענען יעקבֿ גלאַטשטיין און דער ענגלישער פּאָעט ט. ס. עליאָט.
ווײַס האַלט, אַז „אַ ריינע ייִדישקייט איז אוממעגלעך‟. פֿון קדמונים אָן האָבן ייִדן זיך פֿאַרבונדן מיט די מיצרים, כּנענים, גריכן און אַנדערע פֿעלקער, זענען געווען באַקאַנט מיט זייערע רעליגיעס און ממילא עפּעס דערפֿון געשעפּט. פּערזענלעך בין איך אויך מסכּים. הלוואַי זאָלן אַרויס מער אַזעלכע ביכער אויף ייִדיש, וואָס זענען גובֿר פֿאַרשפּרייטע קולטורעלע סטערעאָטיפּן, און העלפֿן שאַפֿן בריקן צווישן פֿאַרשיידענע קולטורן און צוגאַנגען צו דער מענטשלעכער עקזיסטענץ.
The post Gershon Weiss’ poetic surprises appeared first on The Forward.
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First-ever empirical study of US rabbinate finds ‘shortage’ is more about fit than numbers
(JTA) — For years, synagogue leaders have said they can’t find enough clergy to fill their pulpits, leading to warnings of a nationwide rabbinic shortage. At the same time, openings for campus rabbis at Hillel chapters draw an average of 19 applicants each.
This mismatch between what rabbis want to do and the kinds of jobs available is among the many findings in the first-ever empirical study of the American rabbinate across denominations, released this week by the Atra Center for Rabbinic Innovation.
The study also examines the so-called “rabbinic pipeline” — the concern that declining enrollment at seminaries means too few people want to become rabbis. Here, too, the findings challenge conventional wisdom.
Surveying 450 people who considered the rabbinate but chose other careers, the study finds that lack of motivation was not a deciding factor. The most common barriers cited were the cost and duration of rabbinical school, the need to relocate, and concerns about the practicality of such a career.
In addition to these “would-be” rabbis, researchers surveyed nearly 1,500 others — including working and retired rabbis, current students, and seminary dropouts. They also interviewed leaders of rabbinical schools and associations, along with representatives of a wide range of rabbinic employers, while collecting recruitment and enrollment data.
Almost as notable as the findings is the diversity of those who took part. Participating organizations include every rabbinic institution from Reconstructionist and Reform to Conservative and Modern Orthodox, as well as all major non-denominational programs. Participation also came from umbrella groups representing Jewish summer camps, community centers, federations, and Hillel chapters. (Haredi Judaism was outside the study’s scope.)
“It’s a groundbreaking effort because there’s never been a comprehensive study of the rabbinate before, but it didn’t take much persuasion to get broad participation,” Atra’s executive director, Rabbi Shira Koch Epstein, said in an interview.
She described an eagerness to get involved that was motivated by years of debate about the issues addressed in the study. In one breakthrough, Atra convened dozens of leaders of institutions and programs that cultivate Jewish leaders and ordain rabbis, spanning the denominational range, for a brainstorming session about tackling the rabbinic pipeline.
“Everyone’s been trying to address the problems and the challenges, and we haven’t actually had any shared good information and data to help us do that,” Epstein said. “People actually want to work together on this, because they recognize that no one can do it alone.”
The study does not offer hard and fast solutions, instead positioning itself as a “mirror and a map” for collective action. Here are some of the highlights.
1. Only about half of all rabbis work in synagogues.
Those who do tend to find their job overly stressful and exhausting. Other kinds of rabbinical jobs offer much higher job satisfaction.
About 56% of rabbis are in pulpit jobs. The rest work for nonprofits, as chaplains, for day schools and universities or as independent entrepreneurs. The researchers spoke to 222 people who have held jobs in both categories. They said that working for a synagogue pays better but that, by every other metric of job satisfaction, working outside the synagogue is significantly better.
The study highlights this difference but also notes with a tone of reassurance and awe that 97% of all rabbis said their jobs are rewarding.
2. After years of decline, rabbinical school enrollment appears to be stabilizing.
The widespread perception that the major denominational seminaries are graduating fewer students while newer and non-denominational schools are growing is validated in the study. The latter are now producing slightly more rabbis than the former. Over the past five years, enrollment declines at Conservative and Reform seminaries have stopped, suggesting that they’ve reached a new normal.
3. Most rabbinical students are women and most are LGBTQ. Many are converts.
Rabbinical students today reflect a far more diverse cohort than in the past. According to the Atra report, 58% identify as women, 30% as men, and 12% as nonbinary.
An estimated 51% identify as LGBTQ, a contrast made starker with survey data collected in the same study showing that only 15% of rabbis ordained 10 to 20 years ago are LGBTQ.
Meanwhile, 16% of rabbinical students are Jews by choice and 12% identify as a race other than white.
Both Atra and the researchers they commissioned to carry out the study caution against drawing sensational conclusions about the growing diversity. “There’s no data-driven evidence as to why it’s happening and what the implications of it are yet to be known,” Wendy Rosov, the study’s lead researcher, said in an interview.
4. Views about Israel or Zionism don’t factor heavily into decisions about whether to become a rabbi.
The past few years have seen some students drop out of rabbinical school in protest of what they say is anti-Zionism in the student body and dozens of students signing on to petitions that are harshly critical of Israel.
Atra didn’t collect data on how current and future rabbis feel about Israel. But it did check how whatever view they held factored into their motivation for the job. Only a small minority said they wanted to become rabbis as a way to promote Israel and an even smaller minority said they were worried of being silenced regarding their criticism of Israel.
The motivating factors people most often checked often were “a desire to serve others,” “I felt called by my love of Judaism,” “An interest in deepening their knowledge of Jewish text and traditions,” and “a desire to teach.”
5. A wave of rabbinic retirements is looming.
The Atra report estimates there are about 4,100 rabbis currently working across congregations, schools, nonprofits, campuses, and chaplaincies. But the profession is getting older only 6% are under 35, while a quarter are over 65.
With most rabbis ordained in their mid-30s and many staying in their roles for decades, the report warns that retirements may soon outnumber new entrants unless younger Jews are drawn into the field.
The report closes on a note of cautious optimism, calling for collective action rather than quick fixes. It outlines nine areas where collaboration could make the biggest difference — from easing the financial burden of rabbinical training to modernizing education, expanding non-congregational careers, and improving mentorship. Epstein is hopeful that the collaborative spirit embodied in the summer gathering could translate into shared solutions.
“This is a surmountable challenge,” she said.
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Trump formally requests pardon in Israeli legal system for Benjamin Netanyahu
(JTA) — President Donald Trump has made official a suggestion that he first issued on the floor of Israel’s parliament: that Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu should be pardoned preemptively for his alleged crimes.
Trump made the case in a letter to Israeli President Isaac Herzog that Herzog’s office released on Wednesday. In it, Trump calls Netanyahu a “formidable and decisive War Time Prime Minister” and characterizes his prosecution as “lawfare,” a term that when used pejoratively refers to the misuse of legal systems to achieve ideological ends.
“Prime Minister Netanyahu has stood tall for Israel in the face of strong adversaries and long odds, and his attention cannot be unnecessarily diverted,” Trump writes.
He adds, “While I absolutely respect the independence of the Israeli Justice System and its requirements, I believe that this case against Bibi, who has fought alongside me for a long time, including against the very top adversary of Israel, Iran, is a political unjustified prosecution.”
The letter represents the kind of insertion into Israeli domestic politics that would have drawn ire in the past but have become relatively commonplace during Trump’s norm-busting second term. It follows Trump’s successful push for Israel to strike a ceasefire deal with Hamas that freed the Israeli hostages and suspended the two-year war in Gaza, and comes as Trump is seeking to safeguard the peace. Trump says in the letter that Netanyahu’s leadership is essential for allowing Israel to move forward.
“Now that we have achieved these unprecedented successes, and are keeping Hamas in check, it is time to let be reunite Israel by pardoning him and ending this lawfare, once and for all,” Trump concludes, ending with one of his signature signoffs. “Thank you for your attention to this matter.”
Unlike in the United States, where Trump has pardoned a number of political allies, including this week, Israel does not typically grant preemptive pardons. Netanyahu has not been convicted of any crimes.
Netanyahu has three legal cases open against him, on charges of fraud, bribery and breach of trust. They relate to allegations that he accepted lavish gifts in exchange for political favors and that he used his position to secure positive media coverage. The trial in the cases began in 2020 and has proceeded in fits and starts, with hearings routinely canceled as Netanyahu attends to Israel’s affairs, including the multi-front war and a protest movement that Netanyahu and his allies allege has been stoked through foreign interference.
Yair Lapid, the leader of the opposition, dismissed both the prospect of a pardon and Trump’s letter. On X, he said that Israeli law required those receiving pardons to admit guilt and show remorse — neither of which Netanyahu has yet done. In the Knesset, he said, “We are a sovereign state. There is a limit to intervention.”
Herzog’s office issued a statement praising Trump’s efforts in the Middle East but emphasizing that requests for pardons must come through Israel’s official process, which requires that people directly implicated in the case, or their immediate family members, must file a formal request.
“The president holds great respect for President Trump and repeatedly has repeatedly expressed his appreciation for Trump’s unwavering support of Israel and his tremendous contribution to the return of the hostages, the reshaping of the Middle East and Gaza, and the safeguarding of Israel’s security,” the president’s office said in a statement. “Without detracting from the above, as the president has made clear on multiple occasions, anyone seeking a pardon must submit a formal request in accordance with the established procedures.”
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