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Poet and refugee advocate Roya Hakakian talks about how words can help create change in Iran
Roya Hakakian is a poet, author, journalist and advocate for refugees. Every one of these roles is an offshoot of her own life experience as a child and teenager in pre- and post-revolutionary Iran and as an immigrant to the United States. Her poetry appears in many anthologies around the world, her books take a candid look at life under Iranâs fundamentalist Islamic regime and her documentaries tackle important issues like underage children in wars around the world. In our interview, we discuss what people can do to support the current uprising in Iran and the role poetry can play in revolutions.
These must be emotional times for you and the entire Iranian immigrant community. How are you holding up?
It is very exciting and also, as you can imagine, gut-wrenching to watch teenagers, children, and other people perform these great acts of courage and then suffer as a result of it. So, itâs a heroic time and, like all heroic times, whether in history or in epic stories that we read, itâs always associated with a great deal of tragedy too. And all of that is on full display. I wrote a memoir whose last chapter is called â1984.â Itâs the last year I was in Iran, and I was describing what Iran had become and how the entire society was divided between two peopleâthe regime and their allies, and then us, which were the ordinary citizens. I thought it was amazing how much time had passed, and yet nothing had changed in that division I described in that chapter. The circumstances, the frustrations, the inequalities, the injustices are the very issues that have brought a new generation of Iranians onto the street.
Iran once had a thriving Jewish population. Do you have any memories of what it was like to be a Jew in Iran before the revolution?
I was 12 years old when the revolution took place, and all my memories at the time before were happy childhood memoriesâgoing to the synagogue with my father. We lived within walking distance of a synagogue. I didnât experience the sort of things that my father had talked about growing up, of the severe antisemitism that he had experienced as a child in a small village in central Iran. And I didnât experience the sort of things my mother talked about. And she grew up in Hamadan, which is where the tomb of Esther and Mordechai are. The â60s and the â70s were the golden time of religious egalitarianism in Iran. And then came the revolution, and things quickly changed. And, you know, it wasnât so much the ordinary citizens who were being antisemitic, but the regime gave a leg up to Shiite Muslims. So it wasnât that Jews were barred from anything; it was that it was far more advantageous for you to be a Shiite Muslim.
You have been in danger from Iranian operatives in the United States. I think of Salman Rushdie, who refused to let threats intimidate him, but he ended up severely injured. Is this something you worry about?
The answer is yes for a variety of reasons, one of which is that the FBI came to my house a couple of years ago, warning that they had spotted my name on a list because of the work I do and the books I published, especially my memoir and the second book, which was about a series of murders that Iran had orchestrated in Europe. But I think whatâs important, and something that What I hope to bring to the attention of the broader public in America is that everyone is in danger, that if the Iranian regime has gathered enough influence to go after the dissidents that they donât like in the United States, then we become only the primary targets and everybody else will follow. And Iâm incredibly concerned about that.
You recently testified before the Senate Foreign Relations Committee. What was your message? Also, what should the United States be doing to help the protesters in Iran?
My main message was that this movement that began in Iran in September is the most serious movement that Iran has seen in 40-plus years. Immediately a few senators afterward told me, âOh, Iran has protests all the time, and the regime always suppresses them.â Well, this one has already proven to be different. It has certain qualities that none of the other protests in the past have had. This is a deeply secular movement; itâs a movement that demands the separation of government and religion. And none of the previous movements had these overtones.
For the past 20 years, weâve only been interested in Iran from a nuclear perspective, and everything else has been in the shadows. Who are Iranians? What do they want? How are they different? What are their demands? The best thing we can do is to stop looking at Iran as just the nuclear program and begin to widen the perspective and recognize that if something changes in Iran, if these protests succeed, then so much else can follow.
Among your many identities are writer and poet. What is the role poetry can play in revolutions?
I became interested in the Iranian revolution in 1979 through poetry. Poetry was the language of that revolution, which in many ways, is why some of those poets who were so devoted to the uprising against the former Shah became far less popular in the aftermath of the 1979 revolution. Revolutions begin with certain social demands, but what fuels them, what keeps them going, is the power of the rhetoric poets and writers pour into them. Thatâs what literature has always been for meâa tool for grand ideas and grand expressions and, possibly, a tool for changing society for the better.Â
What do you plan on discussing at the Z3 conference?
I want to talk about my own journey back to defining myself as a Jewish person after leaving Iran and coming to the US. It wasnât my issue, antisemitism wasnât my issue, Jewish identity wasnât my issue because I was a writer. I didnât have to think about these things. Over the years, have rediscovered my own relationship with Judaism. That is basically what I want to talk about.
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Israelis head to the polls in countryâs most consequential election in decades
(JTA) â JERUSALEM â More than 7 million Israelis are eligible to vote Tuesday in an election that many are calling the most consequential in the countryâs 78-year history.
Itâs the first parliamentary election since Hamasâs Oct. 7, 2023, mass attack and comes amid security concerns that Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu on Sunday framed as a fight for âIsraelâs existence.â
Yet, political analysts who spoke to the Jewish Telegraphic Agency in recent days said the vote for the 26th Knesset, Israelâs parliament, was more about domestic issues, namely the future character of the country as a democratic and liberal state.
âItâs a referendum about Israeli democracy,â said Udi Sommer, a professor of political science who heads the Barak Leadership Center at Tel Aviv University. âItâs also about Netanyahuâs performance and accountability for the people who were in charge on Oct. 7.â
The question of whether Netanyahu and his coalition of far-right and ultra-Orthodox parties, which were in office when the Hamas attacks occurred, should remain in power or whether it is time for a change appears to be at the heart of the election.
Facing off against Netanyahuâs bloc is an ideologically diverse group of opposition parties led by former army chief Gadi Eisenkot.
âThis election is consequential for both sides,â Tani Frank, director of the Shalom Hartman Instituteâs Center for Judaism and State Policy, told JTA.
âFor Netanyahu, it could be his last major opportunity â not necessarily because he has set a retirement date, but because he may see the remainder of the Trump administration as a final window to secure what he views as long-term strategic gains for Israel, particularly completing the mission in Iran and expanding and consolidating the Abraham Accords,â Frank said.
âFor the opposition, the election is framed as an urgent effort to protect Israelâs democracy and international standing, restore effective governance, address the rapidly growing Haredi community, and ensure its fuller integration into Israeli society,â he added.
According to data shared Sunday by the Central Elections Committee, roughly 7.3 million Israelis are eligible to vote in the election. Additionally, there are estimates that tens of thousands of Israeli nationals living abroad have returned to cast their ballots â literally a slip of paper placed inside a blue envelope. Voting is conducted in person, generally at the polling station assigned to the voterâs registered address.
Election Day is a national holiday in Israel, with most workplaces and schools closed. Shops and entertainment venues, however, remain open, with some stores offering Election Day sales, lending the day a celebratory feel.
According to the Central Elections Committee, 12,018 polling stations will be set up across the country, with around 18,000 ballot boxes and 450 million ballot papers printed for the election. The papers bear the letters or acronyms identifying the competing party lists.
Thousands of election workers and volunteers will staff the polling stations, while around 20,000 police officers will be deployed nationwide âto ensure that all eligible voters can safely reach the thousands of polling stations across the country and exercise their right to vote,â police said in a statement on Monday.
The election committee also said approximately 15,000 cameras would be used by election-integrity inspectors to help detect irregularities at polling stations. Police said their cyber units would work to prevent the spread of disinformation online.
These measures come as the country prepares for a closer-than-ever and high-stakes election.
According to the final set of public opinion polls, published Friday, neither of the main political blocs is projected to secure the 61 seats needed for a majority in the 120-member Knesset.
Although Israelis do not vote directly for prime minister, Netanyahu and Eisenkot are the leading contenders to form the next government, though a few other prominent leaders could emerge. The outcome will depend on which party leaders can assemble a parliamentary majority.
Most polls published in the final days of the campaign put Netanyahuâs bloc at around 50 seats, while Eisenkotâs Yashar party and its potential partners appear better positioned but still short of a majority of 61 seats. The two Arab-majority political groupings, the Joint List and Raâam, are projected to win a combined 14 or 15 seats.
Neither Arab grouping is expected to join a government led by Netanyahu. Some political analysts believe one or both could nevertheless support an opposition-led minority government, although the terms of any such arrangement remain uncertain.
Three other parties are also hovering near the electoral threshold: Amcha Yisrael, the Reservists and the Haredi Public Party. Each must win at least 3.25% of the valid votes to enter the Knesset. If one or more crosses that threshold, it could significantly alter the distribution of seats and the prospects for forming a government.
Frank said the most likely scenario was that neither bloc would win a clear majority.
âA key question, then, is who remains in power if Israel heads to another election. Netanyahuâs aim would be to stay on as prime minister during additional rounds, as happened in 2019â2020,â he said. âThe change bloc, meanwhile, would need to increase its numbers enough to replace the government without depending on Arab parties â particularly the Joint List â even if only to enable the transition rather than form a stable long-term coalition.â
This article originally appeared on JTA.org.
The post Israelis head to the polls in countryâs most consequential election in decades appeared first on The Forward.
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Polls show a deadlock, but betting markets strongly favor Eisenkot to replace Netanyahu
(JTA) â Traders on the Kalshi and Polymarket prediction markets are betting that former Israel Defense Forces chief of staff Gadi Eisenkot will replace incumbent Benjamin Netanyahu as Israelâs next prime minister following Tuesdayâs election.
That assessment comes despite polls released last week showing that neither candidate has a clear path to a governing coalition with a 61-seat majority.
Most polls predict what has been dubbed the âchange blocâ led by Eisenkot at 52 to 56 seats, while Netanyahuâs coalition is polling at around 50 seats.
Kalshi traders, however, give Eisenkot a 52% chance of becoming Israelâs next prime minister, followed by Netanyahu at 28% and the former prime minister Naftali Bennett at 10%. On Polymarket, Eisenkotâs chances stand at 58% and Netanyahuâs at 27%, with no other candidate above 15%.
Moran Ofir, a professor at the University of Haifaâs Faculty of Law who has researched prediction markets, explained the discrepancy, telling the Jewish Telegraphic Agency that there are two fundamental differences between polling and prediction markets.
Polls measure which party voters intend to support, while prediction markets ask a different question: Who will become prime minister?
Secondly, she said that the methodologies are fundamentally different. While polls rely on samples designed to be representative of the electorate, Polymarket reflects only those who choose to put their money on an election outcome.
Also, Polymarketâs percentages represent implied probabilities of winning, rather than shares of voter support.
At first glance, Ofir said, the fact that Polymarket participants have to put money behind their bets should protect the platform against deliberate misrepresentation, to which polls can be vulnerable.
âThe promise of these platforms, like Polymarket, Kalshi or PredictIt, is to aggregate the wisdom of the crowd faithfully,â she said.
But that vision is far from the reality on the ground.
In a study conducted by Ofir, Joshua Mitts, a professor of law at Columbia Law School, and Dan Zimmermann, chief intelligence officer at Betting Intelligence (BETINT), the researchers analyzed 1.2 million transactions. They found that 18% of all the money backing Netanyahu on Polymarket was concentrated in a single account, while just seven accounts held 29% of the money bet against him.
âWhat we see in our research is that the Israeli election market on Polymarket is not a market driven by the wisdom of the crowd, but one dominated by a very small number of relatively large players putting up very large sums of money,â Ofir said.
She described the election betting market as âfragile and highly susceptible to manipulation,â adding that participants may not be acting to maximize profits, but rather to influence public opinion ahead of the election.
âPerhaps Polymarket was, for years, a platform that reflected the wisdom of the crowd. But powerful actors with vested interests identified it, and today, in the world of elections, it has become a platform where large and powerful players step in to shape public perception,â Ofir said.
Another example identified in the study took place last summer. Two accounts placed bets on Ofer Winter, the leader of the Amcha Yisrael party, which was hovering around 3.25%, Israelâs electoral threshold to qualify for seats in the Knesset. The researchers identified two newly created betting accounts that wagered $3,200 on Winter becoming prime minister. The bets briefly pushed him above Avigdor Lieberman, an established Israeli political figure who heads the Yisrael Beytenu party, in the marketâs ranking of candidatesâ chances of becoming prime minister.
âTwo days after the partyâs launch: Ofer Winter overtakes Lieberman,â a major Israeli newspaper declared just hours later. Ofir suspects the bets were intended to create a misleading impression that would help persuade Winterâs supporters that his party could clear the electoral threshold.
Ofir said the researchers interpreted betting patterns by the account that placed large wagers on Netanyahu as evidence of possible access to nonpublic information. Other accounts that wagered substantial sums showed similar patterns related to the war with Iran, she said.
Brazil and Serbia held elections over the weekend. On Polymarket, Serbian President Aleksandar VuÄiÄ had a 72% chance of winning. In Brazil, incumbent President Luiz InĂĄcio Lula da Silva had just a 17% chance of victory.
VuÄiÄ lost. Lula won.
The post Polls show a deadlock, but betting markets strongly favor Eisenkot to replace Netanyahu appeared first on The Forward.
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âWe need to save our countryâ: Bay Area Israelis fly home to vote in pivotal election
(JTA) â This article was produced by J.âThe Jewish News of Northern California in partnership with the Jewish Telegraphic Agency.
ABOARD EL AL FLIGHT 48 â Ayelet Frank was one of the first people to check in on Sunday, Oct. 25, for a nonstop flight from San Francisco to Tel Aviv. A resident of Redwood City, California since she left Israel in 1984, she is flying back for one reason: to vote in the Oct. 27 election.
Itâs the first time in her more than 40 years abroad that she is going back to cast a ballot.
âThis election is unique. Itâs very different than any other,â she told J. âItâs about Israelâs very existence. This election is between the destruction of the country, or building it up in a positive way.â
A native of Kibbutz Ein Harod in the Jezreel Valley, she is spending only two days in Israel before returning to California. Itâs a long way to travel just to vote, but, she said, âItâs that important.â
Frank was one of 271 passengers on El Al flight 48, which landed in Israel less than 24 hours before the polls open. It was the first nonstop flight from San Francisco to Israel since the Oct. 7, 2023 Hamas attack. Many on board were part of what one organizing group estimates is a wave of 67,000 Israelis abroad flying home for an election widely seen as a referendum on Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu. In a tight race, the Israel Democracy Institute said, that many voters could swing nearly two Knesset seats.
Those travelers are spending thousands of dollars for the chance to cast their ballots in what many are calling the most consequential election in Israelâs history.
The mood in the boarding area at the San Francisco International Airport was buoyant. Lots of people seemed to know one another and were running up to hug friends and chat excitedly. There were families with children and plenty of babies in strollers and carriers. There were a smattering of black kippahs as well as one Hasidic family. There were also Israeli residents returning home from vacation in the Bay Area. But judging from the conversations as well as from people interviewed by J., most passengers were Israeli expats flying back to vote.
Capitola resident Udi Pardo left Israel in 1983, a year before Frank. Most of his family still lives in Israel and he visits twice a year. But for him, this was his first time flying home for an election.
âI never tried to go and vote before because I donât live there,â he said. âBut now itâs a national emergency. I canât not go.â
âIsrael is on the verge of an abyss,â he continued, saying that he has not yet decided between Gadi Eisenkotâs Yashar and Naftali Bennettâs BâYachad â both center-right parties opposed to Netanyahuâs government. âWe need to bring back sanity to Israel and to Israeli politics and reestablish liberal democracy because itâs about to disappear.â
The Oct. 27 election is the first since the Hamas attack and the war that followed. The stakes are so high, pundits say, that Israelis living abroad are flying home to vote in what appear to be unprecedented numbers. Israel does not allow absentee voting, except for diplomats and other state employees posted abroad, so expats who want to cast a ballot must do so in person.
The 67,000 estimate comes from Fly & Vote, a project of the U.S.-based America Israel Democracy Coalition to help expats navigate the logistics of participating in the election. The group cautioned that the figure is based on a voluntary August survey and its own registration data, not a count of arrivals. No comparable data exists for previous elections.
Israelâs Likud-led government has tried to impede Fly & Voteâs efforts with legal action, which was blocked in October by Israelâs Supreme Court. The government reportedly also considered closing or slowing down traffic at Ben Gurion International Airport in the days before the election. Analysts say this is because Netanyahu and his allies believe that many, if not most, of those responding to Fly & Voteâs initiative will vote against the current government.
Indeed, that seemed to be true of most of the expats on this El Al flight from San Francisco. Every person interviewed spoke about the âneed for changeâ in Israelâs government, and those who declared their support for candidates mentioned either Eisenkot or leaders of other anti-Netanyahu parties. The Silicon Valley-based Israeli expat group UnXeptable, which emerged to protest Netanyahuâs judicial overhaul and has become a major anti-Netanyahu voice globally, had a large presence on the flight, with about a dozen key members sporting light blue T-shirts emblazoned with the date of the election and the Hebrew words for âFlight for Change.â
They were handing out shirts to any other passengers who would take them, some of whom put them on right away. Local TV stations showed up for an UnXeptable press conference held at the check-in counter.
Roni Bar-Niv of Sunnyvale is one of several people interviewed who is spending just a few days in Israel, in her case enough time to vote, turn around and fly back to the Hebrew-language school she runs near her Silicon Valley home.
In the 26 years since she left Givatayim, a suburb of Tel Aviv, Bar-Niv said, she visits Israel four or five times a year but she, too, has never flown back to vote until now.
âI thought I didnât need to vote because I donât live there,â she said. But everything changed, she added, after Oct. 7. âIf we pay taxes â we have an apartment there â and if we send money for the war effort, and if we have children there â my daughter made aliyah five years ago â we need to go and vote,â she said. âThe direction our country is going is very bad, for Israelis living there and for us also.â
Berkeley resident Rivka Amado left Jerusalem 22 years ago. A retired ethics professor and Ladino singer, she said itâs the duty of Israeli expats to show up.
âThis election is critical, and itâs important for every Israeli to vote, whether you live here or there,â she said.
The surge in emigration since Oct. 7 has also swelled the pool of Israelis abroad. Some 82,800 Israelis left the country in 2024, according to Israelâs Central Bureau of Statistics, up from 55,000 in 2023. More than 69,000 left in 2025, the Times of Israel reported, the second straight year that emigration outpaced immigration.
Gilad Kariv, an opposition lawmaker from the Democrats party who chairs the Knessetâs Diaspora Affairs Committee, has warned of a âtsunami of emigration,â according to the Jerusalem Post. He has called it a âstrategic threat to the future of Israelâ tied to the governmentâs conduct.
J Street regional director Shimrit Braun Kamin (left) hugs Galit Lipsitz Goldental near the El Al counter at San Francisco International Airport, Oct. 25, 2026. (Aaron Levy-Wolins/J. Staff/Report for America)
Experts point to the war in Gaza and opposition to Netanyahuâs judicial overhaul as driving forces, suggesting that many recent emigrants are critical of the government.
Thirty-seven parties are on the Oct. 27 ballot, but only about a dozen are expected to clear the 3.25% electoral threshold needed to win Knesset seats. With Netanyahuâs Likud party polling neck-and-neck with his main opponent, Eisenkotâs Yashar party â the final pre-election polls show Yashar winning 22 to 23 seats to Likudâs 19 to 21 â every seat matters.
Neither party is projected to win a clear majority, meaning either one will have to negotiate intensely to form a governing coalition.
Thatâs why these expats have ponied up the dough, packed their bags and jumped on planes.
Eyal, a tech designer in his 40s who has been living in Mountain View since 2004, declined to give his last name because of his former job in the Israeli military. This, too, is his first trip home to vote.
In general, he said that he agrees with Israelis who believe expats should not have a voice in elections that no longer affect them personally.
âBut in this particular election, I think a lot of Israelis want us to come and vote,â he said. âI know my parents do.â
Shlomi from Sunnyvale, who left Israel more than 15 years ago and also declined to give his last name, is worried that if there is not a new government, Israelâs brain drain will accelerate.
âWe are in the final moments,â he said, likening Israelâs political situation to a soccer game. âIf the government doesnât change, I think a lot of good people who contribute to the future of the country will leave Israel.â
Shlomi is also worried that Israel will lose its partnership with the United States.
âItâs not about right or left,â he said, declining to say how heâll vote. âItâs about dignity, about taking responsibility, about leaders that actually make decisions for the people rather than their personal benefit.â
Iddo Tal, a Jerusalem native, has lived in Palo Alto for 15 years, where he is a tech entrepreneur and teaches fundraising to startup founders around the world. He has launched âfive start-ups and two kids,â he said, joking that âthe kids have been a huge success.â
Unlike most of those interviewed, he has traveled back to vote before. He made the trip to visit his parents but timed it around an election.
âThey always say every election is historic, and theyâre always right,â he said.
Tal believes expats should vote, saying it keeps Israelis at home and abroad closely connected. âThereâs something very exciting about making the Israeli diaspora part of Israel [proper], by coming back to fight, to raise money, to vote,â Tal said.
Hadar Aviram teaches law at UC Law San Francisco while studying to become a rabbi through Hebrew Union College. Born in Israel, she grew up âall over the worldâ and landed in San Francisco in 2001 for grad school. She wore one of the blue UnXeptable shirts and has joined some of the groupâs protests.
âLetâs start with taking accountability for the Oct. 7 massacre and the ensuing war,â she said. âAnd long before that, we were all hostages to this hateful, bigoted, corrupt government.⊠Iâm flying to release us from him, and him from us.â
She bristles at people who donât understand why Israelis like her feel so strongly about this election.
âIf some of those ignorant folks ask what Zionism is, I invite them to look around at all the people here who have packed their bags and emptied their savings accounts because they want to save their country,â she said, waving at the crowded boarding area. âWhen you love something very, very, very much, you are willing to go to great lengths to save it.â
The post âWe need to save our countryâ: Bay Area Israelis fly home to vote in pivotal election appeared first on The Forward.

