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Project Esther has shaped Trump’s antisemitism strategy. The Shofar Report is a liberal Jewish response.
A group of Jewish leaders are fed up with right-wing efforts to combat antisemitism. So they created their own strategy.
The Shofar Report, released this week by the liberal-leaning Jewish group Nexus Project, is a new guide to fighting antisemitism that its authors say is intended to curb the strategies of the Trump administration. The new report was written explicitly as a rebuttal to Project Esther, a 2024 blueprint against antisemitism written by the conservative Heritage Foundation that outlined many policies now undertaken by the Trump administration, particularly on campuses.
“Project Esther was not a strategy for fighting antisemitism,” Jonathan Jacoby, the Nexus Project’s president, told the Jewish Telegraphic Agency in an interview. “Project Esther is the Heritage Foundation’s tool for implementing Project 2025” — referring to a now-infamous policy blueprint for a second Trump term.
What Trump and his supporters are actually doing, Jacoby said, is “weaponizing antisemitism.” Conversely, he said, that is bad for the Jews: “Weaponizing antisemitism breeds antisemitism. Weaponizing antisemitism undermines efforts to confront antisemitism.”
In response, the Shofar Report — released during the High Holidays in an effort to mimic a shofar blast as a wake-up call to Jews — calls for policymakers to wind back the clock. Many of its own recommendations for fighting antisemitism involve undoing Trump’s handiwork, along with some new proposals. Slashing university funding, arresting and deporting student protesters, blocking student visas and tying synagogue security funding to immigration enforcement are all steps the new report says must be reversed to properly fight antisemitism.
Its central message: that fighting antisemitism requires fighting for democratic institutions and embracing traditional liberal coalition-building. Universities, civil rights law, and immigration rights all must be protected in order to safeguard Jews within a liberal democracy, the authors argue.
That could prove a challenge, as many Jews have felt scorned by a lack of allyship from such coalitions and institutions after Oct. 7. Some of the more combative Jewish groups, such as Betar US and Canary Mission, not only support Trump’s policies but are actively aiding them by naming pro-Palestinian protesters for the administration to target.
Jacoby acknowledged that Jewish appetites for coalition-building are lower now. But, he insisted, “Those coalitions are what we need to be strong in order to fight antisemitism.”
“Jewish safety is of utmost importance and must be protected,” he said. “There’s no substitute for that. We need to build on that, and understand how we can create an infrastructure, a civil and community infrastructure, that supports that, and that complements that. And that’s where coalitions come in, and that’s where institutions come in, and that’s where education comes in.”
The report’s authors speak highly of the Biden administration’s own, now-abandoned plan for countering antisemitism after Oct. 7, which had identified the problem in terms of civil rights. They seek a return to what Jacoby called a “precedent for listening to Jewish voices about this” after Project Esther, the majority of whose contributors were not Jewish.
Contributors to the Shofar Report include Amy Spitalnick, head of the Jewish Council for Public Affairs; J Street CEO Jeremy Ben-Ami and UCLA professor Dov Waxman; New Israel Fund president David N. Myers; prominent Jewish academic Lila Corwin Berman; Hannah Rosenthal, a former U.S. envoy for combatting antisemitism under the Obama administration; and author Emily Tamkin.
Among other recommendations are a push for rollbacks on Trump’s antisemitism policies. The report calls for education funding, student visas and civil rights enforcement to be restored; for the administration to stop accusing nonprofits and NGOs of supporting terror; and for nonprofit security grants, which fund synagogue security plans, to not be “beholden to an administration’s ideological whims on issues like diversity or immigration.”
In this respect, the Shofar Report is following what appears to be the majority of American Jewish opinion. According to recent polling by Ipsos, the University of California, Berkeley and the University of Rochester, 72% of American Jews believe Trump is using antisemitism as an “excuse” to punish universities, and two-thirds don’t believe antisemitism justifies cutting university funding.
“As Jewish Americans struggle with hatred, even alienation from the Israeli state, they discover a slippery president who exploits a true danger,” that study’s authors, James Druckman and Bruce Fuller, wrote in an op-ed this week for the Chicago Tribune. “Trump erodes the very institutions that have long provided safety, learning and upward mobility for Jewish families — all the while claiming that he’s protecting Jews.”
Not all of the Shofar recommendations are critical of Trump. An essay by Waxman and Ben-Ami backs the president’s 20-point plan to secure Gaza, dismantle Hamas and extend its ceasefire with Israel (while also urging the administration to end “blank-check” funding for Israel and to stop supporting far-right parties around the world). That, too, is in keeping with what some Jewish leaders who are critical of Trump have said about his Gaza plan in recent days.
The report’s authors also push for ideas such as media literacy programs, Holocaust and Jewish history education, “off-ramp” programs to help people leave extremist movements, and combatting disinformation with the aid of social media companies (the QAnon and Great Replacement conspiracy theories in particular).
Though light on specifics, Jacoby said the report would ideally lead to a broader effort from Jewish groups and institutions to articulate new visions for fighting antisemitism while upholding liberal democracies. He was encouraged, he said, by recent signs of Jewish pushback to Trump, including Jewish presidents of top universities rejecting a federal funding “compact” that critics said would have compromised academic freedom in order to restore grants pulled over purported antisemitism concerns.
He further predicted that the FBI’s recent severing of longstanding ties with the Anti-Defamation League would also galvanize the Jewish community: “I think that American Jews see the danger in these kinds of policies.”
There remains the question of how much influence such a report can have. As long as Trump and Republicans remain in power, the Shofar Report’s recommendations and persuasions will be swimming directly against today’s political currents. Jacoby lamented that properly dealing with antisemitism was not “a bipartisan issue,” but remains optimistic “that it will become one.”
“I would say there’s more work to be done,” he said. “Each of these recommendations needs to be translated into more concrete and more specific ideas for action, and our hope is that they will be over the coming year, and actually over the coming years as the political landscape shifts.”
He added, “I think this is the beginning. I think we need to take more steps to make this more concrete. And we will, and so will other organizations. … I think we are a guiding force.”
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Shifka, a new pita shop on the Bowery, aims to be the Chipotle of Israeli cuisine
Fans of Sami & Susu, the Mediterranean-inspired Lower East Side wine bar and restaurant that opened during the pandemic, will be happy to know that its Jewish owners have opened a lower priced, more casual spinoff just a few blocks away.
Shifka at 324 Bowery offers elevated Israeli-style street food — like pita stuffed with schnitzel, Yemenite hot sauce, pickles, hot pepper and red cabbage, drizzled with creamy Har Bracha tahini.
Shifka is named after the spicy, light green pickled pepper that’s a popular condiment at falafel shops across Israel. “It was supposed to be called The Pita Shop, but you can’t trademark that name — it’s too general,” said Amir Nathan, 39, one of Shifka’s store’s four owners and a co-founder of Sami & Susu. “I said, why don’t we call it after the pepper, like Chipotle. I like names that trigger curiosity. You need to think about the experience that you are about to have.”
Nearly a half-decade in the making — Nathan and his partner, executive chef Jordan Anderson, conducted years of pita sandwich experiments at Sami & Susu — Shifka opened its doors on Oct. 14, just after a fragile ceasefire between Israel and Hamas in Gaza began.
Throughout the development of Shifka, Nathan said that he and his partners were undeterred about opening another Israeli restaurant during a time of heightened antisemitism in New York. “When I see a crisis, I decide to do something positive,” said Nathan, who was born and raised in Beersheba, in southern Israel. “Opening Sami & Susu during the pandemic was a big one. And since Oct. 7, we emphasize more our Israeli and Jewish identity with the food that we do.”
Last winter, Nathan and Anderson took a “R&D trip” to Israel together. The goal, said Nathan, was to share Israeli cuisine with his partner, who was raised Jewish in New Jersey and had never visited Israel before.

“We went to classic pita shops in Israel but also toured the ASIF Culinary Institute and Arabic restaurants,” Nathan said. “How does a pita shop in Israel operate? How do they organize and order? Let’s be up to date with what is happening in the new generation of restaurants. It was a good introduction. We went to Akko to eat hummus and to a Druze restaurant in the north — all of the staples that together make this cuisine what it is.”
Nathan believes that their wide-ranging trip gave Anderson a better understanding of the flavors of the Middle East.
“Baguette, harissa, preserved lemon, hard-boiled egg — a Tunisian sandwich is what I ate in my school cafeteria in Beersheba,” Nathan said. “When I tried to explain to Jordan the idea behind it — now when he saw it in Machane Yehuda Market he said, ‘Wow, this is where it comes from.’ He saw food from Iraq to Yemen to East Jerusalem. The idea that a mash of those cultures can work together actually clicked.”
They also visited two restaurants that Anderson had read about: HaBasta, near the Carmel Market in Tel Aviv and known for the freshness and seasonality of its dishes, and HaKatan, a seafood restaurant in Tel Aviv’s Levinsky Market.
“These chefs are cooking like me,” Anderson, who has a French culinary background, said of his new inspiration.
“We do a lot of upscale food at Sami & Susu,” the 33-year-old added. “It’s refreshing to do sandwiches and fast casual and spread your mind that way.”
At Sami & Susu, the menu is seasonal and changes eight times a year. The menu at Shifka, by contrast, is streamlined and stable. Customers choose from stuffed pita sandwiches and bowls with an option of rice, freekeh — an ancient Middle Eastern grain imported from Israel — and or salad as its base. As for proteins, options include chicken marinated in yogurt, lamb kebabs drizzled with amba and shrimp served with tzatziki, roasted red peppers and red cabbage.
Of course, you can also order shifka peppers at Shifka; served as a side dish ($2), they are imported from Israel. Other sides include french fries coated in zaatar ($8), as well as muhammara, a walnut and roasted red pepper spread, or matbucha, a roasted tomato and smoked paprika salad ($8 each). Alcoholic beverages and dessert — like creamy, nutty soft-serve ice cream made with Israeli tahini ($8) — are on offer, too.
Nathan said he and his partners considered using kosher meat but ultimately decided it was too costly. “Kosher is part of our heritage and history, but it’s not the only way,” he said. “What we do here is not traditional. I hope that people see it as a voice of our new generation of Jews all over the world.”
He added: “We’re going to do breakfast here at some point, and we will have bacon, egg and cheese bourekas and it’s phenomenal. And a shakshuka in a pita — that’s how we want to eat.”
The exterior of Shifka, an new Israeli pita sandwich shop at 324 Bowery. (Courtesy of Shifka)
More than “just” an Israeli restaurant, Nathan stresses that Shifka’s influences are far flung. “Obviously, I’m from Israel but the influences are from all around,” he said. “We have tzatziki in a pita. We have lamb kebab, a hybrid of Romanian kebab combined with Yemenite spices. It is not just Israeli.”
Nonetheless, Nathan said that Sami & Susu — which garnered a Michelin Bib Gourmand award in 2022, 2023 and 2024 — has been subject to some anti-Israel vandalism during the two-year war between Israel and Gaza.
“We got tagged a couple of times,” he said. “People sprayed on our window.”
And yet, Nathan and Anderson say that the war in Gaza impacted their business in an unexpectedly good way.
“It actually gave us more business I think,” Nathan said. “More Jews are coming to Sami & Susu after Oct. 7. Hipster couples from Fort Greene to Upper West Siders. Maybe they are looking for that kind of food — I call it Mediterranean because it is actually not meant to be just Israeli but food of the Diaspora.”
He added: “Israel, as much as I love it, is not the only heritage we have as Jews. We have a long history before the country existed.”
Since its opening three weeks ago, Shifka has garnered rave reviews. According to the Infatuation, “Shifka makes lunchtime in NOHO so much better,” while Grub Street named Shifka to its list of the city’s best new restaurants.
“Knock on wood, said Nathan. “We are fortunate to have a good beginning on this project.”
And like Chipotle — which is named for a smoked, dried jalapeno pepper and operates 3,700 restaurants around the globe — Nathan and his partners are hoping to scale Shifka one day. Unlike the fast-casual juggernaut, which is primarily owned by institutional investors, Shifka’s partners’ plans are more modest.
“We are looking for small growth, not duplicating it dozens of times. We are planning to expand Shifka and move Sami & Susu to a bigger location,” Nathan said. “We never prevent ourselves from dreaming big and maybe expanding to other cities.”
For now, though, the focus is on the Bowery location. On a recent morning, Shifka’s kitchen was abuzz as staffers busily filled dozens of lunch orders for local businesses. By lunchtime, “the whole place is packed,” Anderson said. “Delicious food, fair prices, creative. No fear about all the hate that is going around the city right now.”
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Hezbollah Rejects Israel-Lebanon Talks, Reaffirms Refusal to Disarm as Tensions Escalate Along Border
Smoke rises after Israeli strikes following Israeli military’s evacuation orders, in Tayr Debba, southern Lebanon, Nov. 6, 2025. Photo: REUTERS/Ali Hankir
Hezbollah has rejected any talks with Israel and reaffirmed its refusal to disarm, even as the Jewish state ramps up military operations in southern Lebanon amid rising border tensions.
On Thursday, the Iran-backed Lebanese terrorist group condemned the prospect of negotiations between Lebanon and Israel, while reaffirming its refusal to disarm and claiming it has “a legitimate right to resist [Israeli] occupation.”
In an open letter to Lebanese President Joseph Aoun, Prime Minister Nawaf Salam, and Parliament Speaker Nabih Berri, Hezbollah called for prioritizing efforts to pressure Israel into complying with the US-brokered ceasefire negotiated by the countries last year rather than “being drawn into political negotiations with the Zionist enemy.”
“Any attempt at political negotiations with Israel does not serve Lebanon’s national interest,” the letter read.
“The weapons that defended Lebanon will not be up for negotiation and will remain an integral part of the country’s national defense strategy,” it continued, with Hezbollah seemingly depicting itself as the protector of Lebanese sovereignty.
US and Israel officials have been pressuring the Lebanese government to enter direct negotiations with the Jewish state, with Egypt offering to mediate as fears of renewed conflict in the region intensify.
Hezbollah’s warning came as the Israel Defense Forces (IDF) carried out its latest airstrikes against the terrorist group, describing it as a response to ceasefire violations.
In a press release, the Israeli military confirmed it carried out a strike in southern Lebanon, targeting operatives at a Hezbollah site, which the IDF said was used to “produce equipment used by the organization to restore terror infrastructure.”
Under last year’s ceasefire agreement, the Lebanese government committed to disarm Hezbollah, which for years has wielded significant political and military influence across the country while maintaining significant terrorist infrastructure in southern Lebanon, which borders northern Israel. The deal was reached after Israel decimated much of Hezbollah’s leadership and military capabilities with an air and ground offensive following the Islamist group’s attacks on northern Israeli communities — which Hezbollah claimed were a show of solidarity with the Palestinian terrorist group Hamas amid the war in Gaza.
Hezbollah claimed in its letter on Thursday that “the government’s hasty decision regarding the monopoly of arms” enabled Israel to exploit the situation, making disarmament a prerequisite for halting what the group alleges are Israeli violations of the ceasefire.
“Disarmament should be discussed within a national framework and not as a response to a foreign demand or Israeli blackmail,” the letter read.
“We affirm our legitimate right to resist occupation and aggression, and to stand with our army and our people in defending our country’s sovereignty against an enemy that wages war on us, continues its attacks, and seeks to subjugate our state,” it continued.
New reports indicate that Hezbollah has been actively rebuilding its military capabilities, in violation of the ceasefire agreement with the Jewish state.
With support from Iran, the terrorist group has been intensifying efforts to bolster its military power, including the production and repair of weapons, smuggling of arms and cash through seaports and Syrian routes, recruitment and training, and the use of civilian infrastructure as a base and cover for its operations.
In recent weeks, Israel has conducted strikes targeting Hezbollah’s rearmament efforts, particularly south of the Litani River, where the group’s operatives have historically been most active against the Jewish state.
For years, Israel has demanded that Hezbollah be barred from carrying out activities south of the Litani, located roughly 15 miles from the Israeli border.
Earlier this year, Lebanese officials agreed to a US-backed disarmament plan, which called for the terrorist group to be fully disarmed within four months — by November — in exchange for Israel halting airstrikes and withdrawing troops from the five occupied positions in the country’s southern region.
The Lebanese government is now facing mounting pressure from Israeli and US officials to disarm Hezbollah and establish a state monopoly on weapons.
Meanwhile, the Iran-backed terrorist group has repeatedly defied international calls to disarm, even threatening protests and civil unrest if the government tries to enforce control over its weapons.
Since the Lebanese government has so far been unable to successfully implement the US-backed disarmament plan, Israeli Defense Minister Israel Katz last week accused Aoun of “dragging his feet” on this issue.
“The Lebanese government’s commitment to disarm Hezbollah and remove it from southern Lebanon must be implemented,” Katz said. “Maximum enforcement will continue and even intensify — we will not allow any threat to the residents of the north.”
Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu also warned that Israel would exercise its right to self-defense under the ceasefire agreement if Lebanon failed to disarm the terrorist group.
“We expect the Lebanese government to uphold its commitments, namely, to disarm Hezbollah. But it’s clear that we’ll exercise our right to self-defense as stipulated in the ceasefire terms,” the Israeli leader said. “We won’t let Lebanon become a renewed front against us, and we’ll do what’s necessary.”
For his part, Aoun criticized Israel for escalating strikes after he expressed willingness to negotiate, accusing it of hindering prospects for negotiations while also directing the Lebanese army to confront IDF incursions along the southern border.
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Artist Won’t ‘Surrender to Extremism’ After Mural of Hamas Victims Shiri Bibas, Two Sons Defaced Again in Milan
A look at the mural “October 7, The Hostages” before (left) and after (right) it was vandalized for a second time. Photo: Provided
Italian contemporary pop artist and activist AleXsandro Palombo spoke to The Algemeiner on Thursday about the “antisemitic hatred” that fueled the second vandalism of his mural in Milan, Italy, honoring Shiri Bibas and her two young sons – all three of whom were murdered by Hamas terrorists in the Gaza Strip after being taken as hostages from Israel.
Shiri’s face in the mural was recently covered with white paint, as was the Star of David on the Israeli flag that is draped over her two children Kfir and Ariel, who were 4 and nine months old, respectively, when taken hostage on Oct. 7, 2023, along with their mother. The mural shows Shiri, 32, holding her two sons. The three of them were kidnapped from Kibbutz Nir Oz when Hamas-led terrorists went on a deadly rampage across southern Israel, and they were later killed in captivity in Gaza.
Palombo titled the mural “October 7, The Hostages.” It is featured in the center of Milan, outside the Qatari consulate, and just a few steps from the famous Via Montenapoleone shopping area. The mural was first vandalized days after it was unveiled in October during an event commemorating the two-year anniversary of the Oct. 7 terrorist attack. French philosopher Bernard-Henri Lévy described the vandalism as “a vile gesture against the memory of the victims.”
“These works are testimonies; they carry memory and truth within them,” Palombo told The Algemeiner on Thursday following the most recent vandalism of his mural dedicated to the Bibas family. “Those who destroy them aren’t just targeting art; they’re trying to erase its meaning, its message, its resistance. It’s a deliberate act meant to extinguish what stands up to hatred, to intimidate anyone who defends freedom of thought and to rewrite history for their own advantage.” He added that stopping his art “would mean surrendering to extremism.”
“The works dedicated to the Bibas family, like all those destroyed by antisemitic hatred, must continue to live,” he said. “Every time art is silenced, the conscience of our civilization is struck. Defending artistic freedom means defending the dignity and memory of the West.”
Yarden Bibas – Shiri’s husband and the father of Ariel and Kfir — was separately kidnapped from Israel by Hamas-led terrorists on Oct. 7, 2023. He survived captivity and is the only living member of his immediate family.
Other murals by Palombo that have been dedicated to the Holocaust, antisemitism, or the deadly terrorist attack in October 2023 have all been vandalized in the past, including murals depicting Auschwitz survivors and another featuring a survivor of the Nova music festival. Even a mural created in support of Iranian women protesters was vandalized. Palombo told The Algemeiner he has received hundreds of death threats because of his artwork, mostly from “extremist online communities and radicalized pro-Palestinian movements.” He believes the vandalism of his work tied to the Holocaust, Israel, or antisemitism “is part of a deliberate strategy that uses antisemitism as a weapon to spread fear and destabilize democracies from within.”
“Today, anti-Jewish hatred is no longer just a social or cultural phenomenon; it has become a tool of hybrid warfare, employed by hostile networks to manipulate public opinion and undermine the very foundations of freedom and civil coexistence,” he added. “To attack art is to attack freedom of expression and erase collective memory. It’s a way to weaken democratic consciousness and pave the way for fanaticism. Every defaced mural is not just an attack on an artwork; it’s an assault on the right to remember.”
The only murals tied to the Holocaust and antisemitism that have not been vandalized are those displayed in Rome after being acquired by the city’s Shoah Museum. Palombo explained that they are located near a police booth and in front of a synagogue, which has a constant armed guard stationed in front.
“It’s a paradox: In a Western democracy, art must be protected like a potential target, as if memory itself had become something to be defended by law enforcement,” he told The Algemeiner.
