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Shared Hatred Drives Antisemitism Across the Political Spectrum
There has long been a concerted effort to cloak the hatred of Jews as a righteous movement. The belief that the world would be a better place if the Jewish people just blended in a little bit more, gave up key aspects of their identity, and essentially altogether stopped being Jewish, has roots dating back centuries.
This paradigm continues to exist today. The Jewish people worldwide are held to standards that no other people are held to. They are told that their identity and their connection to their land — if they are even granted the acknowledgement of their inherent connection to Israel in the first place — is the source of the world’s malignancy. If the Jewish people could only give this up, as the claim goes, society would be fixed.
Just as this prejudice has existed throughout time, it also knows no political boundaries. Both extreme left and right-wing activists and influencers online have indulged in this specific form of Jew hatred.
Jewish Supremacy and Political Conspiracies
The belief that Jews exercise some form of control over the West, and particularly American politics, existed long before the terrorist attacks of October 7, 2023. After the attacks, however, blaming the Jewish people as the perpetrators of not only the war, but also other societal issues globally, became more visible.
On the right, this has become a persistent topic in podcasts. On The Joe Rogan Show, Ian Caroll, an anti-Israel conspiracy theorist — who has previously claimed the US is controlled by a “Zionist mafia” — was interviewed in March 2025. During the conversation, Rogan provided Caroll with a platform for unadulterated antisemitic rhetoric, including the claim that Israel was tied to a “Jewish mob.” Rogan at one point acknowledged, “What’s interesting is you can talk about this now, post-Oct. 7, post-Gaza.”
Similarly, on Piers Morgan Uncensored, Dan Bilzerian, yet another anti-Israel right-wing conspiracy theorist, claimed that “Jewish supremacy is the greatest threat to the world today.”
It is no surprise that Jewish supremacy comments are coming from extreme right-wing spaces. In 2024, 75% of white supremacist propaganda in the US had anti-Israel or anti-Zionist messaging on it. Of all incidents reported, Israel-related antisemitic incidents accounted for more than 50 percent. Still, the vast majority of American Jews describe themselves as connected to Israel.
Yet, the comments about Jewish supremacy are not confined to the far right. Left-wing pro-Palestinian activists, such as Mohammad El-Kurd, express the same belief.
We need to have an honest conversation about Jewish Supremacy
— Mohammed El-Kurd (@m7mdkurd) November 13, 2025
El-Kurd claims that he doesn’t mean Jewish supremacy in a “weird Islamist way,” but rather he claims it to be the “belief that antisemitism is a unique form of evil that is more morally urgent than all other kinds of racism.”
But the undeniable rise in antisemitism is absolutely an urgent matter. It is not because Jews are morally superior to other minorities as El-Kurd implies, but because they do face a consistent and unique form of hatred.
Another activist, Dr. Rahmeh Aladwan, excitedly agreed with El-Kurd’s statement, saying that “Jewish exceptionalism can drive Jewish supremacy.” Interestingly, Aladwan has recently argued that the pro-Palestinian movement should never have been aligned with the left and is actually a “fundamentally right-wing” movement because its “motivations are rooted in nationalism, religious faith, and cultural preservation” — values historically rooted in conservative society.
El-Kurd argued that this assertion was “both historically inaccurate and categorically wrong.” Yet it brings the pro-Palestinian activist space to an interesting crossroads of identity politics. This tension exposes a deeper ideological confusion within pro-Palestinian activism. While its rhetoric has long been packaged as progressive, many of its core motivations align more closely with right-wing frameworks.
What is certain is that both the far left and the far right share the underlying belief in a supposed “Jewish supremacy,” which casts Jews and the Jewish State as simultaneously in control of society and the source of society’s problems. It is a narrative that transcends political labels and ultimately unites these disparate factions.
The Jewish supremacy claim is often cloaked in the conspiracy theory that Zionists are in control of the US. Self-proclaimed “ex-Israeli, anti-Zionist,” Alon Mizrahi, has claimed that “Zionists rule your civilization,” which resulted in Republican Representative Marjorie Taylor Greene (R-GA)’s resignation from Congress. He went on to suggest that Tucker Carlson and Nick Fuentes will be next. Greene’s stepping down from Congress has nothing to do with a Zionist or Israeli plot to control the US, but more to do with her own extreme messaging.
Nick Fuentes has similarly asserted that no matter whether someone identifies with the right or the left, they are unable to criticize Israel, as it is the one group “outside accountability” in cancel culture. Because of this supposed control over American politicians, Fuentes believes that anyone who disagrees with Israel or the Jewish people will lose their platform or career, due to the Jewish people’s supposed power in American society.
Tucker Carlson, beyond hosting Nick Fuentes on his podcast, has also defended Fuentes’ supposed analysis that Israel controls US politics, saying that anyone who disagrees with this control is called a Nazi and shut down.
Unsurprisingly, pro-Palestinian activist Guy Christensen — known as YourFavoriteGuy online — has made similar claims that the “Zionist machine” redefined antisemitism to include criticism of Israel, and fired anyone in the US Congress who disagreed with Israel. What Christensen ignores is that the IHRA definition of antisemitism — the most widely recognized definition worldwide — explicitly states that criticism of Israel comparable to that leveled at any country is not considered antisemitic.
This Jewish power trope that once belonged primarily to white supremacist discourse now circulates freely on the left, uniting two ideological opposites through a shared conspiratorial framework. As such, a narrative bridge is being forged that connects the far right and far left.
When these activists eventually face the consequences of their antisemitic beliefs, it won’t be because of supposed Jewish control over them, but rather the predictable outcome of this dangerous rhetoric.
Sanitization of Hitler and the Nazis
Beyond conspiracy theories, the sanitizing of Hitler and the Nazi regime has spread to infect both the far left and far right.
On a now-deleted episode of the Fresh & Fit podcast, guests discussed how the “Jews were up to something so the Germans wanted to take them out” and Hitler “was trying to save the world.”
“What if the Jews did something to the Germans”, “Hitler was trying to save the world”, “How do we take [the Jews] down?”, “Genocide.”
This isn’t 1940s Germany — it’s a 2025 podcast.
Suzette, a recent culinary high school grad from south Florida goes full Nazi and Pompano-based… pic.twitter.com/BU0jsB4dWF
— Canary Mission (@canarymission) July 24, 2025
Tucker Carlson, while claiming not to support Hitler, has similarly made revisionist statements about the Nazis, recently condemning the 1944 assassination attempt on Hitler and suggesting that killing him would have been an un-Christian act. By framing the assassination as morally questionable, Carlson obscures historical reality and lends moral equivocation to one of history’s greatest crimes.
This revisionism is not confined to online spaces. Copies of Mein Kampf have been found in Hamas bases in the Gaza Strip, underscoring how extremist narratives about Hitler continue to circulate globally and influence multiple ideological movements.
Never again is NOW.
IDF forces discovered a copy of Hitler’s infamous book “Mein Kampf”—translated into Arabic—in a child’s bedroom used as a Hamas terrorist base in Gaza.
The book was discovered among the personal belongings of one of the terrorists, featuring annotations and… pic.twitter.com/XMOE3jgKmm
— Israel Defense Forces (@IDF) November 12, 2023
Jew-hatred has become a morally righteous act for those who indulge in it. Whether on the right or the left of the political spectrum, antisemitism disguises itself as a just cause, pleading with the world to make changes to improve society. But the changes it asks the world to make are much more insidious. They seek to dismantle the legitimacy of Jewish identity, erase support for the Jewish State, and normalize the scapegoating of the Jewish people for societal problems. Under the guise of morality, this rhetoric spreads hate while masquerading as virtue, making it all the more dangerous and difficult to confront.
The author is a contributor to HonestReporting, a Jerusalem-based media watchdog with a focus on antisemitism and anti-Israel bias — where a version of this article first appeared.
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Why I’m vibing with the pope’s first big statement
I have long been obsessed with the Vatican and the inner workings of the papacy. (I majored and did my Master’s in religious studies.) But usually other people are not as tickled as I am by analyzing the newest theological statements from the Holy See.
Not this week. Pope Leo XIV just put out his first encyclical — the term used to refer to official statements outlining the church’s stance on a topic — and it has gone viral. “Spitting fire right out the gate,” said one of many similar trending posts, as though the encyclical was a rap song.
The topic is buzzy: AI, which the pope casts as one of the greatest threats to human flourishing and morality. (The encyclical is titled “Magnifica Humanitas,” or “Magnificent Humanity” in English, if that gives you the gist.) “Humanity, created by God in all its grandeur,” it opens, “ is today facing a pivotal choice: either to construct a new Tower of Babel or to build the city in which God and humanity dwell together.”
The document notes many of the concrete risks of AI — sexual abuse, distortion of facts, job loss — and calls for pragmatic solutions. But it is, at its heart, a testament to what makes humans human, written with palpable adoration for the people of the world: our creativity, our empathy, even our weaknesses. It’s a declaration that machines can never have the ineffable qualities of God’s children.
Structuring our world around technology, Leo writes, reduces “creation to an object of exploitation and human beings to mere cogs in a system driven toward ever greater efficiency.”
Later, in a paean to the importance of deep thought over easy answers, he goes on: “The speed and ease with which answers or summaries can be obtained risk extinguishing the desire to ask questions,” he writes, calling on the world “to protect our young people from the promise of the perfect machine” and warning against rendering “human thought seemingly superfluous precisely when it is most needed.”
“Magnificatus Humanitas” is a major statement, both in length — more than 43,000 words — and in symbolism. A pope’s first encyclical indicates the issues they believe are most important to the church, and signals the likely direction of their papacy.
That direction, for Pope Leo, is to be a voice for moral leadership, writ large. He addressed the encyclical not only to Catholics or even Christians, but “to all men and women of goodwill,” and cited thinkers like Hannah Arendt and J.R.R. Tolkien alongside the Bible.
It’s a declaration of a new — or, arguably, very old — relevance for religious leaders. As people rush through our increasingly fast-paced, frantic world, striving to keep up with the newest technology or geopolitical shift affecting markets and jobs, the slow-moving, zoomed-out perspective of religious leaders seems to be more and more important.
The Vatican held massive authority both moral and military for much of Western history. But its sway faded in the modern age. As democracy rose, Christianity broke into factions and religion’s prominence weakened, leaving the Church without the same ability to bestow a divine mandate on nations and rulers.
So many modern popes have kept their sights more narrowly focused on the theological. Even Pope Francis, who was a liberal, modernizing force for the church, and spoke out strongly on topics like the environment and immigration, focused three of his four encyclicals on Christian theological concepts like the Sacred Heart and Christianity as the world’s guiding light.
Pope Leo, however, seems to have found his way to modern, secular relevance by speaking out clearly on major issues of the day. He notes that he drew inspiration for “Magnificatus Humanitas” from Pope Leo XIII, an influential pope in the late 1800s and the inspiration for the modern Leo’s own papal moniker, whose 1891 encyclical “Rerum Novarum,” on the economy and conditions of the working class, was criticized for insufficient focus on the Gospel. The current pope’s own document is remarkably concrete and political.
Making political statements isn’t new for Leo, but the encyclical canonizes his boldness into an official form. In the past few months I’ve written about the ways in which Pope Leo has used sermons and statements to directly counter those made by U.S. leaders. After Pete Hegseth made a speech implying the U.S. military is doing God’s will, the pope gave a homily saying that prayers for war cannot be heard by God. He has made strongly worded comments about the rights of immigrants as Trump announced increased ICE raids, and made a point of appointing foreign bishops in American parishes. He has refused to visit the U.S. despite the fact that he is American and has been invited numerous times, including for the nation’s 250th birthday; he is instead planning to visit an island that serves as a refugee landing point in the Mediterranean.
It’s not all that surprising that Leo is making pronouncements on the justness of wars; popes have always given commentary on the world, albeit often less pointedly. Of course, Catholics have always looked to the pope for moral leadership — though that is increasingly under question, as renegade Catholics doubt the pope. (Even J.D. Vance, a Catholic convert with a book coming out about his conversion, has warned the pope to be “careful” with his theological interpretations — a near heretical statement. That’s how Protestantism came about.) The difference today is that everybody is listening.
I think the reason is that there is a certain ineffable quality that can’t be accounted for in so much of modern-day discourse in our metrics-focused world. Everything needs to be provable with a statistical analysis or some quantifiable indicator, or it needs to be as profitable as possible to extract value. But so much of what is most valuable in the human experience is intuitive — experiences and emotions like love, joy, transcendence. Connection with each other. Religious leaders have been honing the language to talk about these qualities for centuries, and they guard one of the only arenas in which the intangible remains central.
Of course, there are also plenty of issues with religious institutions, and the Vatican in particular is famous as a site where abuses of power were hidden and protected. But “Magnifica Humanitas,” and its virality, points toward a new relationship with religion, and a newly important role for it to play.
Or maybe that’s just wishful thinking, a hope for my own increased importance as a religion reporter.
The post Why I’m vibing with the pope’s first big statement appeared first on The Forward.
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How can I live freely as a Jew in a world where strangers rip my mezuzah off my doorframe?
Twice, the mezuzah on my front door was ripped off.
The first time, I was shocked. The second time, I made a decision that still pains me. I did not put it back up.
This was before the Hamas attack of Oct. 7, 2023.
That is the part I keep coming back to. The fear did not begin after the Hamas attacks. It was already there, intruding with the quiet calculation of whether a small Jewish symbol on my home made me less safe.
A mezuzah is not a political statement. It makes no argument about a government or a war. It is a sacred object, a marker of memory, a tiny declaration that says: Jews live here. I thought about that mezuzah again recently when the Anti-Defamation League released its annual audit showing that antisemitic physical assaults in the United States reached record highs in 2025. That increase reflects something many Jews already feel in daily life: the slow erosion of ease, the daily calculation of whether to speak up or stay quiet — things I have felt since the first time my mezuzah was violently torn off my doorframe.
Since then, the realm in which I feel safe as a visibly Jewish person has been shrinking from all directions.
After the Oct. 7 attack, the bulletin boards in my apartment building began filling with calls to boycott Israel. Campaign flyers for a Jewish political candidate who came to speak there were defaced with Hitler mustaches. I learned to scan the walls before I scanned my mail.
This was not happening on a campus quad or in some distant place. It was happening where I live.
Then, among my mother’s things, I found a Star of David necklace from the 1930s — marcasite set against black onyx, delicate and old. A boyfriend had given it to her when they were both 14.
I put it on in Florida, where I spend much of my time caring for my mother. I loved wearing it. It felt like more than jewelry. It felt like inheritance, memory, and a small way of carrying my family with me.
But when my mother knew I was going back to New York, she told me to take it off.
My mother is 102. She is not easily frightened. She has lived long enough to know when the temperature in the room has changed. She was not making a political argument. She was trying to protect her daughter.
I still wear that Star of David. But I admit I am selective. In New York, there are moments when I leave it visible and moments when I tuck it under my shirt. That calculation itself tells me something about the world I am moving through.
Recently, in a private Facebook group for women essayists, I shared a personal piece I had written for the United Kingdom-based Jewish Chronicle about how Oct. 7 changed life for my mother and me. It was not a political manifesto. It was a reflection on fear, Jewish identity, aging and visibility.
And still, I was attacked by other writers.“What about Gaza?” I was asked. The message was clear: even my personal Jewish pain had to pass a political test before it could be acknowledged.
That is the narrowing.
This ugliness is coming from more than one direction now. It stems from old conspiracy theories on the right and newer moral certainties in some of the progressive spaces where I once felt most at home. Different language brings about the same result: Jews become less human, less particular, less entitled to fear.
That collapse is what frightens me most: the definitional collapse between Jew and Israeli; Israeli and Israel’s government; Jewish symbol and political provocation; mezuzah and target.
As Jews like me reckon with that collapse, we must reckon with how much we’ll go along with it.
Right now, too often, Jews are being asked to choose between our own safety and our compassion for others. We should be able to prioritize both. I am a Zionist. I believe in the right of the Jewish people to a homeland. I also believe Palestinians are human beings who deserve freedom, dignity, and protection from suffering.
These beliefs should not cancel each other out. They should make us more careful, more humane, more committed to truth.
Yet now we must choose between speaking about antisemitism and being accused of indifference to other hatreds. That is no way to live.
Since Oct. 7, I have found myself going to synagogue on Shabbat, something I never did before. I was a High Holiday Jew. Now I seek out rooms where I do not have to explain why this moment feels frightening. I have learned where I feel seen. I have learned who can hold my fear without turning it into an argument.
The mezuzah I did not put back up is small. It fits in the palm of my hand.
But what it represents is not small: memory, faith, survival, home, and the right to be visibly Jewish without fear.
When I did not put it back up, I told myself I was being practical. But now — after Oct. 7, the bulletin boards, my mother’s warning, and the explosive allegations I’ve seen travel through respected media without sufficient care or verification — I understand it differently.
I was not just protecting a doorframe. I was learning to shrink.
The post How can I live freely as a Jew in a world where strangers rip my mezuzah off my doorframe? appeared first on The Forward.
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Podcast: A lively conversation in Yiddish with actress Lea Koenig
ס׳איז לעצטנס אַרויס אַ פּאָדקאַסט מיט דער באַליבטער אַקטריסע אין ישׂראל, ליאַ קעניג, וועלכע איז הײַנט צום בעסטן באַקאַנט ווי די ייִדיש־רעדנדיקע באָבע פֿונעם פּערסאָנאַזש שלום שטיסל אין דער ישׂראלדיקער טעלעוויזיע־סעריע „שטיסל“.
אינעם שמועס באַטייליקן זיך אויך יניבֿ גאָלדבערג — דער מחבר פֿון אַ נײַער ביאָגראַפֿיע וועגן איר אויף ענגליש; דער איבערזעצער און דראַמאַטורג מיכל יאַשינסקי, און דער ייִדישער זינגער און קולטור־טוער חיים וואָלף. דעם פּאָדקאַסט האָט טראַנסמיטירט די באָסטאָנער ראַדיאָ־פּראָגראַם „דאָס ייִדישע קול“.
ליאַ קעניג גיט איבער אירע זכרונות במשך פֿון איר לאַנגער קאַריערע אין ייִדישן טעאַטער, ווי אויך אינעם העברעיִשן טעאַטער, טעלעוויזיע און קינאָ. כּדי צו הערן דעם פּאָדקאַסט, גיט אַ קוועטש דאָ.
The post Podcast: A lively conversation in Yiddish with actress Lea Koenig appeared first on The Forward.

