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Squeezed out in Gaza, PA’s Abbas embraces Israeli peace activists in Ramallah
(JTA) — RAMALLAH, West Bank — As a teacher at a school in the Galilee in northern Israel, peace activist Shoshana Lavan says students often told her during the war, “Don’t talk to me about peace.”
But just hours after a ceasefire agreement was reached between Israel and Hamas, she was beaming with hope. “I feel like I can turn around and tell them, ‘I told you so,’” she said with a smile.
At that moment, she sat in the glistening white marble dining hall of al-Muqata’a, the presidential palace for the Palestinian Authority.
A self-described idealist who made aliyah six years ago from England in part to do anti-occupation work, Lavan and her husband, Baruch Velleman, joined about 50 other Jewish and Arab peace activists who took a bus from across the Green Line to meet with Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas in the heart of Ramallah. With the two groups originally planning to meet to call for the end of the war, upon the ceasefire announcement, they went further in calling for both sides to build on the initial agreement to end Israel’s military occupation and create long-lasting solutions to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.
“I welcome today’s agreement, the cessation of hostilities, and the release of the hostages,” Abbas said at the meeting, commending the delegation for “strengthen[ing] hope for peace.”
“Hope begins today, and now we must ensure that we continue to implement peace,” he said. “Every Israeli who believes in peace is our brother.”
The activists, as part of the “It’s Time” Coalition representing 60 Israeli peace and reconciliation organizations, called the unusual gathering among Israeli peace activists and the Palestinian president “historic” and “symbolically significant.”
But the meeting came after Abbas and the P.A. were largely squeezed out of discussions on the future of Gaza by both the Israeli and American governments. The ceasefire deal, brokered by U.S. President Donald Trump without involvement by the P.A., came just weeks after Abbas was denied a visa by the United States to visit New York for this year’s U.N. General Assembly, where several European countries officially recognized an independent Palestinian state for the first time.
For years, the current Israeli government, led by Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, has targeted Abbas’ PA government due to its track record of paying stipends to Palestinians in Israeli prisons, including those convicted of committing violent acts to Israeli citizens, as well as for textbooks used in Palestinian classrooms allegedly glorifying violence and extremist views.
Abbas changed those policies earlier this year amid the European countries’ statehood shift. But the changes did not appease Netanyahu or his governing partners, including Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich, who has several times withdrawn tax revenue earmarked for the Palestinian Authority government, which has limited self-autonomy in parts of the West Bank.
The unprecedented meeting between Israeli activists and leaders of the PA served for the participants as a bridge for discussion and reconciliation, with Mika Almog, the content director for It’s Time, calling the encounter “what things ought to be like.”
“It feels like what should be our normal existence,” said Almog. “It feels like we should be talking to one another and solving our problems and hearing one another and sharing a meal, as we did here.”
For some including Velleman, a longtime peace activist over many decades, the gathering at Al-Muqata’a encapsulated years of efforts to bring together disparate Israeli activist groups under one umbrella — an effort that finally congealed as the devastating war in Gaza raged, the Israeli hostages languished in Hamas tunnels, and thousands protested outside the Israeli Knesset and at Hostage Square in Tel Aviv for months.
Now, the ceasefire deal left some of the attendees trying to put the pieces together of what it all meant.
“However much we hate Trump, maybe we needed Trump in order to do what he’s done now,” wondered Velleman aloud at the dining table. “Only somebody with a massive ego, who’s crazy and knows how to lie totally and bully. Sometimes to beat a bully, you need a bigger bully.”
During the meeting, the peace activists and the Palestinian president, spurned and antagonized by political forces that brokered the deal, expressed a deep appreciation for one another. Activists shook Abbas’ hand, and one offered him a hug. Abbas conveyed his sympathies to Yonatan Zeigen, the son of the activist Vivan Silver who was killed during the Oct. 7, 2023, Hamas massacre, and after Israeli activist Lea Shkeydel spoke on the Jewish value of saving lives, Abbas cited a line from the Quran: “Whoever saves a life, it will be as if they saved all of humanity.”
One speaker shared with Abbas a petition signed by over 10,000 Israelis to recognize a Palestinian state, and the delegation presented to the Palestinian president an invitation to the group’s People’s Peace Summit, scheduled for May.
“We want to work together in cooperation for hundreds of years to come,” Abbas told the delegation.
Amid the generally ebullient atmosphere, some speakers reflected on how the preceding two years had transformed them. Zeigen looked back at “a time I felt helpless to shape political reality around me.”
“That changed on Oct. 7 when this fantasy of ignoring occupation could no longer continue,” he said. Zeigen called for not only ending the war and releasing the hostages, but to end Israel’s military occupation of the West Bank.
With “It’s Time” representing a broad spectrum of anti-war groups, some attendees privately expressed pessimism of what came next, including Roy Talmon, a member of an Israeli activist group called Looking at the Occupation in the Eye that provides protective presence to Palestinian communities in Area C, the 60% of the West Bank under Israeli civil and military law, while documenting alleged Israeli settler attacks. Such attacks have surged in recent years as, their critics say, settlers have been emboldened by Israel’s right wing government.
“Of course, I welcome the signing of the agreement to stop the genocide in Gaza and the release of the hostages and prisoners,” said Talmon. “However, the lack of involvement of the Palestinian Authority is disturbing and the situation in the West Bank is also very fragile.”
Talmon fears that after the hostages are returned, fighting in Gaza may resume, or violence in the West Bank will escalate.
“As a society, we have a very long way to go, and right now there doesn’t seem to be a willingness to start it,” he said. “And that’s without saying a word about the crimes committed in Gaza, in which most Israeli society is complicit.”
In spite of the wider marginalization these two groups now face — progressive Israeli activists, demonized by the ascendent Israeli right; and the beleaguered PA, long unpopular among Palestinians in the West Bank and now cut out of negotiations by Netanyahu and Trump — the participants celebrated the gathering as a special occasion to lay the groundwork for outreach beyond the Green Line, despite the several tables empty in the back of the room.
Lavan says she hopes the ceasefire agreement will build towards a lasting peace, connecting the pivotal moment with past struggles.
“One day the Irish were blowing up my city in Birmingham, where I was born,” said Lavan, “and the next day we were celebrating in the streets because there was peace, just like that.”
In fact, it took 24 years after the Birmingham pub bombings for the Good Friday agreement to be signed in 1998.
The activists are hoping for a shorter timeline in their neighborhood. Less than 24 hours after the ceasefire was announced, they were already discussing what comes next in their efforts to bring about a lasting peace in the Middle East.
“Now, our work really starts,” declared Velleman.
The post Squeezed out in Gaza, PA’s Abbas embraces Israeli peace activists in Ramallah appeared first on The Forward.
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Why I’m vibing with the pope’s first big statement
I have long been obsessed with the Vatican and the inner workings of the papacy. (I majored and did my Master’s in religious studies.) But usually other people are not as tickled as I am by analyzing the newest theological statements from the Holy See.
Not this week. Pope Leo XIV just put out his first encyclical — the term used to refer to official statements outlining the church’s stance on a topic — and it has gone viral. “Spitting fire right out the gate,” said one of many similar trending posts, as though the encyclical was a rap song.
The topic is buzzy: AI, which the pope casts as one of the greatest threats to human flourishing and morality. (The encyclical is titled “Magnifica Humanitas,” or “Magnificent Humanity” in English, if that gives you the gist.) “Humanity, created by God in all its grandeur,” it opens, “ is today facing a pivotal choice: either to construct a new Tower of Babel or to build the city in which God and humanity dwell together.”
The document notes many of the concrete risks of AI — sexual abuse, distortion of facts, job loss — and calls for pragmatic solutions. But it is, at its heart, a testament to what makes humans human, written with palpable adoration for the people of the world: our creativity, our empathy, even our weaknesses. It’s a declaration that machines can never have the ineffable qualities of God’s children.
Structuring our world around technology, Leo writes, reduces “creation to an object of exploitation and human beings to mere cogs in a system driven toward ever greater efficiency.”
Later, in a paean to the importance of deep thought over easy answers, he goes on: “The speed and ease with which answers or summaries can be obtained risk extinguishing the desire to ask questions,” he writes, calling on the world “to protect our young people from the promise of the perfect machine” and warning against rendering “human thought seemingly superfluous precisely when it is most needed.”
“Magnificatus Humanitas” is a major statement, both in length — more than 43,000 words — and in symbolism. A pope’s first encyclical indicates the issues they believe are most important to the church, and signals the likely direction of their papacy.
That direction, for Pope Leo, is to be a voice for moral leadership, writ large. He addressed the encyclical not only to Catholics or even Christians, but “to all men and women of goodwill,” and cited thinkers like Hannah Arendt and J.R.R. Tolkien alongside the Bible.
It’s a declaration of a new — or, arguably, very old — relevance for religious leaders. As people rush through our increasingly fast-paced, frantic world, striving to keep up with the newest technology or geopolitical shift affecting markets and jobs, the slow-moving, zoomed-out perspective of religious leaders seems to be more and more important.
The Vatican held massive authority both moral and military for much of Western history. But its sway faded in the modern age. As democracy rose, Christianity broke into factions and religion’s prominence weakened, leaving the Church without the same ability to bestow a divine mandate on nations and rulers.
So many modern popes have kept their sights more narrowly focused on the theological. Even Pope Francis, who was a liberal, modernizing force for the church, and spoke out strongly on topics like the environment and immigration, focused three of his four encyclicals on Christian theological concepts like the Sacred Heart and Christianity as the world’s guiding light.
Pope Leo, however, seems to have found his way to modern, secular relevance by speaking out clearly on major issues of the day. He notes that he drew inspiration for “Magnificatus Humanitas” from Pope Leo XIII, an influential pope in the late 1800s and the inspiration for the modern Leo’s own papal moniker, whose 1891 encyclical “Rerum Novarum,” on the economy and conditions of the working class, was criticized for insufficient focus on the Gospel. The current pope’s own document is remarkably concrete and political.
Making political statements isn’t new for Leo, but the encyclical canonizes his boldness into an official form. In the past few months I’ve written about the ways in which Pope Leo has used sermons and statements to directly counter those made by U.S. leaders. After Pete Hegseth made a speech implying the U.S. military is doing God’s will, the pope gave a homily saying that prayers for war cannot be heard by God. He has made strongly worded comments about the rights of immigrants as Trump announced increased ICE raids, and made a point of appointing foreign bishops in American parishes. He has refused to visit the U.S. despite the fact that he is American and has been invited numerous times, including for the nation’s 250th birthday; he is instead planning to visit an island that serves as a refugee landing point in the Mediterranean.
It’s not all that surprising that Leo is making pronouncements on the justness of wars; popes have always given commentary on the world, albeit often less pointedly. Of course, Catholics have always looked to the pope for moral leadership — though that is increasingly under question, as renegade Catholics doubt the pope. (Even J.D. Vance, a Catholic convert with a book coming out about his conversion, has warned the pope to be “careful” with his theological interpretations — a near heretical statement. That’s how Protestantism came about.) The difference today is that everybody is listening.
I think the reason is that there is a certain ineffable quality that can’t be accounted for in so much of modern-day discourse in our metrics-focused world. Everything needs to be provable with a statistical analysis or some quantifiable indicator, or it needs to be as profitable as possible to extract value. But so much of what is most valuable in the human experience is intuitive — experiences and emotions like love, joy, transcendence. Connection with each other. Religious leaders have been honing the language to talk about these qualities for centuries, and they guard one of the only arenas in which the intangible remains central.
Of course, there are also plenty of issues with religious institutions, and the Vatican in particular is famous as a site where abuses of power were hidden and protected. But “Magnifica Humanitas,” and its virality, points toward a new relationship with religion, and a newly important role for it to play.
Or maybe that’s just wishful thinking, a hope for my own increased importance as a religion reporter.
The post Why I’m vibing with the pope’s first big statement appeared first on The Forward.
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How can I live freely as a Jew in a world where strangers rip my mezuzah off my doorframe?
Twice, the mezuzah on my front door was ripped off.
The first time, I was shocked. The second time, I made a decision that still pains me. I did not put it back up.
This was before the Hamas attack of Oct. 7, 2023.
That is the part I keep coming back to. The fear did not begin after the Hamas attacks. It was already there, intruding with the quiet calculation of whether a small Jewish symbol on my home made me less safe.
A mezuzah is not a political statement. It makes no argument about a government or a war. It is a sacred object, a marker of memory, a tiny declaration that says: Jews live here. I thought about that mezuzah again recently when the Anti-Defamation League released its annual audit showing that antisemitic physical assaults in the United States reached record highs in 2025. That increase reflects something many Jews already feel in daily life: the slow erosion of ease, the daily calculation of whether to speak up or stay quiet — things I have felt since the first time my mezuzah was violently torn off my doorframe.
Since then, the realm in which I feel safe as a visibly Jewish person has been shrinking from all directions.
After the Oct. 7 attack, the bulletin boards in my apartment building began filling with calls to boycott Israel. Campaign flyers for a Jewish political candidate who came to speak there were defaced with Hitler mustaches. I learned to scan the walls before I scanned my mail.
This was not happening on a campus quad or in some distant place. It was happening where I live.
Then, among my mother’s things, I found a Star of David necklace from the 1930s — marcasite set against black onyx, delicate and old. A boyfriend had given it to her when they were both 14.
I put it on in Florida, where I spend much of my time caring for my mother. I loved wearing it. It felt like more than jewelry. It felt like inheritance, memory, and a small way of carrying my family with me.
But when my mother knew I was going back to New York, she told me to take it off.
My mother is 102. She is not easily frightened. She has lived long enough to know when the temperature in the room has changed. She was not making a political argument. She was trying to protect her daughter.
I still wear that Star of David. But I admit I am selective. In New York, there are moments when I leave it visible and moments when I tuck it under my shirt. That calculation itself tells me something about the world I am moving through.
Recently, in a private Facebook group for women essayists, I shared a personal piece I had written for the United Kingdom-based Jewish Chronicle about how Oct. 7 changed life for my mother and me. It was not a political manifesto. It was a reflection on fear, Jewish identity, aging and visibility.
And still, I was attacked by other writers.“What about Gaza?” I was asked. The message was clear: even my personal Jewish pain had to pass a political test before it could be acknowledged.
That is the narrowing.
This ugliness is coming from more than one direction now. It stems from old conspiracy theories on the right and newer moral certainties in some of the progressive spaces where I once felt most at home. Different language brings about the same result: Jews become less human, less particular, less entitled to fear.
That collapse is what frightens me most: the definitional collapse between Jew and Israeli; Israeli and Israel’s government; Jewish symbol and political provocation; mezuzah and target.
As Jews like me reckon with that collapse, we must reckon with how much we’ll go along with it.
Right now, too often, Jews are being asked to choose between our own safety and our compassion for others. We should be able to prioritize both. I am a Zionist. I believe in the right of the Jewish people to a homeland. I also believe Palestinians are human beings who deserve freedom, dignity, and protection from suffering.
These beliefs should not cancel each other out. They should make us more careful, more humane, more committed to truth.
Yet now we must choose between speaking about antisemitism and being accused of indifference to other hatreds. That is no way to live.
Since Oct. 7, I have found myself going to synagogue on Shabbat, something I never did before. I was a High Holiday Jew. Now I seek out rooms where I do not have to explain why this moment feels frightening. I have learned where I feel seen. I have learned who can hold my fear without turning it into an argument.
The mezuzah I did not put back up is small. It fits in the palm of my hand.
But what it represents is not small: memory, faith, survival, home, and the right to be visibly Jewish without fear.
When I did not put it back up, I told myself I was being practical. But now — after Oct. 7, the bulletin boards, my mother’s warning, and the explosive allegations I’ve seen travel through respected media without sufficient care or verification — I understand it differently.
I was not just protecting a doorframe. I was learning to shrink.
The post How can I live freely as a Jew in a world where strangers rip my mezuzah off my doorframe? appeared first on The Forward.
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Podcast: A lively conversation in Yiddish with actress Lea Koenig
ס׳איז לעצטנס אַרויס אַ פּאָדקאַסט מיט דער באַליבטער אַקטריסע אין ישׂראל, ליאַ קעניג, וועלכע איז הײַנט צום בעסטן באַקאַנט ווי די ייִדיש־רעדנדיקע באָבע פֿונעם פּערסאָנאַזש שלום שטיסל אין דער ישׂראלדיקער טעלעוויזיע־סעריע „שטיסל“.
אינעם שמועס באַטייליקן זיך אויך יניבֿ גאָלדבערג — דער מחבר פֿון אַ נײַער ביאָגראַפֿיע וועגן איר אויף ענגליש; דער איבערזעצער און דראַמאַטורג מיכל יאַשינסקי, און דער ייִדישער זינגער און קולטור־טוער חיים וואָלף. דעם פּאָדקאַסט האָט טראַנסמיטירט די באָסטאָנער ראַדיאָ־פּראָגראַם „דאָס ייִדישע קול“.
ליאַ קעניג גיט איבער אירע זכרונות במשך פֿון איר לאַנגער קאַריערע אין ייִדישן טעאַטער, ווי אויך אינעם העברעיִשן טעאַטער, טעלעוויזיע און קינאָ. כּדי צו הערן דעם פּאָדקאַסט, גיט אַ קוועטש דאָ.
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