Graffiti reading “Kill All Jews” was discovered on a residential building in Berlin-Pankow on April 26, 2026, part of a wave of antisemitic vandalism reported across the German capital over the past week, including swastikas and other hate-filled slogans scrawled on multiple sites. Photo: Screenshot

Germany is facing persistently high levels of antisemitism, with new data from Berlin and Hesse underscoring a hostile environment for Jews and Israelis marked by sustained harassment, violence, and intimidation.

On Wednesday, Germany’s Federal Association of Departments for Research and Information on Antisemitism (RIAS) published its latest annual report documenting 2,197 antisemitic incidents recorded in Berlin last year.

While this marked a drop of about 13 percent from the 2,521 incidents recorded in 2024, the figure was still more than double the level before the Hamas-led invasion of and massacre across southern Israel on Oct. 7, 2023, when roughly 1,200 cases were reported.

Amid an increasingly hostile climate, Jews and Israelis have been reporting growing reluctance to wear visible Jewish symbols, express their identity publicly, or even speak Hebrew in everyday settings.

“Everyday situations such as riding the subway or taking a taxi, or visiting concerts and cafés, often suddenly and unexpectedly became threatening,” RIAS wrote in its 88-page annual report.

Among the recorded cases were widespread harassment and antisemitic abuse, including repeated insults and intimidation, as well as vandalism targeting Jewish-owned businesses and institutions, and damage to memorials and residential areas.

The newly released report also documented 40 violent antisemitic incidents, warning of an increasingly aggressive and dangerous pattern of attacks.

One of the most serious cases involved an attempted murder at the Holocaust Memorial, where a young man was stabbed in the neck. Other incidents included victims being punched, shoved, spat on, having jewelry or clothing torn off, or being sprayed with pepper spray.

Berlin’s Jewish community also saw a surge in anti-Israel demonstrations last year, with 239 events marked by antisemitic slogans, inflammatory banners, rhetoric glorifying terrorism, denying Israel’s right to exist, and calls to “kill Jews.”

Sigmount Königsberg, antisemitism commissioner of Berlin’s Jewish community, warned that this growing trend of antisemitic violence has been increasingly downplayed or relativized, contributing to a climate in which victims feel less protected and less heard.

“Israel-related antisemitism is by far the most prevalent form of Jew-hatred we encounter,” Königsberg said, adding that “politics and society must ensure conditions in which all Jews feel safe.”

“Many in the community once believed Berlin was a safe place, but that has changed. I know of people who are now considering leaving the city, with life plans upended — especially young people who want to go,” he continued.

RIAS’s latest report also recorded a record-high total of 1,099 antisemitic incidents in the German state of Hesse, located in west-central Germany, in 2025.

With an average of three antisemitic incidents occurring each day, the report warned that the upward trend in Hesse continued to intensify.

This figure represented an increase of approximately 18 percent compared with the 926 incidents recorded in 2024 and was dramatically higher—nearly six times—than the 179 cases documented before the Oct. 7 atrocities.

Uwe Becker, the Hessian commissioner for antisemitism, warned of a deepening deterioration in the security situation for Jewish residents in the state.

“The threat to Jewish life is worse than at any time since the Holocaust,” Becker said in a statement.

According to RIAS’s latest report, those affected face a new level of intensity in antisemitic encounters, with 190 incidents recorded in educational settings such as schools and universities, alongside 84 cases on public transport and 52 in cultural and artistic venues.

“Antisemitic experiences carry far-reaching consequences, affecting not only individuals but also families and wider social circles. They shape everyday routines, future plans, and even decisions about whether it feels safe to take the S-Bahn in the evening,” the report stated.

Among the recorded cases were 27 physical assaults, 41 threats, 58 incidents of deliberate property damage, and 960 cases of offensive behavior.

RIAS project leader Susanne Urban warned that antisemitism has increasingly become normalized due to its consistently high frequency.

“Hesse has a problem. For Jews, full social participation is no longer possible,” she said in a statement.

Marc Grünbaum, chairman of the board of the Jewish community in Frankfurt, noted that antisemitism has increasingly gained ground as it is too often left unaddressed and met with insufficient public challenge.

“The fight against antisemitism must be a societal fight. The window of opportunity for Jewish life and for a liberal society in which minorities have their place is becoming increasingly narrow,” Grünbaum said in a statement.

Israeli Foreign Minister Gideon Sa’ar and Czech Foreign Minister Petr Macinka stand side by side at a press conference in Prague, presenting a united front as they announce strengthened bilateral ties and firm opposition to EU measures targeting Israel. Photo: Screenshot

The Czech Republic has emerged as one of Israel’s fiercest defenders in Europe, vowing to thwart punitive measures against Jerusalem from inside the European Union as several countries within the bloc intensify efforts to isolate the Jewish state diplomatically and economically.

Czech Foreign Minister Petr Macinka on Wednesday announced that Prague intends to actively resist EU initiatives targeting Israel, signaling a shift in the Czech government’s pro-Israel diplomatic stance and a willingness to use its influence inside the bloc to counter mounting anti-Israel efforts.

“We will no longer allow sanctions against Israel to pass through the European Union — even if we must stand alone in blocking them,” the top Czech diplomat said during a joint press conference alongside Israeli Foreign Minister Gideon Saar, who was visiting Prague on a diplomatic trip.

“There are continued efforts within the European Union to advance additional measures against Israel. From this moment on, the Czech Republic will stand with the Jewish state and will not allow any further trade sanctions,” Macinka continued. “We will also categorically reject any suspension or freezing of Israel’s Association Agreement, whether in full or in part.”

Under EU procedures, many sanctions-related decisions require unanimous approval among member states, giving Prague potentially outsized leverage in efforts to block politically motivated initiatives aimed at undermining the Jewish state on the international stage.

In one of its latest efforts targeting Israel, the EU is expected to debate possible trade restrictions involving Israeli communities in the West Bank during a meeting scheduled for next month in Brussels.

Until recently, Israel had largely relied on Hungary as its most dependable ally within the EU to block hostile resolutions and sanctions initiatives, but shifting political dynamics in Budapest weakened that protective buffer and allowed several previously stalled measures to advance.

With a long-standing pro-Israel stance, the Czech Republic now appears ready to deepen that alignment further, committing to a more assertive diplomatic role in defending Israeli interests within European institutions.

“We will seek alliances on issues where a qualified majority is required, so that no further aggressive steps by the European Union can harm the State of Israel,” Macinka said during the press conference.

He also said that the Czech government hopes to relocate its embassy from Tel Aviv to Jerusalem within its current governing term.

During Wednesday’s press conference, Sa’ar praised Czech leaders as “true friends of Israel,” emphasizing that they understand the strategic importance of strengthening bilateral cooperation, particularly in defense, technology, and trade.

“We are witnessing an attempt by certain left-wing governments in Europe to drag the European Union into a radical anti-Israeli approach,” the top Israeli diplomat said. “These hostile governments are harming strategic relations with the only democracy in the Middle East – in order to win applause from the most radical and terrorist countries in our region.”

As part of Sa’ar’s diplomatic visit, Prague hosted a major Czech-Israeli economic forum bringing together more than 50 Israeli companies alongside roughly 150 Czech representatives from industries including defense, cybersecurity, innovation, and health care.

According to Sa’ar, both governments are committed to dramatically expanding economic cooperation after bilateral trade between the two countries reached approximately $1.4 billion in 2025, with both sides setting a goal of doubling that figure by 2030 through deeper investment, technological partnerships, and strategic industrial cooperation.

“My foreign policy: We invest in friendly countries. And the Czech Republic is one of Israel’s greatest friends,” the Israeli diplomat said at the Economic Forum in Prague.

“Our economies naturally complement each other: Israeli innovation alongside Czech industrial excellence,” he continued.

“My foreign policy: We invest in friendly countries. And the Czech Republic is one of Israel’s greatest friends.

Our bilateral trade reached $1.4 billion in 2025 – and @petr_macinka I believe we can double that by 2030.

Our economies naturally complement each other: Israeli… pic.twitter.com/Xa1v4KWweg

— Israel Foreign Ministry (@IsraelMFA) May 20, 2026

As bilateral relations between the two countries continue to expand, the Czech government is reportedly preparing to finalize a new agreement for additional Israeli-made SPYDER air defense batteries, further deepening Prague’s growing reliance on Israeli military technology beyond the systems already in use by the Czech armed forces.

For much of Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s current term, Israelis have been told that they are on the verge of a historic military triumph. Netanyahu has been promising “total victory” since early 2024.

Yet the public mood inside Israel has darkened rather than lifted. After nearly three years of war, none of our enemies have actually been vanquished.

The war with Iran may resume at any moment, and the Iranian regime shows no sign of collapse, or of acquiescence to Israeli-American terms. Iran’s proxies — Hezbollah in Lebanon, Hamas in Gaza, the Houthis in Yemen — all soldier on, certainly bruised but strangely unbowed.

And in Israel, reservists continue to be called up, and soldiers continue to die. Israel has absorbed devastating reputational damage, and the sense that the country has no positive political horizon has hardened into exhaustion.

As that exhaustion translates into polling that should terrify the prime minister, Israel faces an unprecedented internal danger: that Netanyahu will use a state of permanent emergency he has worked to enshrine to cancel upcoming elections altogether.

Over the weekend, the combined party of former prime ministers Naftali Bennett and Yair Lapid passed Netanyahu in many of the polls. Per one poll, the opposition together is now leading him by 71 to 49 seats — a 19-seat swing relative to the current Knesset. And because several small opposition-aligned parties are currently polling below the electoral threshold, the actual anti-government majority in a real election could be larger still.

The direction of travel is clear, the deficit in the polls for the right-religious bloc is huge, and the danger for Netanyahu is real. He faces a plausible future in which he not only loses power in the election that by law must be held by the end of October, but loses decisively.

That’s why many Israelis suspect the election may not occur.

In a recent Hebrew-language column, Haaretz writer Ravit Hecht wrote that when Netanyahu “ is vulnerable and lagging behind, he is at his most dangerous.”.

“Netanyahu will try to ignite an external front — preferably with Iran — in order to manufacture a state of emergency.,” Hecht added. “If he fails to maneuver Donald Trump into renewing the war with Iran, and if that leaves his hands tied in Lebanon or constrains his moves in Gaza, he will inflame the domestic front instead.”

Victory, or emergency

Netanyahu may see two possible lifelines.

The first: political redemption through the kind of overwhelming victory he’s been promising for years. If the Iranian regime were somehow destabilized or collapsed, Netanyahu could argue that history had vindicated him. Enough Israelis who currently view the wars as endless and inconclusive might reinterpret the sacrifices as the painful prelude to a transformative strategic success.

The trouble: years of promising such a victory, with no clear returns, make its likelihood at this late hour very dubious.

The second possibility is darker and more dangerous: capitalizing on a state of permanent emergency.

Israel adopted a siege mentality during the six weeks of war with Iran, weathering mass missile barrages, civilian deaths and profoundly disrupted routines. If those conditions re-emerged under a resumption of war, the government could attempt to argue that national elections are impossible during wartime.

Ministers in Netanyahu’s coalition have spent years preparing the ideological ground for precisely such a claim — and the confrontation it would spark with Israel’s democratic institutions.

Netanyahu’s allies have portrayed the Supreme Court as governed by an illegitimate elite conspiracy. They describe judges not as guardians of the constitutional order but as enemies of the popular will. The current chief justice, Yitzhak Amit, has faced relentless delegitimization campaigns. Senior ministers have openly suggested that court rulings need not be obeyed.

Any attempt to delay or suspend elections would almost certainly trigger intervention by the court. Israel lacks a formal written constitution, but it possesses a dense web of so-called Basic Laws, precedents, and institutional norms that collectively form its constitutional structure. If the government attempted to legislate an indefinite postponement of elections under emergency conditions, the Supreme Court would likely strike the move down.

At that point, Israel could face a constitutional crisis unprecedented in its history: a government claiming emergency authority against a judiciary insisting on democratic continuity.

The government’s position would be strong, because Israel’s institutions are deeply dependent on executive cooperation. If a determined government sought to sabotage the electoral process indirectly while claiming national necessity, the Central Electoral Commission would face immense practical obstacles. At the same time, the Supreme Court lacks any practical enforcement mechanisms

An uncomfortable bargain

None of this means Israeli democracy is doomed. Israeli institutions remain resilient, civil society remains energetic, and public resistance to authoritarian overreach would likely be massive. But it does mean that scenarios once dismissed as hysterical are now being discussed openly by serious observers.

There is, however, another path still faintly visible.

Increasingly, Israeli political circles are discussing the possibility of a negotiated Netanyahu exit from public life. Netanyahu has already sought ways to terminate or freeze his ongoing corruption trial. Under Israeli practice, a presidential pardon generally requires acknowledgment of wrongdoing and some expression of remorse.

If Netanyahu were willing to plead to a reduced offense such as breach of trust rather than the more severe bribery charges, President Isaac Herzog could potentially justify a pardon framed as an act of national reconciliation. Such an arrangement would go against Netanyahu’s pugnacious grain. But he may fear the humiliation of resounding defeat — and the end of any plausible excuses for delaying his trial — even more. It is even conceivable, although far from likely, that he would not choose to cause debilitating harm to Israel.

A bargain — Netanyahu steps back from politics in exchange for a pardon — would outrage many Israelis. Others would see it as a necessary escape hatch from national trauma. And Netanyahu himself would preserve a version of the story he has always wanted to tell: that of a historic statesman stepping aside after defending Israel through existential wars, not a defeated leader dragged from office in disgrace.

His supporters would accept the narrative. His opponents would accept the outcome. Israeli democracy, bruised and deeply damaged, would survive without crossing into outright institutional rupture.

It may be the least destructive option available. Democracies can survive flawed leaders. And Netanyahu, in his obsession with clinging to power, has made the need for this radical option existential.

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