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Tucker Carlson thinks antisemite Nick Fuentes is the future of MAGA
The uproar over Tucker Carlson’s decision to host Nick Fuentes, a notorious Holocaust denier and white nationalist, for a friendly chat on his popular online talk show last week focused on the need to maintain a firewall between mainstream conservatives and antisemites like Fuentes.
But Carlson sat down with Fuentes — who he’d previously called a “fed” and mocked as a “weird little gay kid” — out of recognition that the firewall is collapsing and a belief that conservatives like himself need to figure out how to harness the movement Fuentes represents to achieve their many shared political goals, including shifting America’s posture toward Israel.
For years, Fuentes has held court on daily livestreams for a dedicated audience of young men, sometimes called the Groyper Army, drawn to his obsessive focus on defending white America from immigrants, minorities and Jews, and his willingness to troll and agitate mainstream Republicans.
That dynamic made him anathema to GOP leaders and even to other influencers like Charlie Kirk, who supported many of the same political positions as Fuentes, but avoided his most inflammatory rhetoric about women and minorities (“Your body, my choice,” Fuentes famously posted online after the 2024 election). And yet Fuentes grew more popular, and, in the months before his murder, Kirk had started to adopt some of his talking points.
Carlson, meanwhile, has had one foot in the political wilderness since he was pushed out of his primetime slot on Fox News two years ago. He relaunched his show on X and, unmoored from any editorial oversight, began embracing various conspiracy theories — UFOs, false flag attacks, 9/11 trutherism. But he has also maintained a close relationship with President Donald Trump, and spoke during primetime at the Republican National Convention last year.
Carlson started to turn against Israel in the past year, a shift he has framed in isolationist terms but which coincided with his willingness to interview figures like Darryl Cooper, an amateur historian and Holocaust revisionist, and Candace Owens, who shares Fuentes’s open antipathy toward Jews.
Fuentes is already aligned with mainstream Republicans on immigration, but Carlson is seeking to enlist the Groyper Army in his uphill political project of turning the MAGA movement against Israel.
“I feel like going on about ‘the Jews’ helps” Israel’s supporters, he told Fuentes at one point in their conversation. He begged Fuentes not to judge people simply for being born Jewish — an incredibly narrow understanding of antisemitism — but even that was a struggle for the 27-year-old streamer, who repeatedly reaffirmed his most extreme views.
“As far as the Jews are concerned, you cannot actually divorce Israel and the neocons from Jewishness,” Fuentes said. He went on to expound on the theory that Jews are rootless cosmopolitans (“They’re unassimilatable”) and obsessed with their historic persecution such that they prioritize Israel’s interests (“We don’t think like that as Americans and white people”).
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At several points, Carlson tried to push back and suggest that appeals to identity politics in the United States could only lead to division and even political violence, but this only prompted Fuentes to argue that “a big challenge” to social harmony is “organized Jewry in America.”
Crucially, Carlson never rebuked Fuentes. The disagreement over how much to blame “the Jews” was framed instead as an earnest difference of opinion between two figures working toward a shared goal of limited immigration and an isolationist foreign policy.
The pair eventually moved on to discuss pornography (“It seems like it’s making a lot of people gay,” Carlson observed) and traditional gender roles, where Carlson’s earlier insistence that you can’t treat people differently based on how they are born seemed to evaporate. There was a bit of an odd couple dynamic between the two, including a surreal digression about Joseph Stalin (“I’m a fan,” Fuentes told an incredulous Carlson, “always an admirer.”).
But the crucial thing that Carlson understands, like Kirk did before him, is that Fuentes represents the vanguard of the conservative movement and that whatever forces were once able to shape the contours of this movement by setting priorities and enforcing norms against people like Fuentes — the Mitch McConnells and Fox Newses — are losing power.
This poses a unique threat to Jews because, as a small minority, they have historically relied on one of two different strategies to maintain their safety and status in society. The first is to build a coalition with other minorities who, by joining together, have more leverage to demand equal rights. And the second model is to maintain a close relationship with those in power who can carve out special protections for Jews.
The second model has been the preferred approach to working with an increasingly authoritarian Trump administration hostile toward minority rights, and it’s found some success as, for example, the White House has demanded colleges end their diversity programs while simultaneously demanding they tailor special services to help Jewish students.
And yet as the power of conservative gatekeepers like McConnell and Rupert Murdoch erodes, this contradiction can only be maintained if MAGA leaders are able to genuinely convince their base that Jews are an important part of their coalition.
That is challenging when Carlson, Fuentes and Kirk have all accurately pointed out that Jews are overwhelmingly liberal and opposed to Trump — to say nothing of the antisemitic tropes and conspiracies that often animate these complaints.
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Of special concern to many Jewish conservatives was that the Heritage Foundation, an influential think tank that has been cranking out policy blueprints for the White House, including on antisemitism, rushed to Carlson’s defense after his conversation with Fuentes. President Kevin Roberts insisted that “Christians can critique the State of Israel.” Some staff and antisemitism task force members resigned in response this week.
Several right-wing Jewish groups associated with the Heritage Foundation’s antisemitism task force, including the Zionist Organization of America, threatened to cut ties with the organization. And Ted Cruz, who Carlson hammered over his support for Israel in a June interview, called him a “coward” who was complicit in evil during remarks at the Republican Jewish Coalition conference in Las Vegas this past weekend.
But the politicians and organizations rushing to condemn Carlson and Fuentes mostly came onto the scene before Trump upended national politics, and their understanding of the political landscape does not seem to have caught up.
There is little indication they are capable of reclaiming control of a Republican party whose youth wing was just consumed by a scandal involving several of its leaders making explicitly antisemitic comments about Jews and praising Nazis in a leaked group chat, only to be defended by Vice President JD Vance.
Nearly 500,000 people tuned in to watch Fuentes, streaming from his basement studio Monday night, mock the Jewish leaders who were seeking to ostracize him. He was frustrated but also triumphant. The sudden outrage at his interview with Carlson seemed like a last gasp of the previous “cancel culture” that Trump’s reelection had otherwise wiped out.
Fuentes and his ilk have been unbanned from social platforms, he dined with the president at Mar-a-Lago three years ago — “This guy’s hardcore,” Fuentes claims Trump said, “I like this guy” — and Carlson went from mocking him to enlisting him as a political ally.
Carlson and Heritage seem to recognize that the wind is at Fuentes’s back, and are responding accordingly.
“People are simply catching up, they’re waking up to what has always been going on — which is that we’ve been fighting these people’s wars for generations,” Fuentes told his audience, referring to Jews. “We want our fucking country back.”
The post Tucker Carlson thinks antisemite Nick Fuentes is the future of MAGA appeared first on The Forward.
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Why I’m vibing with the pope’s first big statement
I have long been obsessed with the Vatican and the inner workings of the papacy. (I majored and did my Master’s in religious studies.) But usually other people are not as tickled as I am by analyzing the newest theological statements from the Holy See.
Not this week. Pope Leo XIV just put out his first encyclical — the term used to refer to official statements outlining the church’s stance on a topic — and it has gone viral. “Spitting fire right out the gate,” said one of many similar trending posts, as though the encyclical was a rap song.
The topic is buzzy: AI, which the pope casts as one of the greatest threats to human flourishing and morality. (The encyclical is titled “Magnifica Humanitas,” or “Magnificent Humanity” in English, if that gives you the gist.) “Humanity, created by God in all its grandeur,” it opens, “ is today facing a pivotal choice: either to construct a new Tower of Babel or to build the city in which God and humanity dwell together.”
The document notes many of the concrete risks of AI — sexual abuse, distortion of facts, job loss — and calls for pragmatic solutions. But it is, at its heart, a testament to what makes humans human, written with palpable adoration for the people of the world: our creativity, our empathy, even our weaknesses. It’s a declaration that machines can never have the ineffable qualities of God’s children.
Structuring our world around technology, Leo writes, reduces “creation to an object of exploitation and human beings to mere cogs in a system driven toward ever greater efficiency.”
Later, in a paean to the importance of deep thought over easy answers, he goes on: “The speed and ease with which answers or summaries can be obtained risk extinguishing the desire to ask questions,” he writes, calling on the world “to protect our young people from the promise of the perfect machine” and warning against rendering “human thought seemingly superfluous precisely when it is most needed.”
“Magnificatus Humanitas” is a major statement, both in length — more than 43,000 words — and in symbolism. A pope’s first encyclical indicates the issues they believe are most important to the church, and signals the likely direction of their papacy.
That direction, for Pope Leo, is to be a voice for moral leadership, writ large. He addressed the encyclical not only to Catholics or even Christians, but “to all men and women of goodwill,” and cited thinkers like Hannah Arendt and J.R.R. Tolkien alongside the Bible.
It’s a declaration of a new — or, arguably, very old — relevance for religious leaders. As people rush through our increasingly fast-paced, frantic world, striving to keep up with the newest technology or geopolitical shift affecting markets and jobs, the slow-moving, zoomed-out perspective of religious leaders seems to be more and more important.
The Vatican held massive authority both moral and military for much of Western history. But its sway faded in the modern age. As democracy rose, Christianity broke into factions and religion’s prominence weakened, leaving the Church without the same ability to bestow a divine mandate on nations and rulers.
So many modern popes have kept their sights more narrowly focused on the theological. Even Pope Francis, who was a liberal, modernizing force for the church, and spoke out strongly on topics like the environment and immigration, focused three of his four encyclicals on Christian theological concepts like the Sacred Heart and Christianity as the world’s guiding light.
Pope Leo, however, seems to have found his way to modern, secular relevance by speaking out clearly on major issues of the day. He notes that he drew inspiration for “Magnificatus Humanitas” from Pope Leo XIII, an influential pope in the late 1800s and the inspiration for the modern Leo’s own papal moniker, whose 1891 encyclical “Rerum Novarum,” on the economy and conditions of the working class, was criticized for insufficient focus on the Gospel. The current pope’s own document is remarkably concrete and political.
Making political statements isn’t new for Leo, but the encyclical canonizes his boldness into an official form. In the past few months I’ve written about the ways in which Pope Leo has used sermons and statements to directly counter those made by U.S. leaders. After Pete Hegseth made a speech implying the U.S. military is doing God’s will, the pope gave a homily saying that prayers for war cannot be heard by God. He has made strongly worded comments about the rights of immigrants as Trump announced increased ICE raids, and made a point of appointing foreign bishops in American parishes. He has refused to visit the U.S. despite the fact that he is American and has been invited numerous times, including for the nation’s 250th birthday; he is instead planning to visit an island that serves as a refugee landing point in the Mediterranean.
It’s not all that surprising that Leo is making pronouncements on the justness of wars; popes have always given commentary on the world, albeit often less pointedly. Of course, Catholics have always looked to the pope for moral leadership — though that is increasingly under question, as renegade Catholics doubt the pope. (Even J.D. Vance, a Catholic convert with a book coming out about his conversion, has warned the pope to be “careful” with his theological interpretations — a near heretical statement. That’s how Protestantism came about.) The difference today is that everybody is listening.
I think the reason is that there is a certain ineffable quality that can’t be accounted for in so much of modern-day discourse in our metrics-focused world. Everything needs to be provable with a statistical analysis or some quantifiable indicator, or it needs to be as profitable as possible to extract value. But so much of what is most valuable in the human experience is intuitive — experiences and emotions like love, joy, transcendence. Connection with each other. Religious leaders have been honing the language to talk about these qualities for centuries, and they guard one of the only arenas in which the intangible remains central.
Of course, there are also plenty of issues with religious institutions, and the Vatican in particular is famous as a site where abuses of power were hidden and protected. But “Magnifica Humanitas,” and its virality, points toward a new relationship with religion, and a newly important role for it to play.
Or maybe that’s just wishful thinking, a hope for my own increased importance as a religion reporter.
The post Why I’m vibing with the pope’s first big statement appeared first on The Forward.
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How can I live freely as a Jew in a world where strangers rip my mezuzah off my doorframe?
Twice, the mezuzah on my front door was ripped off.
The first time, I was shocked. The second time, I made a decision that still pains me. I did not put it back up.
This was before the Hamas attack of Oct. 7, 2023.
That is the part I keep coming back to. The fear did not begin after the Hamas attacks. It was already there, intruding with the quiet calculation of whether a small Jewish symbol on my home made me less safe.
A mezuzah is not a political statement. It makes no argument about a government or a war. It is a sacred object, a marker of memory, a tiny declaration that says: Jews live here. I thought about that mezuzah again recently when the Anti-Defamation League released its annual audit showing that antisemitic physical assaults in the United States reached record highs in 2025. That increase reflects something many Jews already feel in daily life: the slow erosion of ease, the daily calculation of whether to speak up or stay quiet — things I have felt since the first time my mezuzah was violently torn off my doorframe.
Since then, the realm in which I feel safe as a visibly Jewish person has been shrinking from all directions.
After the Oct. 7 attack, the bulletin boards in my apartment building began filling with calls to boycott Israel. Campaign flyers for a Jewish political candidate who came to speak there were defaced with Hitler mustaches. I learned to scan the walls before I scanned my mail.
This was not happening on a campus quad or in some distant place. It was happening where I live.
Then, among my mother’s things, I found a Star of David necklace from the 1930s — marcasite set against black onyx, delicate and old. A boyfriend had given it to her when they were both 14.
I put it on in Florida, where I spend much of my time caring for my mother. I loved wearing it. It felt like more than jewelry. It felt like inheritance, memory, and a small way of carrying my family with me.
But when my mother knew I was going back to New York, she told me to take it off.
My mother is 102. She is not easily frightened. She has lived long enough to know when the temperature in the room has changed. She was not making a political argument. She was trying to protect her daughter.
I still wear that Star of David. But I admit I am selective. In New York, there are moments when I leave it visible and moments when I tuck it under my shirt. That calculation itself tells me something about the world I am moving through.
Recently, in a private Facebook group for women essayists, I shared a personal piece I had written for the United Kingdom-based Jewish Chronicle about how Oct. 7 changed life for my mother and me. It was not a political manifesto. It was a reflection on fear, Jewish identity, aging and visibility.
And still, I was attacked by other writers.“What about Gaza?” I was asked. The message was clear: even my personal Jewish pain had to pass a political test before it could be acknowledged.
That is the narrowing.
This ugliness is coming from more than one direction now. It stems from old conspiracy theories on the right and newer moral certainties in some of the progressive spaces where I once felt most at home. Different language brings about the same result: Jews become less human, less particular, less entitled to fear.
That collapse is what frightens me most: the definitional collapse between Jew and Israeli; Israeli and Israel’s government; Jewish symbol and political provocation; mezuzah and target.
As Jews like me reckon with that collapse, we must reckon with how much we’ll go along with it.
Right now, too often, Jews are being asked to choose between our own safety and our compassion for others. We should be able to prioritize both. I am a Zionist. I believe in the right of the Jewish people to a homeland. I also believe Palestinians are human beings who deserve freedom, dignity, and protection from suffering.
These beliefs should not cancel each other out. They should make us more careful, more humane, more committed to truth.
Yet now we must choose between speaking about antisemitism and being accused of indifference to other hatreds. That is no way to live.
Since Oct. 7, I have found myself going to synagogue on Shabbat, something I never did before. I was a High Holiday Jew. Now I seek out rooms where I do not have to explain why this moment feels frightening. I have learned where I feel seen. I have learned who can hold my fear without turning it into an argument.
The mezuzah I did not put back up is small. It fits in the palm of my hand.
But what it represents is not small: memory, faith, survival, home, and the right to be visibly Jewish without fear.
When I did not put it back up, I told myself I was being practical. But now — after Oct. 7, the bulletin boards, my mother’s warning, and the explosive allegations I’ve seen travel through respected media without sufficient care or verification — I understand it differently.
I was not just protecting a doorframe. I was learning to shrink.
The post How can I live freely as a Jew in a world where strangers rip my mezuzah off my doorframe? appeared first on The Forward.
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Podcast: A lively conversation in Yiddish with actress Lea Koenig
ס׳איז לעצטנס אַרויס אַ פּאָדקאַסט מיט דער באַליבטער אַקטריסע אין ישׂראל, ליאַ קעניג, וועלכע איז הײַנט צום בעסטן באַקאַנט ווי די ייִדיש־רעדנדיקע באָבע פֿונעם פּערסאָנאַזש שלום שטיסל אין דער ישׂראלדיקער טעלעוויזיע־סעריע „שטיסל“.
אינעם שמועס באַטייליקן זיך אויך יניבֿ גאָלדבערג — דער מחבר פֿון אַ נײַער ביאָגראַפֿיע וועגן איר אויף ענגליש; דער איבערזעצער און דראַמאַטורג מיכל יאַשינסקי, און דער ייִדישער זינגער און קולטור־טוער חיים וואָלף. דעם פּאָדקאַסט האָט טראַנסמיטירט די באָסטאָנער ראַדיאָ־פּראָגראַם „דאָס ייִדישע קול“.
ליאַ קעניג גיט איבער אירע זכרונות במשך פֿון איר לאַנגער קאַריערע אין ייִדישן טעאַטער, ווי אויך אינעם העברעיִשן טעאַטער, טעלעוויזיע און קינאָ. כּדי צו הערן דעם פּאָדקאַסט, גיט אַ קוועטש דאָ.
The post Podcast: A lively conversation in Yiddish with actress Lea Koenig appeared first on The Forward.
