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What We’re Really Asking Today: Could Another Holocaust Happen?
Illustrative: Demonstrators protest in solidarity with Palestinians in Gaza, amid the ongoing conflict between Israel and Hamas, in London, Oct. 28, 2023. Photo: Reuters/Susannah Ireland
In the West today, Jews and non-Jews speak anxiously about antisemitism. They debate incident statistics, survey results, attitudes toward Israel, and the distinction — supposedly crucial — between hostility to Jews and hostility to the Jewish State.
Enormous intellectual and financial energy is invested in measuring all of this. Yet these debates are largely beside the point. They are a proxy for a darker, unspoken question: could another Holocaust happen?
Statistics cannot answer that question. They were never designed to. Nor can opinion surveys, however sophisticated.
After more than a decade of empirical research into antisemitism in Western societies, I have reached a conclusion that will sound extreme but is, I believe, unavoidable: another catastrophe for the Jews is not only possible but increasingly probable.
This is not because of a sudden resurgence of old-fashioned hatred, but because Western societies are undergoing a profound spiritual and political transformation — and Jews are once again positioned as expendable.
The West has largely de-Christianised. In the vacuum left behind, it is constructing an alternative creed powerful enough to provide meaning, cohesion, and moral orientation to societies that are fragmented, diverse, and unsure of themselves. One of these creeds is pro-Palestinianism. It functions not merely as a political stance, but as a civic religion.
Civic religion is not a new concept. It refers to the shared rituals, symbols, and moral narratives that bind a nation together when traditional faith weakens. What is new is the content. Pro-Palestinianism offers a simple moral universe — victim and oppressor, innocence and guilt — at precisely the moment when Western societies feel incapable of enforcing older lines of belonging and authority.
This helps explain several developments that otherwise appear baffling.
First, the speed and intensity of the Gaza War protests. Within days of October 7, 2023 — before the war had meaningfully unfolded, before casualty figures could be invoked — hundreds of thousands were already mobilised across Britain and Western Europe. The slogans evolved over time, but the mobilisation was instant and relentless. This was not spontaneous outrage reacting to unfolding facts. It was something closer to ritualised response.
There is no need to invoke conspiracy. The machinery behind this mobilisation is visible and long-established. Its urgency does not stem from the Middle East, but from Europe itself. Western societies are grappling with the integration of large immigrant populations, many from Muslim-majority countries, for whom identification with the Palestinian cause is emotionally immediate. Aligning national moral narratives with this cause is a low-cost way to signal inclusion, empathy, and shared purpose. Call it appeasement if you like; the deeper issue is insecurity. Societies that lack confidence in their own values are reluctant to discipline, because discipline presupposes a shared line — and the line is gone.
Second, the sheer disproportionality of the Palestinian issue in European politics. Governments fall, ministers resign, parties form, and retailers boycott over Gaza, while conflicts with far greater strategic relevance — Russia’s war in Ukraine, for example — fade into the background. Palestinian flags saturate cultural spaces, from city streets to school fundraisers to the inner doors of pub toilets. Avoiding the messaging now requires active withdrawal from public life.
This is not noble universalism. It is selective moral inflation. Gaza has “won” the competition for Western attention because it serves an internal function. Casting Israel as a supreme criminal and Palestinians as ultimate victims fits the sensibilities of newly arrived populations whose integration is deemed essential, and progressive movements unhappy with what they deem racism and elite supremacy in their own nations. Pro-Palestinianism promises social harmony, or at least the appearance of it. The reward is cohesion; the price is intellectual honesty.
Third, the widespread willingness to ignore — or actively deny — the atrocities of October 7. The denial is often explained as bad faith or manipulation. I think something simpler is at work. The violence was too alien, too disturbing for contemporary Western sensibilities. It does not fit the moral script that pro-Palestinianism requires. And so it must be softened, relativised, or erased. This is not endorsement of terrorism; it is narrative necessity. Civic religions, like traditional ones, cannot tolerate facts that undermine their moral clarity.
Finally, there is the strangest alliance of all: pro-Palestinianism’s ability to unite groups with fundamentally incompatible worldviews. The most striking case is the enthusiastic embrace of the Palestinian cause by segments of the LGBT community. The contradiction is obvious. Israel is the most LGBT-tolerant society in the Middle East; Palestinian and broader Muslim societies are not. In Gaza, homosexuality can be a capital offense. Yet the alliance persists.
This is not confusion. It is strategy. In Western societies, LGBT rights remain culturally contested, particularly among immigrant communities. Embracing a shared moral cause costs little and builds goodwill where it is most needed — at home, not abroad. Pro-Palestinianism functions as a bridge, allowing incompatible groups to coexist under a single moral banner.
Put together, these puzzles point to a single conclusion. The West is experiencing a genuine spiritual crisis. The sensibilities of the West today are secular, Islam is not attractive for the same reason that Christianity was abandoned. Nihilism cannot integrate diverse populations. And they are diverse. Very large minorities among the young generations in major Western European cities, at times 20%-40%, are Muslim or of Muslim heritage. A new glue is required — one that is emotionally compelling, morally binary, and accessible across cultural divides. Pro-Palestinianism fits the role perfectly.
But civic religions have consequences. They demand sacrifices. Historically, societies stabilise themselves by offloading tension onto those least able to resist. Jews, numerically small and symbolically charged, have always been vulnerable in such moments. There is little reason to believe this time will be different.
I am not predicting gas chambers. At least, I do not insist on them. History rarely repeats itself so neatly. Disenfranchisement, exclusion, informal expulsion, and moral abandonment are more likely. They will be framed, as always, in the language of justice and peace.
The uncomfortable truth is this: pro-Palestinianism did not arise despite Western weakness, but because of it. And until Western societies confront the spiritual emptiness that made this new faith necessary, they will continue to demand offerings. Jews have seen this altar before.
Dr. Daniel Staetsky is an expert in Jewish demography and statistics. He is based in Cambridge, UK.
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Why I’m vibing with the pope’s first big statement
I have long been obsessed with the Vatican and the inner workings of the papacy. (I majored and did my Master’s in religious studies.) But usually other people are not as tickled as I am by analyzing the newest theological statements from the Holy See.
Not this week. Pope Leo XIV just put out his first encyclical — the term used to refer to official statements outlining the church’s stance on a topic — and it has gone viral. “Spitting fire right out the gate,” said one of many similar trending posts, as though the encyclical was a rap song.
The topic is buzzy: AI, which the pope casts as one of the greatest threats to human flourishing and morality. (The encyclical is titled “Magnifica Humanitas,” or “Magnificent Humanity” in English, if that gives you the gist.) “Humanity, created by God in all its grandeur,” it opens, “ is today facing a pivotal choice: either to construct a new Tower of Babel or to build the city in which God and humanity dwell together.”
The document notes many of the concrete risks of AI — sexual abuse, distortion of facts, job loss — and calls for pragmatic solutions. But it is, at its heart, a testament to what makes humans human, written with palpable adoration for the people of the world: our creativity, our empathy, even our weaknesses. It’s a declaration that machines can never have the ineffable qualities of God’s children.
Structuring our world around technology, Leo writes, reduces “creation to an object of exploitation and human beings to mere cogs in a system driven toward ever greater efficiency.”
Later, in a paean to the importance of deep thought over easy answers, he goes on: “The speed and ease with which answers or summaries can be obtained risk extinguishing the desire to ask questions,” he writes, calling on the world “to protect our young people from the promise of the perfect machine” and warning against rendering “human thought seemingly superfluous precisely when it is most needed.”
“Magnificatus Humanitas” is a major statement, both in length — more than 43,000 words — and in symbolism. A pope’s first encyclical indicates the issues they believe are most important to the church, and signals the likely direction of their papacy.
That direction, for Pope Leo, is to be a voice for moral leadership, writ large. He addressed the encyclical not only to Catholics or even Christians, but “to all men and women of goodwill,” and cited thinkers like Hannah Arendt and J.R.R. Tolkien alongside the Bible.
It’s a declaration of a new — or, arguably, very old — relevance for religious leaders. As people rush through our increasingly fast-paced, frantic world, striving to keep up with the newest technology or geopolitical shift affecting markets and jobs, the slow-moving, zoomed-out perspective of religious leaders seems to be more and more important.
The Vatican held massive authority both moral and military for much of Western history. But its sway faded in the modern age. As democracy rose, Christianity broke into factions and religion’s prominence weakened, leaving the Church without the same ability to bestow a divine mandate on nations and rulers.
So many modern popes have kept their sights more narrowly focused on the theological. Even Pope Francis, who was a liberal, modernizing force for the church, and spoke out strongly on topics like the environment and immigration, focused three of his four encyclicals on Christian theological concepts like the Sacred Heart and Christianity as the world’s guiding light.
Pope Leo, however, seems to have found his way to modern, secular relevance by speaking out clearly on major issues of the day. He notes that he drew inspiration for “Magnificatus Humanitas” from Pope Leo XIII, an influential pope in the late 1800s and the inspiration for the modern Leo’s own papal moniker, whose 1891 encyclical “Rerum Novarum,” on the economy and conditions of the working class, was criticized for insufficient focus on the Gospel. The current pope’s own document is remarkably concrete and political.
Making political statements isn’t new for Leo, but the encyclical canonizes his boldness into an official form. In the past few months I’ve written about the ways in which Pope Leo has used sermons and statements to directly counter those made by U.S. leaders. After Pete Hegseth made a speech implying the U.S. military is doing God’s will, the pope gave a homily saying that prayers for war cannot be heard by God. He has made strongly worded comments about the rights of immigrants as Trump announced increased ICE raids, and made a point of appointing foreign bishops in American parishes. He has refused to visit the U.S. despite the fact that he is American and has been invited numerous times, including for the nation’s 250th birthday; he is instead planning to visit an island that serves as a refugee landing point in the Mediterranean.
It’s not all that surprising that Leo is making pronouncements on the justness of wars; popes have always given commentary on the world, albeit often less pointedly. Of course, Catholics have always looked to the pope for moral leadership — though that is increasingly under question, as renegade Catholics doubt the pope. (Even J.D. Vance, a Catholic convert with a book coming out about his conversion, has warned the pope to be “careful” with his theological interpretations — a near heretical statement. That’s how Protestantism came about.) The difference today is that everybody is listening.
I think the reason is that there is a certain ineffable quality that can’t be accounted for in so much of modern-day discourse in our metrics-focused world. Everything needs to be provable with a statistical analysis or some quantifiable indicator, or it needs to be as profitable as possible to extract value. But so much of what is most valuable in the human experience is intuitive — experiences and emotions like love, joy, transcendence. Connection with each other. Religious leaders have been honing the language to talk about these qualities for centuries, and they guard one of the only arenas in which the intangible remains central.
Of course, there are also plenty of issues with religious institutions, and the Vatican in particular is famous as a site where abuses of power were hidden and protected. But “Magnifica Humanitas,” and its virality, points toward a new relationship with religion, and a newly important role for it to play.
Or maybe that’s just wishful thinking, a hope for my own increased importance as a religion reporter.
The post Why I’m vibing with the pope’s first big statement appeared first on The Forward.
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How can I live freely as a Jew in a world where strangers rip my mezuzah off my doorframe?
Twice, the mezuzah on my front door was ripped off.
The first time, I was shocked. The second time, I made a decision that still pains me. I did not put it back up.
This was before the Hamas attack of Oct. 7, 2023.
That is the part I keep coming back to. The fear did not begin after the Hamas attacks. It was already there, intruding with the quiet calculation of whether a small Jewish symbol on my home made me less safe.
A mezuzah is not a political statement. It makes no argument about a government or a war. It is a sacred object, a marker of memory, a tiny declaration that says: Jews live here. I thought about that mezuzah again recently when the Anti-Defamation League released its annual audit showing that antisemitic physical assaults in the United States reached record highs in 2025. That increase reflects something many Jews already feel in daily life: the slow erosion of ease, the daily calculation of whether to speak up or stay quiet — things I have felt since the first time my mezuzah was violently torn off my doorframe.
Since then, the realm in which I feel safe as a visibly Jewish person has been shrinking from all directions.
After the Oct. 7 attack, the bulletin boards in my apartment building began filling with calls to boycott Israel. Campaign flyers for a Jewish political candidate who came to speak there were defaced with Hitler mustaches. I learned to scan the walls before I scanned my mail.
This was not happening on a campus quad or in some distant place. It was happening where I live.
Then, among my mother’s things, I found a Star of David necklace from the 1930s — marcasite set against black onyx, delicate and old. A boyfriend had given it to her when they were both 14.
I put it on in Florida, where I spend much of my time caring for my mother. I loved wearing it. It felt like more than jewelry. It felt like inheritance, memory, and a small way of carrying my family with me.
But when my mother knew I was going back to New York, she told me to take it off.
My mother is 102. She is not easily frightened. She has lived long enough to know when the temperature in the room has changed. She was not making a political argument. She was trying to protect her daughter.
I still wear that Star of David. But I admit I am selective. In New York, there are moments when I leave it visible and moments when I tuck it under my shirt. That calculation itself tells me something about the world I am moving through.
Recently, in a private Facebook group for women essayists, I shared a personal piece I had written for the United Kingdom-based Jewish Chronicle about how Oct. 7 changed life for my mother and me. It was not a political manifesto. It was a reflection on fear, Jewish identity, aging and visibility.
And still, I was attacked by other writers.“What about Gaza?” I was asked. The message was clear: even my personal Jewish pain had to pass a political test before it could be acknowledged.
That is the narrowing.
This ugliness is coming from more than one direction now. It stems from old conspiracy theories on the right and newer moral certainties in some of the progressive spaces where I once felt most at home. Different language brings about the same result: Jews become less human, less particular, less entitled to fear.
That collapse is what frightens me most: the definitional collapse between Jew and Israeli; Israeli and Israel’s government; Jewish symbol and political provocation; mezuzah and target.
As Jews like me reckon with that collapse, we must reckon with how much we’ll go along with it.
Right now, too often, Jews are being asked to choose between our own safety and our compassion for others. We should be able to prioritize both. I am a Zionist. I believe in the right of the Jewish people to a homeland. I also believe Palestinians are human beings who deserve freedom, dignity, and protection from suffering.
These beliefs should not cancel each other out. They should make us more careful, more humane, more committed to truth.
Yet now we must choose between speaking about antisemitism and being accused of indifference to other hatreds. That is no way to live.
Since Oct. 7, I have found myself going to synagogue on Shabbat, something I never did before. I was a High Holiday Jew. Now I seek out rooms where I do not have to explain why this moment feels frightening. I have learned where I feel seen. I have learned who can hold my fear without turning it into an argument.
The mezuzah I did not put back up is small. It fits in the palm of my hand.
But what it represents is not small: memory, faith, survival, home, and the right to be visibly Jewish without fear.
When I did not put it back up, I told myself I was being practical. But now — after Oct. 7, the bulletin boards, my mother’s warning, and the explosive allegations I’ve seen travel through respected media without sufficient care or verification — I understand it differently.
I was not just protecting a doorframe. I was learning to shrink.
The post How can I live freely as a Jew in a world where strangers rip my mezuzah off my doorframe? appeared first on The Forward.
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Podcast: A lively conversation in Yiddish with actress Lea Koenig
ס׳איז לעצטנס אַרויס אַ פּאָדקאַסט מיט דער באַליבטער אַקטריסע אין ישׂראל, ליאַ קעניג, וועלכע איז הײַנט צום בעסטן באַקאַנט ווי די ייִדיש־רעדנדיקע באָבע פֿונעם פּערסאָנאַזש שלום שטיסל אין דער ישׂראלדיקער טעלעוויזיע־סעריע „שטיסל“.
אינעם שמועס באַטייליקן זיך אויך יניבֿ גאָלדבערג — דער מחבר פֿון אַ נײַער ביאָגראַפֿיע וועגן איר אויף ענגליש; דער איבערזעצער און דראַמאַטורג מיכל יאַשינסקי, און דער ייִדישער זינגער און קולטור־טוער חיים וואָלף. דעם פּאָדקאַסט האָט טראַנסמיטירט די באָסטאָנער ראַדיאָ־פּראָגראַם „דאָס ייִדישע קול“.
ליאַ קעניג גיט איבער אירע זכרונות במשך פֿון איר לאַנגער קאַריערע אין ייִדישן טעאַטער, ווי אויך אינעם העברעיִשן טעאַטער, טעלעוויזיע און קינאָ. כּדי צו הערן דעם פּאָדקאַסט, גיט אַ קוועטש דאָ.
The post Podcast: A lively conversation in Yiddish with actress Lea Koenig appeared first on The Forward.
