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Will Israel Return to War in Gaza?
Kibbutz member Yael Raz Lachyani, 49, walks by the fence of Kibbutz Nahal Oz in southern Israel, Oct. 28, 2025. Hamas gunmen killed 15 people from Nahal Oz and took eight more hostage to Gaza on Oct. 7, 2023. Photo: REUTERS/Ronen Zvulun
Before beginning my “deep dive” into Gaza, here’s the long and short of it:
- Israel, the United States, and Arab powers in the region all want the war in Gaza to end; but
- every element of peace, including international stabilization forces and reconstruction is impossible until Hamas disarms and dismantles its power structure; and
- Hamas is ideologically incapable of doing so voluntarily.
All of this leads to an inescapable conclusion: the path to peace may very well lie on the other side of renewed combat.
Here’s the full story:
US President Donald Trump, speaking before the Israeli Knesset on October 13, announced the end of the war in Gaza and the “historic dawn of a new Middle East.”
All remaining live Israeli hostages held by Hamas returned home, and the Israeli people responded with an elation that continues to this day. Yet that euphoric moment marked only the beginning of a train of problems, obstacles, and deadly battles that seem to be growing only worse over time.
This doesn’t mean the end of Trump’s self-named “Great Peace,” but merely the beginning of a very Middle Eastern process.
During the two weeks since Trump’s declaration of peace, Hamas failed to return the bodies of many of the deceased hostages as it had agreed to, launched attacks against IDF positions resulting in several injuries and deaths, and brutally executed dozens of Palestinians, many of them publicly, while blindfolded and kneeling in the street.
For its part, Israel responded with limited but severe air strikes. Nonetheless Trump, Israel and Hamas all continue to insist that a ceasefire is still in effect, a sentiment that Trump summed up succinctly, “They [Hamas] killed an Israeli soldier. So the Israelis hit back. And they should hit back… Nothing is going to jeopardize the ceasefire.”
So it seems we have a ceasefire – but one that includes, well … firing.
Given how the Middle East works, returning to combat may actually be a necessary step toward achieving genuine, regional peace.
Trump’s “Great Peace,” aka “the Deal,” is meant to occur in two phases. Phase 1 involves:
- an immediate ceasefire,
- the return of all Israeli hostages (living and dead),
- a partial pullback of IDF forces, and finally, the release of nearly 2,000 Palestinian security prisoners from Israeli jails, including many convicted and high ranking terror operatives.
Phase 2, which has yet to be fully negotiated, is meant to include:
- Hamas completely disarming and giving up control over Gaza,
- further IDF withdrawals,
- and the implementation of some kind of international governing force that will oversee reconstruction.
Strictly speaking, we are still in Phase 1: Israel has fulfilled its obligations, but Hamas continues to hold the bodies of deceased Israeli hostages, which is of high emotional importance to Israelis. Hamas insists that the bodies are hard to find, yet Israeli intelligence claims that the terror organization has custody of most of the remains. The Israeli claim was evidenced the other day by drone footage which showed Hamas operatives removing an Israeli body from a building, burying it under rubble, and then calling the Red Cross to report their “discovery.”
Trump threatened on October 25 to take some kind of action against Hamas if it did not return the Israeli bodies within 48 hours, yet that deadline has passed, and bodies continue to return only in a trickle.
Phase 1 problems notwithstanding, the disarmament of Hamas presents a critical barrier to Phase 2.
In the wake of October 7, 2023, the largest massacre of Jews since the Holocaust, Israel will not tolerate a Hamas controlled enclave on its border. In a further obstacle, neither neighboring Arab countries nor local Palestinian clans will take responsibility for Gaza’s future if that means having to fight against an armed and active Hamas.
Yet the terror group is already refusing to disarm, saying (at best) that the agreement is ambiguous, and in some cases, expressing outright refusal.
Both Jerusalem and Washington seem quite aware of this sticking point: speaking from the White House last month, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu addressed disarmament with the warning, “This can be done the easy way or it can be done the hard way, but it will be done.”
President Trump later echoed the sentiment more bluntly, saying, “If Hamas continues to kill people in Gaza, which was not the Deal, we will have no choice but to go in and kill them.” Trump added further threats against the terror group in recent days, including, “If they don’t disarm, we will disarm them. And it will happen quickly and perhaps violently.”
Some headlines claimed that the United States is pressuring Israel against violating the ceasefire, including comical terms like “Bibi-sitting,” yet the rhetoric coming out of Washington is actually far more aggressive than that coming from Jerusalem. According to non-public sources inside the Israeli government, much of the pressure against resuming combat stems not from America, but from Israel’s desire to return the remains of as many deceased hostages as possible before engaging in an operation that might put them forever beyond reach.
Indeed, events on the ground seem to demonstrate a high degree of coordination between the two countries — a coordination based on the shared understanding that peace requires appropriate enforcement, and that it may prove impossible to remove Hamas’ influence by any means other than combat.
There is precedent for this approach.
Beginning with the famous “pager” operation last year, Israel conducted a series of strikes that devastated the Hezbollah terror organization in Lebanon, finally resulting in a November 2024 “ceasefire” agreement. Under the terms of this “ceasefire,” Israel retained the right to continue firing against Hezbollah as necessary, and has carried out several hundred strikes since that time. Both the government of Lebanon as well as the United States have generally accepted these strikes as being not only consistent with the ceasefire agreement, but also a necessary step toward building a peaceful Lebanese government, safe from Hezbollah’s violent control.
Another example began last April, when Trump gave Iran a 60 day deadline to negotiate the dismantling of its nuclear program. The deadline expired on June 11, and was followed immediately by a devastating Israeli air operation, which culminated in the famous American B-2 bombardment of Iran’s most deeply buried nuclear facilities. The result was a quick and decisive end to what Trump named “The Twelve Day War,” followed by a period of sustained quiet, though Iran is rumored to be rebuilding its capabilities.
The current phase in Gaza is reminiscent of the 60 day Iran negotiation: there is a slim possibility that Hamas might agree to disarm and depart peacefully, but if not, the parties have been clear that combat remains not only an option, but a functional tool for achieving eventual peace.
It is relatively rare that an aggressive dictatorship transforms into a safe and prosperous neighbor, but there are at least two historical examples: Germany and Japan after World War II. In both cases, the previous regime had to be completely defeated and entirely disarmed before reconstruction, much less any hope of a better future. Can one imagine that today’s prosperous, modern Germany would exist if the allies had given the Nazis a role in reconstruction? Can one imagine international partners physically entering Germany to help govern and rebuild, while under the threat of an armed and active Nazi regime?
Until October 13, Hamas held living Israeli hostages — they were enduring abuse, starvation, and rapidly running out of time. Under these circumstances, Israel entered a deal to return the live hostages immediately, while delaying the deconstruction of Hamas, and the reconstruction of Gaza, until later. Yet in many other respects, the situation in Gaza parallels post-war Germany: before the region can hope to imagine a better future, the existing regime must be disarmed, dismantled, and dismissed. The fate of the entire Middle East, and Trump’s “Great Peace,” depend on it.
Daniel Pomerantz is the CEO of RealityCheck, an organization dedicated to deepening public conversation through robust research studies and public speaking.
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Pro-Hamas Group Palestine Action’s Appeal Over UK Ban Begins
Protesters from “Palestine Action” demonstrate on the roof of Guardtech Group in Brandon, Suffolk, Britain, July 1, 2025. Photo: REUTERS/Chris Radburn
The British government’s ban on the anti-Israel, pro-Hamas campaign group Palestine Action as a terrorist organization amounted to an authoritarian restriction on protest, lawyers representing a co-founder seeking to overturn the ban argued on Wednesday.
Palestine Action was proscribed in July, putting it on a par with Islamic State or al Qaeda and making it a crime to be a member, which carries a maximum sentence of 14 years in prison. Since then, more than 2,000 people have been arrested for holding signs in support of the group.
The group had increasingly targeted Israel-linked defense companies in Britain with “direct action,” often blocking entrances, or spraying red paint, particularly focusing on Israel’s largest defense firm Elbit Systems.
Britain’s Home Office [interior ministry] argues the group‘s escalating actions, culminating in a June break-in at the RAF Brize Norton air base when activists damaged two planes, amount to terrorism.
But lawyers representing Huda Ammori, who co-founded Palestine Action in 2020, say the move flies in the face of Britain’s long history of direct action protests and is “so extreme as to render the UK an international outlier.”
It was the first time a “direct action, civil disobedience organization that does not advocate for violence” had been proscribed as terrorist, Ammori’s lawyer Raza Husain told London’s High Court.
He compared the response to the group to that of other civil disobedience campaigns, such as Rosa Parks, the late US civil rights figure who refused to give up her seat on a segregated bus in 1955, and the suffragette movement which campaigned for women’s right to vote in the early 20th century.
GROUP‘S ACTIONS ESCALATED AMID WAR IN GAZA
Lawyers representing the Home Office said in court filings that the right to freedom of expression does not protect “speech and activity in support of a proscribed organization that commits serious property damage.”
Palestine Action has frequently targeted defense companies. It stepped up its actions during the Gaza war, with six members arrested on suspicion of plotting to disrupt the London Stock Exchange in January 2024.
Six people went on trial last week for aggravated burglary, criminal damage, and violent disorder over a raid on Elbit, with one charged with causing grievous bodily harm by hitting a police officer with a sledgehammer. They deny the charges.
Ammori’s lawyers say the ban has led to pro-Palestinian protesters being questioned by police at demonstrations without expressing support for Palestine Action.
The British government argues proscription only prevents support for Palestine Action and has not prevented people from protesting “in favor of the Palestinian people or against Israel’s actions in Gaza.”
The case is due to conclude next week, with a ruling at a later date.
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Tucker Carlson’s Latest Attack on Jews Is His Worst Yet
Tucker Carlson speaks on July 18, 2024, during the final day of the Republican National Convention at the Fiserv Forum in Milwaukee, Wisconsin. Photo: Jasper Colt-USA TODAY via Reuters Connect
Tucker Carlson has said some ugly things over the years, but even by his standards, last week was a new low.
In a monologue framed as a warning — because demagogues often pretend they’re just “warning” — Carlson delivered one of the most explicit and chilling mainstream threats toward American Jews in decades.
Speaking about people like Ben Shapiro and Mark Levin, Tucker said:
Give us the money for our preferred little country, or else we’re going to denounce you … Man, those attitudes are incompatible with leadership and in fact with democracy itself. You can’t have a country of 350 million people governed by boutique goals concerns … It doesn’t work. It’s illegitimate. If you keep it up, you’re flirting with real backlash. Like a real one … Not Nick Fuentes. Like a real one. So cool it. Don’t treat people like cattle.”
“Preferred little country.”
“Boutique goals.”
“Backlash.”
“Cool it.”
This was not analysis.
This was menace.
And it came wrapped in projection so brazen it would be funny — if the history behind it weren’t so deadly.
Because while Carlson accuses American Jews of disloyalty, coercion, and anti-democratic behavior, he has spent years whitewashing, rationalizing, or outright promoting the most openly anti-American movements operating on US soil: the anti-Israel campus mobs, the “resistance” celebrations of Hamas and Hezbollah, and the organizations openly seeking the dismantling of the American “empire” itself.
Carlson has nothing to say about movements that literally burn American flags
Let’s start with what Carlson ignores — because the silence is the tell.
Over the past two-plus years, anti-Israel protesters across the country have:
- burned American flags on college campuses and in major US cities,
- praised terrorists who murdered American citizens on Oct. 7,
- chanted “Death to America,” “Glory to our martyrs,” and “Resistance is justified from Gaza to New York,”
- waved Hezbollah, Hamas, IRGC, and even Houthi flags,
- shut down airports, highways, and Federal buildings,
- declared their goal is to “dismantle the US settler colony” (SJP),
- and demanded that America “collapse so a new world can be born.”
Not once — not even once — has Tucker Carlson accused any of these groups of “dual loyalty,” “treason,” “boutique goals,” or “corrupting democracy.”
Not once has he warned them of a coming “backlash.”
Not once has he urged them to “cool it.”
It turns out his concern for “American democracy” applies only to one group: Jews who support America’s democratic ally, Israel.
Meanwhile, the pro-Israel demonstrators Carlson smears wave American flags
Attend any pro-Israel rally in America and you’ll see a sea of US flags.
Mainstream Jewish Americans — whom Carlson now accuses of “treating other Americans like cattle” — regularly:
- thank US soldiers,
- praise America’s democratic traditions,
- and celebrate the shared values between the US and Israel.
The people Carlson calls “disloyal” attend rallies that look like Fourth of July parades.
The people he ignores are waving terror flags and chanting for America’s destruction.
Is this “America First”?
Of course not.
It is not patriotism driving Carlson.
It is obsession.
And obsession of this type always has a name.
What Carlson calls “boutique interests” are simply American Jews participating in American democracy
Carlson’s rant targeting Jewish media figures like Shapiro and Levin — two men whose “crime” is advocating policies Tucker himself embraced until he discovered the profitability of being the chief podcaster of the woke-right — is as familiar as it is poisonous:
- Jews advocating for a strong US–Israel alliance = anti-democratic “boutique interests.”
- Jews engaging in politics = “corrupting democracy.”
- Jews influencing policy (like everyone else) = “flirting with backlash.”
This is indistinguishable from Charles Lindbergh’s 1941 warning that Jews were steering America toward disaster and would deserve the “backlash” that followed.
The “America First” movement Carlson imagines has always carried this rot.
He’s just comfortable saying it out loud.
Carlson accuses Jews of:
- political coercion,
- ideological dominance,
- and treating opponents like “cattle.”
But his movement features:
- Nick Fuentes, the neo-Nazi Carlson now rehabilitates as a kind of misunderstood populist, who openly calls for stripping Jews of civil rights.
- Marjorie Taylor Greene, whose Christian nationalism rejects pluralistic democracy.
- Pedro Gonzalez, a figure Carlson helped mainstream, was caught pushing overt antisemitic tropes about Jewish “control,” the very rhetoric his movement now feeds on.
- Influencers in Carlson’s orbit who praise Putin, the IRGC, and the Houthis — America’s enemies.
This is the camp lecturing American Jews about “loyalty”?
Carlson’s rant wasn’t just hypocritical.
It was textbook projection.
And then there’s his selective outrage about “foreign influence”
Carlson says American Jews undermine America because they support Israel — America’s only reliable democratic ally in the Middle East.
But here’s what he never mentions:
- Anti-Israel campus groups receive support from networks tied to Qatar and the Muslim Brotherhood.
- Iran’s propaganda arms amplify the same talking points as the woke-right.
- Anti-Israel leaders openly praise the IRGC and Hezbollah.
- Many anti-Israel protesters literally call for America’s collapse.
Yet the only “foreign subversion” he sees … is Jews?
He sees “treason” in pro-Israel Americans.
He sees “populism” in pro-Iran activists.
Carlson himself went to Moscow to interview Vladimir Putin and give him a puff piece — and then offered the same courtesy to Iran’s “death to America” president.
Again: the silence is the tell.
Why Carlson targets Jews and not America’s real enemies
Because his movement needs a villain — one the far-right and far-left can share. And that villain — once again, as always — is the Jew.
There is no principle behind Carlson’s position. Only narrative:
- When Jews oppose Hamas → they are warmongers.
- When Jews support a strong America and strong US–Israel alliance → they are disloyal.
- When Jews engage politically → they corrupt democracy.
- When Jews defend themselves → they threaten national stability.
It’s the longest-running script in history.
Carlson just updated it for 2025 and put it on primetime.
At a time when genuine anti-American extremism is flourishing — in campus encampments, online propaganda networks, and foreign-backed organizations — Tucker Carlson has chosen to threaten the Americans waving US flags.
He has chosen to smear: Americans committed to democratic values.
He has chosen to accuse of treason: Americans whose “foreign cause” is a US ally under attack by terrorists who also kill Americans. Perhaps Tucker has forgotten how Iran’s proxies have killed literally hundreds of American service members — as they are enemies of both Israel and America.
And he has chosen to threaten a “real backlash” against: the one minority that history shows gets blamed whenever demagogues need a villain.
This is not patriotism.
It is not conservatism.
It is not “America First.”
It is the oldest hatred wearing a new mask.
And the mask isn’t slipping.
It’s off.
Micha Danzig is an attorney, former IDF soldier, and former NYPD officer. He writes widely on Israel, antisemitism, and Jewish history and serves on the board of Herut North America.
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What Israel Can Learn From American Thanksgiving
Gratitude is a deeply Jewish concept, emphasized in the Biblical text, the Talmud, Jewish law, and throughout rabbinic thought. Most significantly, gratitude is woven into the rituals of daily life, including the first statement of “modeh ani” that we recite upon waking each day as well as in the morning blessings.
This overlap between the value Judaism places on gratitude and the theme of the upcoming American holiday of Thanksgiving gives us a reason to truly recognize that day as a Jewish experience. But there is another deep connection between Judaism and Thanksgiving, one that Jews everywhere, including in Israel, should be more aware of and embrace.
Many of the values that the United States was built on, including justice, equality and freedom, stem from the Bible and Judeo-Christian tradition. This should be a reminder that here in Israel as well — the land where those ideas started — we should be more cognizant of those values as a society, especially in these challenging days as we rebuild after more than two years of war and face deep divisions among ourselves.
On Nov. 26, 1789, President George Washington proclaimed a day of public thanks, saying gratitude wasn’t just a feeling but a national duty, “acknowledging … the many signal favors of Almighty God especially by affording them an opportunity peaceably to establish a form of government for their safety and happiness.”
His statement reflects the influence of the Bible on the Founding Fathers’ worldview — and not simply because he referred to the Almighty. Rather, it is important to recognize that many of the values that Americans are especially grateful for on Thanksgiving — the values that allow a form of government for safety and happiness — are derived from Judeo-Christian concepts.
As outlined in his book Reading the Bible with the Founding Fathers, Daniel L. Dreisbach, a professor at American University, describes the Bible as the most read and most quoted book in early American political discourse. Stories and quotes from the Bible were used to justify civil resistance, examine the rights and duties of citizens, and understand the role of political authority. Early American politics and its groundbreaking democratic system can only be understood properly by understanding the role of the Bible, he writes.
The Declaration of Independence and Constitution are secular documents, but the ideas contained in them have unmistakable direct roots in values illustrated in the Bible.
Although the United States faces many challenges, and the Biblical values of justice, equality, and personal freedom are not always upheld as they should be, the ideal of these values has been front and center to the country’s success and to the opportunities it has given to millions, including my own father, my in-laws, and grandparents, who immigrated to the US from the ashes of the Holocaust and were able to freely raise a Jewish family.
In Israel, also a democracy, political and community leaders need to recommit to the values of freedom, equality, and justice, especially now — not just in theory, but in policy and practice.
Even though Israel remains without a constitution, these values need to be paramount, both in speech and action; in classrooms and courtrooms; in the Knesset and in the beit knesset. Freedom must extend to agunot, women trapped in marriages that have fallen apart and are often abusive, because their husbands refuse to grant them the halachic get required for a legal divorce. Jewish law demands that state rabbinic and government officials must do more to ensure the religious and civil laws are used in ways that promote freedom and dignity for these women.
Equality must be extended to minorities, including Arabs, Muslims, Christians, and Druze, who often face discrimination. From the lack of government investment in these communities to the racism expressed by some politicians, community leaders, and parts of the general public, minorities often do not receive fully equal treatment. Equality is also a value that needs to be embraced by the citizens. The most glaring example of this today is the continuing refusal of the ultra-Orthodox sector to serve in the army, which puts an undue heavy burden on those who do serve, including secular and religious Jews, Christians, Druze, and Bedouins.
Perhaps an approach that can help is trying to be more thankful for and aware of these democratic values derived from our very own Jewish tradition, especially now as we attempt to pick up the pieces and rebuild. Part of being thankful is looking beyond ourselves.
This is illustrated in a powerful way in the order of the words in the morning recitation of “modeh ani” — “thankful am I.” Usually the order would be “ani modeh” (“I am thankful”), but this prayer flips that order, emphasizing the thankfulness before the “I.” This implies we are better off as individuals, as a family, community and as a society when the first word out of our mouths is “thanks” rather than “I.”
During the Civil War, President Abraham Lincoln established an official date for Thanksgiving as a national holiday and called on everyone to care for the widows, orphans, and the wounded as the nation sought healing. This is the spirit we need in Israel now: to use gratitude as a moral call to rebuild our society, rooted in the very Biblical values that have long given hope to the world.
Rabbi Dr. Brander is the President and Rosh HaYeshiva of Ohr Torah Stone, a network of 32 educational institutions in Israel. He previously served as a vice president at Yeshiva University in New York and is Rabbi Emeritus of the Boca Raton Synagogue in Florida.

