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Current War Exposes a Shocking Reality: Israel Does Not Have True Air Superiority

Israel’s Iron Dome anti-missile system intercepts rockets launched from the Gaza Strip, as seen from Sderot, Israel May 13, 2023 Photo: REUTERS/Ammar Awad

Israel’s first prime minister, David Ben-Gurion, experienced the London Blitz in World War II. Though he was not a military man, he well understood the significance of air superiority — and, in its absence, the weight of an air threat to the Israeli home front. When, as Israel’s first prime minister, he was about to make his historic decision on the Sinai war (1956), he set a condition for the French allies: that they place two fighter squadrons to defend Israel’s skies during the war.

Since then, air superiority has been a fundamental pillar of the Israeli security concept. Absolute control of the skies was intended to prevent the Arab air forces from hitting the Israeli home front and to ensure that in an emergency, reserve forces could be mobilized and reach the front without interruption while the limited regular forces holding the lines were being supported. The regular forces would defend, air superiority would enable, and the reserves would regain the initiative.

Over the years, the Israeli Air Force has become one of the most advanced in the world. Israel’s confidence in its air power, an offensive force at its core, left limited room for a defensive approach. In the 1960s, advanced Hawk missile batteries were purchased from the United States, despite opposition from the Air Force. Considerations of air coordination and flight safety led to the transfer of the anti-aircraft units from the Artillery Corps to the Air Force under the central control method used in it.

In June 1982, the Air Force stunned the world with a brilliant strike operation on Syrian surface-to-air missile batteries (SAMs) in Lebanon. In addition to destroying the SAM formations, the strike shot down dozens of enemy planes. Since then, no Arab air force has challenged the skies of Israel. Absolute air supremacy was achieved.

Gradually, over the following decades, two processes took place. The first was the reduction of tactical anti-aircraft formations, the main purpose of which was to provide mobile protection at the front for ground forces against enemy aircraft. Mobile formations protected the ground maneuver and shot down enemy planes and helicopters in the Yom Kippur War, and also fought in the First Lebanon War. Despite its long-lasting deployment and use against some terrorist airborne attacks from the Lebanese border in the 1980s, the formation was a low priority for the Air Force. After the Second Lebanon War, the last of these units were shut down and the anti-aircraft formation moved in full force to its new mission, which had been evolving since the 1990s: defense of the home front against missiles and rockets.

The second significant process to occur over recent decades was the development and purchase of Arrow interceptors, Iron Dome, and David’s Sling, to protect the home front from the missiles and rockets that were accumulating on the other side. This threat intensified over the years, and the air defense corps, which, in 2011, officially changed its name from Anti-Aircraft to Air and Missile Defense, adapted itself, shifting its focus to the emerging threat that had replaced the anti-aircraft mission. The working assumption was, and remains to this day, that Israel’s Air Force rules the skies. The job of air defense, therefore, is to focus on missiles and rockets.

This assumption is no longer valid.

The “Low Sky” layer

The current war illustrates what military professionals and observers already knew. After all, this development has been observed in all recent wars in the world, particularly in Ukraine.

At the beginning of this decade, a new-old threat layer gradually developed: numerous cheap, small, unmanned aircraft with a low radar signature. The world of drones and unmanned aircraft completely changed the premise of absolute air superiority. The Israeli Air Force does continue to rule the skies — but “under the noses” of the advanced fighter jets, a new air layer has been created. This is the “low sky” layer.

The enemy has found a loophole here. The Air Force (and, within it, the air defense corps) is required to defend against the combined and coordinated threats of missiles, unmanned aircraft systems (UAS), and rockets (MUR).

The older precision missile threat was already a challenge. The risk of precision strikes applies not only to military and civilian infrastructure but also to the air defense system itself. This array was built over the years under the premise of Israeli air superiority. The air defense itself was not supposed to be hunted. Today, the enemy is able not only to accurately target our air defense elements but to maintain a real presence in our skies. Using UAVs, and even drones in shorter ranges, it can search for targets and strike them in real time. The enemy is able to penetrate deep into Israel and engage the air defense system in one lane while other aircraft take advantage of the diversion and penetrate in another, more covert lane. It can identify targets and strike immediately using armed or suicide UAS. Above all, it strives to locate, endanger, and destroy key elements of the air defense system itself. It is capable of all this and more. We have to defend our Air Defense.

The transition from dealing with piloted aircraft to aircraft with pre-programmed, changing routes that can perform a variety of tricks turns the aerial clash between defender and attacker into a complex professional battle. Such a battle requires additional measures. These consist mainly of finding means of detection, localization, tracking, accurate identification, and above all, faster decision-making that is based on more information in real time. As the challenge of managing the air battle increases, the air defense system, even one that is capable of successfully intercepting thousands of missiles and rockets, can engage fewer air targets at once. The array thus becomes more vulnerable and exposed.

The current war greatly accelerated the development of this threat. The enemy has spotted the breach and is daily improving the means and operational techniques at his disposal. The UAS threat can no longer be seen as separate from the ballistic, missile and rocket threats. The enemy is perfecting techniques by which to use these tools in a coordinated manner to overcome our air defense arrays, destroy them, and continue to hit targets on our front and home front.

This dangerous process, which is accelerating fast, requires quick learning, effective organization and practical preparation on Israel’s part. Here are three practical issues to be addressed, from light to heavy:

Central control

Central control is meant to enable effective, optimal and efficient decision-making. Processing information from all sensors makes it possible to launch the best interceptor from the best location at the best moment.

This approach is designed to deal mainly with quantity, on the assumption that it will be possible to see in real time where the enemy’s missiles are aimed. In a reality in which UAS appear and disappear from radar screens quickly, decentralized processes might also be required, under a central policy. This complexity will affect the scope of the threats the defense system can deal with simultaneously and also the extent of the possible savings in interceptors and management of interceptor stockpiles.

Absolute central control could also prove to be a single point of failure. The air defense control model must adapt and integrate decentralized decisions with a central policy and allow the integration of air assets like attack helicopters and fighter jets, as is the case these days.

The defense of air defense

Anyone who deals with air defense knows what “multi-layered” means. Multi-layered defense is the aerial version of the principle of operational depth in land defense. An attacking aircraft will relatively easily overcome a single SAM battery. But if, while attacking one battery, it is exposed to another one, or to a different type of radar or missile, or possibly even to a third battery, it will have much more difficulty. The principle of layered protection allows different batteries and types of detection and interception systems to back up and protect each other.

If some of the detection and interception means also change location from time to time, defend, and camouflage and scatter dummy targets, the challenge to the attacker is enhanced.

The Israeli air defense system is multi-layered, but the degree of mutual assistance and protection between the layers is relatively limited. The premise, as mentioned, was that of complete air superiority. The main challenge was to optimize the use of interceptors against a tremendous load of missiles and rockets. The result was that each tier was designed to deal with a specific type of missile or rocket. Iron Dome can’t really assist Arrow batteries or support their missions. This limitation is equally true among the other layers.

As noted, the degree of mobility, protection and hiding ability of the Israeli air defense system is inadequate. Unlike similar systems in the world, our air defense system was not built with synchronization as a critical goal. If we expect our air defense system to continue to provide the level of protection we have enjoyed so far or even close to it, it will have to go through a significant series of adjustments, and fast.

The first and most important will be the addition of another interception layer — point protection — which will enable a relatively high level of security for essential sites and assets. This layer would only be launched when it is clear that the other layers have failed and only to protect a critical asset for the country, such as an important power plant or vital component of the air defense system.

Another adjustment would be the shielding, camouflage and mobility of some of the elements of the array to make it difficult for the enemy to acquire these targets in real time. The hiding of air defense components and deception by dispersal of fake systems are common and essential methods of operation around the world.

Tactical air defense system

The air defense system must also adapt to the more demanding combat conditions at the front. This area, where ground troops from both sides are engaged in battle, will face thousands of missiles and rockets and hundreds of UAS and cruise missiles. The front is a smaller and denser area where civilian communities as well as concentrations of forces need to be defended from tens of thousands of short-range rockets, advanced anti-tank missiles, and aircraft and drones in abundance, and all in a very short time frame.

On both the home front and the battle front, our defense will depend on a prior decision on the identification of essential assets and a prioritizing of defense. The complexity will be twofold: the battle picture will be intricate and dynamic, and it will demand real-time prioritizing. Because of this, the air defense batteries will have to change position frequently for protection. The shorter ranges of the threat and defense elements will require closer coordination between the movement of air defense batteries that protect each other. Each location will have to be chosen in view of the risk from enemy ground forces and the need to protect our forces.

At the front, it will be necessary to (re)establish an organization that uses short-term, more mobile tactical measures. This flexible organization will have to be much more coordinated with the picture seen by the ground combat commanders. A tactical air defense system will be required – one not much different from the northern anti-aircraft units that were closed down almost 15 years ago.

The tactical air defense array that operates at the front will have to wear two hats. In one hat, it will protect the forces fighting on land and the vital assets in the sector. It is possible that, thanks to its radars, the array will also be an important partner in locating sources of enemy fire, producing targets for ground forces fire support. In the other hat, the array will serve as the “front layer” of the home-front air defense array. The aerial battle picture – the coordination of air operations for safety and the identification of friends and foes – will have to be managed by the centralized control of the air force.

More importantly, the relative density of the tactical air defense system at the front will make it possible to detect and stop some threats designed to penetrate deep into our territory while they are still in their early stages of flight, above the front. The array will serve as a kind of “front wall” for the defense of the home front. It will reduce the number of missiles and aircraft the home front defense will have to deal with and channel some of them to flight paths that are easier to detect and defend against within the Israeli topography.

Arrange the sky

On the eve of the Battle of France in May 1940, the Anglo-French alliance possessed more tanks and aircraft than were available to the invading force of the German Wehrmacht, and their models were superior and more modern. They were nevertheless defeated. Their defeat was not due to lack of means but to an inferior understanding of mechanized warfare. The Wehrmacht was better organized for the battle and made better use of the tanks and planes it had at its disposal.

The rapid procurement of means is not a sufficient answer to the challenge we now face. If we do not reorganize the battle for the sky, especially at the front, we can’t hope for a real improvement in the results. If we just add more measures without managing the layered defense with the required dynamism, we will experience not only waste but failure. A multi-layered and advanced air defense would not be complete without tactical capabilities for the defense of the front. Such air defense requires significant conceptual, operational and organizational adjustments to the existing structure.

Defending the country’s air space is the first mission of the Israeli Air Force. The recognition that our air superiority is not absolute is dramatic, but it must be acknowledged. Despite our control of fighter jets and traditional air superiority, our forces at the front suffer from a dangerous level of inferiority and lack of protection. The “low sky” has become a real threat.

It is vital for Israel to reestablish a tactical air defense system at the front. Israeli air superiority is incomplete without it. The sky needs to be rearranged.

Brig. Gen. (res.) Eran Ortal recently retired from military service as commander of the Dado Center for Multidisciplinary Military Thinking. His book, The Battle Before the War (MOD 2022, in Hebrew), dealt with the IDF’s need to change, innovate, and renew a decisive war approach.

Brig. Gen. (res.) Ran Kochav (RanKo) recently retired from the IDF. Among his duties he served as commander of the Air and Missile Defense Corps and IDF Spokesperson, and was a member of the General Staff forum. A version of this article was originally published by The BESA Center.

The post Current War Exposes a Shocking Reality: Israel Does Not Have True Air Superiority first appeared on Algemeiner.com.

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Condemnation from Ottawa led an Islamic group’s conference to be cancelled

A conference supporting a return to “caliphate” rule in the Middle East was cancelled within hours of a scorching condemnation from federal public safety ministers.

The statement was posted Jan. 13 by Rachel Bendayan, the Montreal MP recently named to the associate minister role in the public safety ministry. It was attributed to her and David McGuinty, the public safety minister. The message called the planned Jan. 18 event “deeply concerning.”

Islamist group Hizb ut Tahrir has been banned in the U.K. and Germany, and a previous attempt to host the conference in the Toronto area in January 2024 was cancelled after the U.K. declared the group a terrorist entity, according to reports from the Associated Press.

“Hizb ut-Tahrir has a documented history of glorifying violence and promoting antisemitism and extremist ideology,” read the statement from Bendayan and McGuinty, naming the group’s “celebration of attacks on innocent civilians, including Oct. 7, and its support for banned terrorist groups such as Hamas and Hezbollah” and condemning its activities and the conference taking place, calling on organizers to cancel.

“We have been assured that law enforcement agencies, including the RCMP, are monitoring the event closely and that all appropriate Canadian laws, including those pertaining to hate speech, will be enforced. Further, we can confirm that our security and intelligence agencies are currently assessing Hizb ut Tahrir for listing as a terrorist entity under Canadian law,” read the public safety ministers’ joint statement.

“Our government is resolute in its efforts to fight antisemitism and extremism in all its forms. We will continue to work with law enforcement and community partners to ensure the safety and security of all Canadians.”

The Hizb ut Tahrir Canada group had previously issued a rare media statement defending its legitimate political goals and insisting the event was peaceful. However, the cancellation notice, posted “with regret” Jan. 14, said the decision to cancel “was necessitated by circumstances that were beyond our reasonable control.”

Iddo Moed, Israel’s Ambassador to Canada, confirmed in an interview with The CJN Jan. 14 that his office raised concerns about the group, and warned of a need to “keep vigilant” to act against what he called “hateful” and “dangerous” messages spreading in Canada.

“Whatever events are happening, when we think that they are dangerous, they’re inciteful, they are about to spread more hate and intimidation, of course we raise a flag, and we use our channels of communication with the highest levels in the provincial or federal level, to address and to reach out to the leaders and to draw to the attention that this is taking place. We also provide information. It’s extremely important.”

Moed confirmed to The CJN that this was the case with the Hizb ut Tahrir conference.

“We have to respect the fact that others have different opinions. So there is a very thin line that we are actually around. We are around that all the time, that is, between what is acceptable and not acceptable in society, and actually we have to be very vigilant these days, and we have to be very well aware of where we stand and what do we stand for, and what we will not tolerate.”

Moed echoed calls from groups like the Centre for Israel and Jewish Affairs (CIJA), whose petition to McGuinty to list the group as a terror entity has received 13,000 signatures online.

“Yes, I think that Canada should designate this organization as a terrorist entity under the criminal law, as it has done with Samidoun and many others,” Moed told The CJN. “It is called for other countries. I’ve done that. So this is also a call for Canada to do [the] same, absolutely.”

Moed said federal authorities were “very well aware of” the group, though he says more needs to be done “to prevent such people even to come in and to spread [these kinds] of hateful messages.”

CIJA said in a statement from Michelle Stock, Ontario vice-president in response to the announcement that the conference was cancelled, that “our community and allies have made our voices heard—and we’ve made an impact.

“This is important progress in keeping Canadians safe. We are relieved that this conference isn’t happening, but we also know that the fight against extremism cannot stop. We will continue to urge the Government of Canada to ban Hizb ut-Tahrir as an illegal terrorist organization, as is the case in the UK and Germany.”

Friends of Simon Wiesenthal Center (FSWC) and B’nai Brith Canada, along with CIJA, had pushed for federal authorities to add the group to the list of recognized terror entities under the Criminal Code, for antisemitic, extremist, “anti-Western ideology,” and glorification of terrorism.

FSWC called the cancellation “an important victory in the fight against extremism and hate in Canada,” shutting down the “controversial conference planned by an Islamist group notorious for antisemitic, extremist rhetoric.”

But the president and CEO of FSWC, wrote in a statement that “it’s not enough.”

“The Canadian government must take the necessary measures to list this organization as a terror group under Canadian law, ensuring that it will never again have the opportunity to propagate its vile, extremist ideology in our country,” wrote Michael Levitt.

“Hizb ut Tahrir Canada, the Canadian branch of Hizb ut-Tahrir—an organization that advocates for the re-establishment of an Islamic caliphate governed by Sharia law… is banned in the UK, Germany and several other countries.”

The conference location was reported by some news outlets as being in Hamilton, Ont., having being moved from Mississauga, Ont., just west of Toronto.

Mississauga Mayor Carolyn Parrish had posted online Jan. 5, calling Hizb ut Tahrir a “very extreme group,” later saying Mississauga residents were glad it wouldn’t be held there anymore after the reports it might be moved to Hamilton.

The conference website had previously said it was to take place in Mississauga, and would include lunch and childcare on Jan. 18. The notice was changed and the location was not provided to registrants. Eventbrite, an online ticketing platform, had dropped the event from its website.

Hamilton Mayor Andrea Horwath said the city would “unequivocally refuse access to any group that engages in or promotes hatred or any form of divisive behaviour.”

In an interview with The CJN on Jan. 13, before the cancellation announcement, Howard Fremeth, CIJA’s vice-president of communications, said that the event was concerning whether it was to take place in Mississauga, Hamilton, or elsewhere in Ontario or Canada.

“This week it might be Mississauga or Hamilton, but in two weeks it might be in Edmonton or it might be in Halifax or it might be in my hometown of Ottawa. I think that means that we as a Jewish community, first off, we need to rally together nationally behind this, and we also have to work with our friends and allies across Canada.”

Muslim community members publicly denounced the conference including a statement from the Global Imams Council (GIC), whose Western headquarters are in Toronto. The group called the conference a “blatant attempt to spread extremism under the guise of free speech” in a letter to McGuinty urging federal intervention and to prevent the event from taking place.

“Allowing such an event to proceed in Canada risks undermining years of effort by Muslims who seek to build bridges of mutual respect and understanding,” read the statement issued on Jan. 10.

“Hizb ut-Tahrir is known globally for its radical ideology, rejection of democratic principles, and open advocacy for a global Islamist caliphate, a stance that directly contradicts Canadian values of democracy, peace, and coexistence.

“This event, if allowed to proceed, poses a significant threat to social cohesion. The very notion of a conference promoting the establishment of a caliphate within Canada is deeply alarming and offensive, not only to the broader Canadian public but also to the overwhelming majority of Muslims in the country who uphold democratic values and actively contribute to Canada’s multicultural society.”

The letter warned that Hizb ut-Tahrir’s stated agenda and “extremist rhetoric” divide and “isolate Muslims from the rest of society. Muslim youth have proven to be particularly vulnerable to their ideology and tactics. It is for these reasons that over 17 countries, including Germany, Indonesia, Bangladesh, Turkey, and the United Kingdom, have taken decisive legal action against the group.

“Allowing such an event to proceed in Canada risks undermining years of effort by Muslims who seek to build bridges of mutual respect and understanding,” the GIC letter read. It also requested a federal review leading to a possible formal ban of the organization in Canada.

“As an organization with a well-documented history of spreading divisive and extremist rhetoric, Hizb ut-Tahrir has been banned in over 17 countries worldwide. Its ideology not only threatens national unity but also isolates Muslim communities and endangers vulnerable youth,” read the letter from GIC to McGuinty.

In a media statement released Jan. 6, Hizb ut Tahrir Canada wrote that it “categorically rejects the use of violence,” and said “the accusations linking the party to terrorism, extremism and violent activities are fabrications aimed at tarnishing its reputation and distracting from its call to establish Islam as a comprehensive system of governance and mercy for humanity.”

The group called itself “an ideological and political party that works exclusively through intellectual and political struggle” and said its “sole objective is the resumption of the Islamic way of life through the re-establishment of the Khilafah (Caliphate) in the Muslim world on the method of the Prophethood, as obligated by the Quran and Sunnah.”

The statement said “baseless allegations” against the group were “part of a wider effort to distort” Hizb ut Tahrir’s image and “suppress its legitimate political call.”

With files from Ellin Bessner.

The post Condemnation from Ottawa led an Islamic group’s conference to be cancelled appeared first on The Canadian Jewish News.

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Nearly Half of World’s Adults Hold Antisemitic Views, ADL Survey Finds

A pro-Hamas march in London, United Kingdom, Feb. 17, 2024. Photo: Chrissa Giannakoudi via Reuters Connect

Nearly half of the world’s adults hold antisemitic beliefs, according to a new “Global 100 Index” survey conducted by the Anti-Defamation League (ADL).

Some 58,000 people from over 100 countries participated in the survey, the ADL said, and their responses underscored the extent to which antisemitic conspiracies and tropes are enjoying a revival in the digital age, having received new means of exportation across the world.

A striking 46 percent of the world’s adult population — an estimated 2.2 billion people — harbor “deeply entrenched antisemitic attitudes,” the survey found, the highest level on record since the ADL began tracking such trends globally.

Meanwhile, 56 percent of respondents reported to believe that “Jews loyalty is only to Israel,” and 46 percent said “Jews have too much control over global affairs.” Young adults are by far more likely than their older peers to have formed negative perceptions of Jews, believing, for example, that they “have a lot of irritating faults” and “don’t care what happens to anyone” who isn’t Jewish, the ADL results showed.

“Antisemitism is nothing short of a global emergency, especially in a post-Oct. 7 world. We are seeing these trends play out from the Middle East to Asia, from Europe to North and South America,” ADL chief executive officer Jonathan Greenblatt said in a statement regarding the survey’s findings. “Negative attitudes towards Jews are an important pillar that ADL uses to asses overall levels of antisemitism within a country, and our findings are deeply alarming. It’s clear that we need new government interventions, more education, additional safeguards on social media, and new security protocols to prevent antisemitic hate crimes. This fight requires. a whole-of-society-approach including government, civil society, and individuals and now is the time to act.”

An Algemeiner review of the study shows that antisemitic attitudes are heavily concentrated in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA), where inhabitants are more likely to support boycotting Israel to the point that even diplomatic relations are nonexistent. For example, 97 percent of respondents in Gaza and the West Bank subscribe to antisemitic tropes. More broadly, 76 percent of MENA respondents accept as true 11 antisemitic stereotypes and tropes presented by the survey questionnaire, compared to 51 percent of Asian respondents and 49 percent of Eastern Europeans. The Americas, Western Europe, and Oceania measured considerably lower in this regard, but still averaged approximately one in five adults who believe in antisemitic stereotypes.

Other statistics reveal the poor state of Holocaust education, as a striking 20 percent of respondents worldwide said they have not heard of the Nazi genocide perpetrated against European Jewry during Word War II. Less than half (48 percent) recognize the Holocaust’s “historical accuracy.” Among young adults ages 18-34, that figure falls to 39 percent.

In addition to Holocaust skepticism, some 40 percent of adults under 35 blame Jews for starting “most of the world’s wars,” while only 29 percent of adults over 50 share that belief.

“Antisemitic tropes and beliefs are becoming alarmingly normalized across societies worldwide. This dangerous trend is not just a threat to Jewish communities — it’s a warning to us all. Even in countries with the lowest levels of antisemitic attitudes globally, we’ve sen many antisemitic incidents perpetrated by an emboldened, small vocal, and violent minority. This is a wake-up call for collective action, and we are committed to continuing our work with out partners around the world and mitigate this deeply ingrained antisemitism,” said Marina Rosenberg, ADL senior vice president for international affairs.

Follow Dion J. Pierre @DionJPierre.

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This convicted 1980 synagogue bomber is not currently teaching at Carleton University in Ottawa

A former part-time instructor at Carleton University, whose conviction in absentia for a 1980 Paris synagogue bombing has drawn widespread attention, is not teaching at the institution this semester according to a university spokesperson.

“Hassan Diab is a former part-time contract instructor who taught a course at the university last fall,” Steven Reid, the media relations officer at the school in Ottawa, wrote in a statement to The Canadian Jewish News. “He is not in the employment of Carleton.”

Reid did not disclose any further details, stating privacy considerations.

Diab’s employment at Carleton—last semester he headed a course called Social Justice in Action—sparked controversy both domestically and internationally. Convicted in absentia in 2023 by a French court for his alleged role in a bombing of the Rue Copernic synagogue in Paris, which killed four people and injured dozens, he has maintained his innocence throught—claiming he was in Lebanon at the time of the attack.

The Canadian government’s refusal to extradite Diab back to France remains a focal point of the ongoing legal and diplomatic discussions.

B’nai Brith Canada, which has been vocal about Diab’s employment, applauded Carleton for what it described as a “necessary step” in ending his role at the university, although there is no confirmation that Diab won’t return.

“Diab’s employment as a lecturer was a betrayal of the Canadian values of justice, safety, and accountability,” B’nai Brith stated on Jan. 10. “This decision is an important acknowledgment of the need to ensure our educational institutions prioritize the well-being and academic success of their students.”

B’nai Brith also reiterated its support for Diab’s extradition to France: “We remain steadfast in our mission to combat hate and antisemitism and ensure that justice is upheld.”

Speaking anonymously, one Jewish student at Carleton told The Canadian Jewish News there is speculation about whether the university’s decision was related to low enrolment numbers for Diab’s course, or broader pressure stemming from advocacy efforts.

“Many of us, like myself, are planning on taking a wait-and-see approach to see if he’s back in the hall,” the student said.

“I would like to know what happened,” he added, citing uncertainty as to whether Diab’s contract was terminated or never issued for the winter semester. I think a lot of other students would like to know as well.”

Iddo Moed, the Israeli ambassador to Canada, has also been lobbying for Carleton to take action.

“We came to the conclusion that a respectable academic institution that allows a terrorist to be a teacher and give a course on their premises is principally wrong that we have to make the public aware,” Moed said in an interview with The Canadian Jewish News.

Moed further elaborated on his personal connection to the case in a Nov. 13 opinion piece for the National Post. Aliza Shagrir, the mother of his colleague Hagai Shagrir—head of the Asia-Pacific Division of the Israeli Ministry of Foreign Affairs—was one of the victims of the 1980 Copernic synagogue bombing.

In his commentary, Moed wrote that Shagrir was “the mother of my friend and colleague, Hagai, a teenager at the time who survived only because he had returned early to his hotel room. To this day, Hagai remains traumatized and laments having gone through life without his mother.”

In November, nine public research universities in Israel—coordinated by the Association of University Heads of Israel—collectively urged Carleton to terminate Diab’s employment. The letter, obtained by The Canadian Jewish News, described the hiring “betrayal of academic values” and a failure to uphold justice.

“How can an institution dedicated to instilling moral principles in its students justify appointing someone convicted of such serious crimes to a teaching position?” the letter asked. “This hiring decision crosses a clear ethical line.”

The Canadian Jewish News reached out to Hassan Diab’s lawyer for comment on the situation but did not receive a response.

Moed has also been vocal about the broader implications of Diab’s case, particularly its impact on universities and Jewish communities.

“We see not only Hassan Diab, but we see other figures who have very clear anti-semitic agendas appearing in universities and speaking freely, as if what they are presenting is the reality, and it is entirely flawed and wrong,” he said.

“Presenting their reality, a distorted reality, as a fact, and starting the discussion from there is, of course, wrong. And so when we are talking to university leaders around the country, I’m speaking not just about the encampments and all this intimidating behaviour that has been experienced by Jewish students there.”

The Copernic Affair, a Canadaland podcast miniseries about the circumstances surrounding the case of Hassan Diab, is set for release on Jan. 22.

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