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The JTA Q&A with Zohran Mamdani: ‘I don’t begrudge folks who are skeptical of me’

With days before the election in which he is favored to become New York City’s next mayor, Zohran Mamdani tells Jewish New Yorkers that he understands why some might be skeptical of him — and that he would work as mayor to protect and celebrate them nonetheless.

“I don’t begrudge folks who are skeptical of me, especially with tens of millions of dollars having been spent against me with the intent to do just that, but I hope to prove that I am someone to build a relationship with, not one to fear,” Mamdani tells the Jewish Telegraphic Agency.

Related: What Zohran Mamdani has actually said about Jews, Israel and antisemitism

The comment was included in Mamdani’s written responses to questions submitted by JTA and the New York Jewish Week to his campaign this week. The full Q&A, covering Mamdani’s relationships with Jewish New Yorkers, his policies and principles as a vocal pro-Palestinian advocate, his favorite Hanukkah movie and more, is below.

JTA’s Andrew Cuomo Q&A | JTA’s Curtis Sliwa Q&A

You have consistently assured Jewish New Yorkers that you will make sure their synagogues are safe on the High Holidays. What is your vision for synagogue security when it is not a major holiday, and would your vision for the Department of Community Safety play a role?

The first step is acknowledging the terrifying rise in antisemitism in our city. As hate crimes overall decreased from 2023 to 2024, antisemitic ones increased. There were 345 antisemitic hate crimes last year, making up more than half of all hate crimes recorded. Many Jewish New Yorkers no longer feel safe to be who they are in this city. Our relationship with houses of worship must be one of collaboration and partnership, and the process for getting NYPD presence should be one that is simple, not one that requires faith leaders to have the mayor on speed dial. I’ve proposed a public safety plan that keeps Jewish New Yorkers safe: Our Department of Community Safety (DCS) will increase funding to combat and prevent hate crimes by 800% with an emphasis on preventing antisemitic hate crimes. My administration will protect Jewish New Yorkers on the street, on the subway, and in their synagogues.

The head of a liberal pro-Israel group at Bowdoin said that you declined to meet with him as SJP’s president because of your group’s policy of “anti-normalization.” How do you view this philosophy today, and how would it inform your interactions with Jewish organizations and Jewish leaders who support Israel and reject your condemnations of Israel, including claims that it committed genocide?

I’ve been honored to meet with countless Jewish leaders and organizations, including many who have different views on Israel and Zionism than my own. I am looking to be a mayor for all New Yorkers and look forward to meeting with anyone who cares about making the most expensive city in America affordable to all who call it home.

You’ve mentioned several times gaining a new awareness of Jewish New Yorkers’ fears about the phrase “globalize the intifada” after speaking with a rabbi. What else have you learned in your conversations with Jewish leaders? What has been most surprising to you? How have your views or plans changed as a result?

While there are countless New Yorkers who have strong feelings on what happens in Israel and Palestine — myself included — I’ve learned that our areas of agreement far outweigh where we disagree. We all have a shared commitment to not only combating antisemitism and hatred in all its forms, but also to celebrating our communities, to making our city more affordable, and to a vision of a world where every human being is created equal.

We have spoken to a number of Jewish leaders who say they have met with you but will not share the content of their conversation. Why do you think it benefits New Yorkers for their contents to remain off the record?

It’s been beautiful to see the depth and the breadth of the Jewish community in our city. We’ve had honest dialogue—which has been overwhelmingly positive. I’m glad to have had the opportunity to introduce myself as I actually am, because many New Yorkers have only known me as a caricature. And I know that some feel that it can be easier to have productive conversations when both sides can be candid in the knowledge that what is said will remain in that room.

You’ve said you intend not to reinvest city funds in Israel bonds, in keeping with Brad Lander’s decision as comptroller. Would you advocate for divesting the city’s pension funds from Israeli securities entirely, as they did from Russian securities in 2022? Are there other ways that you would seek to advance the cause of BDS as mayor?

My priority as mayor will be to deliver on the affordability agenda I ran on: freezing the rent, universal childcare, and fast and free buses. That will always be the core of my administration. I support the approach of the current comptroller, Brad Lander, to end the practice of purchasing Israel bonds in our pension funds, which we do not do for any other nation.

Are there ways you would seek to boycott or sanction local Jewish not-for-profits for supporting Israel and Israelis that support the settlement movement, as you did with your Not On Our Dime bill? In your view, should such efforts apply to Jerusalem as well as the West Bank? Should they extend to organizations that supply humanitarian support to Israelis in the relevant areas?

Charities and nonprofits that receive a taxpayer subsidy should not support the violation of international law, and that’s what the right-wing Israeli settlement project is doing—an effort that goes against the stated foreign policy of our own government, going back several decades.

A handful of your Jewish mentors and friends have emerged through reporting about your history, and all of them openly share your views about Israel and Palestine. Can you tell us about any longstanding relationship you may have with a Jewish New Yorker who differs in that respect?

Of course — many. I moved to this city when I was 7 years old, and one of the joys of growing up in this city was learning about Jewish religion, identity, and culture through so many of my friends and their families — all of whom had a wide variety of politics on Israel and Palestine. Yet it was not the politics that I recall as much as the invitations to be a part of so many special moments — whether being invited over for Hanukkah to a friend’s home, watching “Eight Crazy Nights” as a kid, and going to b’nai mitzvot throughout my young years. I always understood these examples as part of what it means to be a New Yorker and part of what it means to love this city. Growing up on 118th and Riverside, there were so many times where I would be interacting with Jewish culture not even realizing that I was — I just thought it was the city around me.

Patrick Gaspard, a former Obama administration official and DNC chair, told the New Yorker that you were “a prototype for a new generation of American politicians, forged in the Palestinian-rights movement.” What does that mean to you? What do you hope it means for the Democratic Party’s future position on Israel?

My politics, at its core, is fundamentally one of both humanity and consistency. And I think of Dr. King’s words delivered at Riverside Church in Manhattan, when he said: “If America’s soul becomes totally poisoned, part of the autopsy must read: Vietnam. It can never be saved so long as it destroys the deepest hopes of men the world over.” For so many today, myself included, the struggle for Palestinian human rights is also the struggle to save our collective soul. The Democratic Party, if we hope to retain our claim to being the party of dignity and decency, must be a party of consistency and one that stands up for the human rights of all people, without exception.

You have said you support Israel only as a state with equal rights for all – i.e. not a state that privileges adherents of a single religion — and have never marched in the Israel Day parade. How do you square skipping that parade and joining, say, the Pakistan Day Mela, another event celebrating the independence of a foreign nation that embeds religion into governance and has perpetual conflict with its neighbor?

I look forward to joining —and hosting — many community events celebrating Jewish life in New York and the rich Jewish history and culture of our city. While I will not be attending the Israel Day Parade, my lack of attendance should not be mistaken for a refusal to provide security or the necessary permits for its safety. I’ve been very clear: I believe in equal rights for all people—everywhere. That principle guides me consistently.

As mayor, you would control the city’s public school system. You’ve said you would introduce a curriculum that teaches “about the beauty and breadth of the Jewish experience.” Can you explain more about the vision for this curriculum, including who should create it, what grades should experience it, and how Israel would be addressed in it?

The Hidden Voices program is an existing curriculum that was launched in 2018 as an initiative to help students learn about the many “hidden” New Yorkers — including Jewish New Yorkers and others—who have helped shape the fabric of our city and what it has become. I will be a mayor who ensures that these New Yorkers are no longer hidden, and are taught in our schools. Additionally, our Department of Community Safety will invest in data-backed approaches that prevent violence through education and community-building.

Over the past week, 1,100-plus rabbis have signed a letter against the “political normalization” of anti-Zionism and expressing concerns that your criticism of Israel will make some Jewish New Yorkers less safe. How do you view their response to your campaign? Do you think anti-Zionist rhetoric could, in fact, have that effect on Jewish safety?

I’ve appreciated meeting with Jewish New Yorkers all around this city, talking about what we can do to build bridges, and I look forward to continuing to engage in productive dialogue. I hope they know that, whether or not they support or agree with me, I will always be a mayor who protects them and their communities. I don’t begrudge folks who are skeptical of me, especially with tens of millions of dollars having been spent against me with the intent to do just that, but I hope to prove that I am someone to build a relationship with, not one to fear.


The post The JTA Q&A with Zohran Mamdani: ‘I don’t begrudge folks who are skeptical of me’ appeared first on Jewish Telegraphic Agency.

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Manhattan Central Synagogue attacker faces federal hate crime charges

(JTA) — The man accused of disrupting Shabbat services at Manhattan’s Central Synagogue last week now faces federal hate crimes charges in addition to the state ones leveled against him immediately after the attack.

“These charges serve as notice that the Department of Justice will intervene to protect the public in the face of antisemitic and racially motivated attacks,” Assistant Attorney General Harmeet K. Dhillon of the Justice Department’s Civil Rights Division said in a statement on Tuesday.

Larry Montes, 46, of the Bronx, New York, was charged with two counts of committing hate crimes, each of which carries a maximum penalty of 10 years in prison, and one count of damage to religious property resulting in bodily injury, which carries a maximum penalty of 20 years in prison.

During the attack last Friday at the Reform synagogue in Manhattan, Montes, who was sitting near the front of the sanctuary, allegedly stood up nine minutes into the service and began shouting, “You know who the f–ck I am.”

Montes then approached the stage of the synagogue and knocked over two ceremonial silver candle sticks, causing them to be damaged, according to the complaint filed by an FBI agent investigating the case.

As the synagogue’s head of security attempted to remove Montes from the sanctuary, he then said “F–ck you people” and “I don’t f–ck with you people” before punching a 63-year-old congregant in the face and knocking her to the ground.

While Montes was handcuffed and arrested in the lobby of the synagogue, he then allegedly told a security guard “F–ck you [n-word]” and headbutted him near his left eye socket.

During his subsequent interview with NYPD officers following his arrest, he allegedly told officers, “F–ck the Jews. … It’s racial” and “I will never affiliate with no filthy f–cking synagogues, either here or in fucking Israel.” Montes allegedly told officers that he had felt disrespected at the service, so he “got up, start[ed] some sh–t, [and] smacked somebody around.”

When asked by NYPD officers why he felt disrespected at the service, Montes allegedly replied, “it’s all a racial thing” and that it was “all religious motivated.” Montes also stated during his post-arrest interview that he identified as Jewish, according to the complaint. Montes’ aunt previously told the New York Post that he was “mentally traumatized because of his desire to belong to that religion [Judaism].”

Montes has been in custody since his arrest immediately after Friday’s attack. He was arraigned that same night and is due in Manhattan Criminal Court on Thursday.

The federal charges come as the attack has sparked widespread condemnation from New York leaders, including Mayor Zohran Mamdani, and spurred a Jewish security watchdog group to call on the NYPD to place more officers in hotspots for potential hate crimes.

This article originally appeared on JTA.org.

The post Manhattan Central Synagogue attacker faces federal hate crime charges appeared first on The Forward.

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He’s campaigning to regulate Texas oil and gas. Why is he linking his Jewish opponent to the Bolshevik Revolution?

A Texas race that would normally focus on oil wells, pipelines and energy policy has spilled into accusations of antisemitism.

In a fundraising email last month, Bo French, the Republican nominee for the powerful Texas Railroad Commission, circulated an AI-generated image of Jon Rosenthal, his Jewish Democratic opponent, smiling inside the room where Russia’s Romanov royal family was killed after the Bolshevik Revolution.

The AI-generated image of Rosenthal. Screenshot Bo French for Texas Railroad Commissioner

Rosenthal has “much in common with the Marxist revolutionaries who brutally executed the Romanov family,” the email reads. “My opponent has spent his time in office mocking Christianity, the Virgin Birth, and Christian Communion, while voting against religious liberty and for the spread of Islam.”

The text “Radical Rosenthal” with a blood-red outline overlays the black-and-white image.

“I do see it as antisemitic,” Rosenthal, the only Jewish member of the Texas statehouse, told the Forward. “Look at the history of the Bolsheviks and how the Jews were scapegoated. To invoke that here and now is disturbing.”

French did not respond to the Forward’s request for comment.

The message echoes the antisemitic conspiracy theory “Judeo-Bolshevism” that Jews created or controlled communism to undermine Western society. It became central to the Nazi propaganda used as a justification for violence against Jews. The fundraising email was first reported by Texas Monthly magazine.

“This is something that Jews have faced in the arena forever,” said Arthur Pronin, the Jewish president of the Meyerland Area Democrats Club in Houston. “This sort of thing that ‘They’re not one of us. They’re communists. They don’t have allegiance to the values of this country.’ It has a very specific resonance.”

Rosenthal, 63, was raised as a Reform Jew in an interfaith family, with a Jewish father and Christian mother. When Rosenthal was 14, he spent a year in Israel attending school in Hebrew and learning to speak the language while his father taught at Hebrew University in Jerusalem. He later became a mechanical engineer and worked in the oil and gas industry for 30 years before entering politics in 2017. In 2018, Rosenthal was elected to the state legislature, taking his oath of office on a Torah he received as a bar mitzvah gift.

In an interview with the Forward last year, Rosenthal said that he has at times faced antisemitic comments from members in the state legislature, including stereotypical remarks about Jews and money.

“Antisemitism is alive and well in Texas,” Rosenthal told the Forward.

Last year, he led opposition to a bill requiring public schools to display the Ten Commandments in every classroom, which was signed into law by Texas Gov. Greg Abbott in May 2025.

To underscore what he considered hypocrisy of self-identified Christian nationalists who supported the legislation, Rosenthal introduced an amendment to require the display of both the Jewish and Roman Catholic versions of the Ten Commandments, a measure that failed.

Rosenthal ran unopposed for the Democratic nomination for Railroad Commissioner. He is seeking to become the first Democrat in more than three decades to win a seat on the three-member commission, created in 1891, that regulates the state’s oil and gas industry. (Despite its name, the Railroad Commission stopped regulating railroads in 2005.) Members are elected to serve six-year terms.

Rosenthal, who previously flipped his district in northwest Houston from red to blue, is making a case that his victory would “rebuke the politics of hate.”

A recent poll of 1,200 likely voters, with a reported margin of error of plus or minus 2.8%, showed French with a slim three-point lead over Rosenthal. Rosenthal could benefit from the competitive U.S. Senate race, as other polls show Democrat James Talarico and Republican Ken Paxton locked in a dead heat.

French’s past antisemitism accusations

It’s not the first time French, who previously served as a GOP leader in the Dallas-Fort Worth area, has been accused of antisemitism. Last June, he posted a social media poll asking “Who is a bigger threat to America?” and gave two options: “Jews” or “Muslims.”

After backlash, French deleted the poll and apologized, writing that “Some people clearly misunderstood the intent.” Ignoring calls to resign from high-ranking Texas Republicans, he announced in November 2025 that he was stepping down to run for railroad commissioner.

He narrowly won the Republican primary in May against the incumbent railroad commissioner, Jim Wright, with 50.5% of the vote.

Rather than focus solely on traditional regulatory issues in his campaign, French has infused culture war themes. His campaign website says he will end “the influence of radical Islam and the CCP (Chinese Communist Party) in Texas oil” and strengthen the railroad commission’s “partnership with our allies like Israel.” In March, French called on the U.S. to deport 100 million people and for Texas Republicans to more openly condemn Islam.

“To be fair, he seems to be a pretty equal opportunity hater,” Rosenthal told the Forward. “He says antisemitic stuff, but he’s also Islamophobic and anti-immigrant.”

The state’s top Republicans — Gov. Greg Abbott, Lt. Gov. Dan Patrick and House Speaker Dustin Burrows — had all endorsed Wright in the primary. Now, all three are backing French.

Others won’t embrace French but see his victory as inevitable. Fred Zeidman, a Houston-based Jewish Republican donor who supported French’s rival in the primary, said the controversial campaign talking points are unrelated to the commission’s work on regulating gas and oil.

“I mean, I’m dead set against all that, and that’s why I worked against him,” said Zeidman, who serves as chairman of the board of Petroflow Energy, an independent oil and gas production and consulting firm. “Would I vote for him? Probably not. But he’s going to win. He might be effective at what he’s doing.”

The GOP support for French alarms Jewish Texans like Pronin, who said the candidate’s social media poll alone should have disqualified him.

The July fundraising email “should be roundly condemned by the Democratic Party, but also by Republicans,” Pronin said. “They’ve had a history of saying French is not acceptable. So why is it acceptable now?”

The post He’s campaigning to regulate Texas oil and gas. Why is he linking his Jewish opponent to the Bolshevik Revolution? appeared first on The Forward.

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‘An Israel run by undereducated Haredim risks being overrun by its enemies’

There is something surreal about Israel’s confrontation over Haredi education, which is rapidly coming to a boil. A dispute that has simmered for decades over whether ultra-Orthodox schools should be required to provide a basic secular education has become a test of something much larger: whether the Israeli government of Benjamin Netanyahu is still capable of governing in the interest of society when doing so threatens his own political survival.

At the center of the fight are the two major Haredi education networks, which educate most Haredi elementary-school children and receive full state funding in return for an obligation to teach the full core curriculum. For years, however, the state has largely failed to enforce that bargain, and the schools taught mainly religion.

The High Court in February demanded that the government explain why full funding continues despite failures to teach the required subjects. Still waiting for an answer, Attorney General Gali Baharav-Miara several days ago took the next logical step, declaring that continued funding will depend on schools actually teaching the core curriculum, employing qualified teachers, participating in national assessments and accepting meaningful state supervision.

The immediate fight is about schools and money, but there is a larger story.

The stakes are considerably larger than the argument over a few hours of mathematics or English. They concern whether Israel can remain the kind of modern state it has spent three-quarters of a century building.

Haredim already constitute almost a sixth of the population, their fertility rate remains around six and a half children per woman, and they account for more than a quarter of elementary-school pupils. On current demographic projections, their share of the population will continue rising dramatically for decades.

That might not in itself pose a national problem if the community were being equipped to participate fully in a sophisticated 21st-century economy. But among Haredi men especially, low employment, low earnings and weak proficiency in the basic skills demanded by the modern labor market remain profound problems.

A smaller proportion of highly productive workers would increasingly be asked to finance a larger population, sustain an advanced technological economy, support an expensive welfare state and pay for one of the most sophisticated militaries in the world.

At some point the math becomes strategic. An Israel that becomes substantially poorer will find it harder to finance cutting-edge weapons, intelligence, research, universities and the other institutions on which its military superiority depends. An Israel run by undereducated Haredim risks being overrun by its enemies.

Clearly this cannot continue. But the Likud-led right has spent years avoiding decisions that might antagonize indispensable Haredi coalition partners. When the moderates were in power they had little stomach for this fight, preferring to kick the can down the road as they focused on a resolution with the Palestinians.

That left the attorney general, the courts and the civil service to enforce rules that elected politicians have proved unwilling to defend.

It is important to note that in Israel the attorney general is a very powerful civil servant. Indeed, curtailing this power has been at the center of Netanyahu’s attempted “judicial reforms.”

Baharav-Miara has effectively ruled that one cannot demand the full financial benefits of the state system while rejecting the obligations that accompany them.

For years Israel has managed to avoid confronting this contradiction by maintaining requirements on paper while tolerating a political system in which they were weakly supervised, inconsistently enforced or simply ignored.

The numbers suggest how hollow enforcement became. Research by the Israel Democracy Institute found that only a small fraction of Haredi boys’ schools failing to meet core-curriculum requirements actually suffered budget reductions. It was a failure to make the rules mean anything.

The political explanation is not difficult to discern. Haredi parties have become indispensable to governments led by Benjamin Netanyahu, who became Israel’s longest-serving prime minister by cementing this alliance. Thus their bargaining power has allowed questions of education, avoiding military service and ever-growing public subsidies to become matters of coalition arithmetic rather than coherent national policy.

Governments understood that enforcing requirements could provoke a confrontation with parties on which their parliamentary survival depended, while postponing enforcement carried almost no immediate political cost – until now. It is the demographic reality caused by the Haredi birthrate that is transforming the argument over mathematics and English into an argument about Israel’s future.

Judging by statements from Israel’s leading opposition politicians,  a new Israeli government led by them would address the issue of a  core curriculum and take significant steps to end the Haredi draft evasion.

Meanwhile, even if Netanyahu somehow wins, continuing the status quo will be hard, as the High Court and the Attorney-General are now forcing the issue. The rulings mean that schools must demonstrate that they are teaching the required curriculum, employ appropriately trained teachers, participate in assessment programs, cooperate with supervision and enforcement mechanisms and comply with reporting requirements.

This, of course, intersects with Israel’s larger and increasingly poisonous argument about the power of judges, legal advisers and civil servants. There is a legitimate democratic concern when unelected officials acquire enormous influence over public policy. Neither judges nor attorneys general should be treated as infallible guardians whose decisions are beyond criticism. But there is another danger, and Israel has spent years demonstrating it: elected politicians can become so dependent on organized political interests that they cease to perform some of the basic functions for which they were elected: to protect the country from great dangers. In this case the dangers are internal – and for all the regional wars of the past several years, the main coming conflict in Israel will be the one within.

The post ‘An Israel run by undereducated Haredim risks being overrun by its enemies’ appeared first on The Forward.

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