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The JTA Q&A with Curtis Sliwa: ‘I have a legacy with the Jewish community here’
Republican Curtis Sliwa believes New York City can tamp down rising antisemitism with a curriculum that brings “Jews of all types” to visit third- and fourth-grade classes in public schools.
“They’re all Jews, but they’re completely different in many instances, just like you. Don’t think they’re monolithic,” the New York City mayoral candidate said students should be taught.
Related: Catch up on Curtis Sliwa’s record on Jews, antisemitism and Israel
Sliwa made the suggestion in an interview with the Jewish Telegraphic Agency, conducted in person in August, in which he showcased some of the out-of-the-box ideas that his supporters say make him the best choice for mayor of New York City. A full Q&A, edited for length and clarity and covering Sliwa’s ideas for combatting hate crimes, personal and professional relationships with Jewish New Yorkers and favorite Jewish restaurant, is below.
JTA’s Andrew Cuomo Q&A | JTA’s Zohran Mamdani Q&A
Most Jews and most New Yorkers have tended to vote for Democrats. What is it about you that should get Jewish New Yorkers to vote for a Republican mayor?
The first thing is I have a legacy with the Jewish community here. During the Crown Heights riots [in 1991], the mayor at that time, David Dinkins, told the police to stand down. The only people that the Lubavitch could depend on were me and the Guardian Angels on the corner of Kingston and President.
We’re at a point now where we haven’t had a riot involving antisemitism, but it spreads throughout the city. And it’s clear that if you’re going to address it, you have to do something about it, not just have a slogan. It’s not going to resolve itself. If you look at the traditional Democrats … they have failed. And now it’s left to me. I happen to be the Republican.
You know where Curtis Sliwa’s been over the years, you know the positions that I’ve taken to protect the Jewish community.
Jews continue to be the most common target of hate crimes in New York City. You said in a recent interview that there’s “no mashiach” running for mayor who will protect Jewish communities, and that they should continue leaning into groups like Shomrim and Shmira. Is it enough to have security from those groups?
No, not enough. But I’ve worked with them for years, and they’re dedicated volunteers, as is Hatzalah, the ambulance service. And there’s this perception, because they’re predominantly Orthodox, they’re only going to help their own. No! I’ve been out on the front lines with them with the Guardian Angels. They help Jews, Gentiles, anybody in distress. I’ve seen them risk their lives and get involved in some very hairy situations, and they work in tandem with the police. So it’s a great, vital volunteer organization — but more needs to be done.
So what concrete steps would you take as mayor to address the rise in hate crimes against Jews?
There should certainly be mandatory courses in antisemitism in schools — the history, how it’s evolved, how evil it is — Islamophobia, all of the hate. I have no problem with that. It’s not like there’s one hate, and one hate alone. But clearly the hate that is rearing its ugly head in the city now, more than any other, is antisemitic hate.
I would be very neighborhood-centric. Your police commanders of the precincts, your deputy inspectors have got to have a finger on the pulse of what’s going on. [Sliwa has promised to add 7,000 NYPD officers.] Each precinct is different — Williamsburg is different than Borough Park, Borough Park is different than Crown Heights. And then you have a lot of Orthodox communities that are different. You have to be sensitive to what all the differences are. The growing Bukharian community in Queens, much different. I think that’s the role a mayor plays, but you let the police do their job. You basically back off.
You’ve said you would like to keep Jessica Tisch on as police commissioner, if she’ll stay on. You’ve also criticized her for not trying to impose a mask ban that you want to see as a safeguard against violent protesters. Why is she the right person for the job?
Now we have stability. So even though I have differences with Jessica Tisch, you never discuss them in public. If for some reason you can’t get along or you can’t agree that this is the direction we should go, then you go your separate ways! But you don’t do it in public.
You mentioned adding third- and fourth-grade classes to educate kids about antisemitism and other forms of hate. What might those classes actually look like?
You bring in Jews of all different types. You think all Jews are the same? No. This is a Hasid, this is Orthodox, this is Conservative, this is Reform, this is secular. They’re all Jews, but they’re completely different in many instances, just like you. Don’t think they’re monolithic.
Then you have to also discuss the term “Chosen People.” It’s misunderstood if you don’t fully explain it. The way I explain it to Gentile audiences is, “Look, are you Christians? Christ was lost in the desert 40 days, 40 nights. The Jews were lost 40 years, wandering around. Moses brought down like 200 commandments from Hashem, their God, God the father. We truncated it down to 10. We’re all the same! We’re all of the same people. Jesus died a Jew!”
You have two Jewish children yourself. Can you tell me a little bit about your relationship with them, and what you’ve learned about Judaism through that part of your family?
I know there’s some beliefs that Jews should not be with Gentiles, it should only be Jews with Jews. But it happens, and it happens a lot. And Melinda [Katz, Sliwa’s ex-partner] said, ‘You know, I want to raise them Jewish.’ I said, “I don’t have a problem.”
The only problem I had was when it came time for the bar mitzvahs of both boys. She was in a Conservative synagogue, and the synagogue would not let me stand up at the bimah while my sons read their lessons. I thought, ‘Oh, no, excuse me. I would like to be able to stand up there.’ So, in order to honor my wish, she went to a Reform synagogue. And I already knew the separate lines internally within the various divisions of the Jewish faith. So she accommodated me, and I appreciated that — I liked being with my boys on an important day in their life, and I had no problem with them being raised Jews. You know, they pick up on Christianity just because it’s the majority, but they’re proud Jews.
Who are the Jewish people in your circle, whether they’re officially part of your campaign or people you consult?
Without a doubt, the man that I’ve been through so many struggles over the years is Dov Hikind. First of all, politically, he was active 38 years running for elective office in Borough Park, going back and forth to Albany. He knew Eric Adams as state senator. Obviously had a lot of dealings with him up in Albany. He certainly knew Cuomo as governor and attorney general. So he knows everyone, and he is completely in support of me because he knows, whenever Jews have been in need, he says, “Curtis was always there.”
[Hikind issued a reluctant call a week before the election for voters to back Cuomo, saying he believed Sliwa could not win.]
Do you have a favorite Jewish restaurant?
Gottlieb’s in Williamsburg. I love the cholent. And I announce, “I’m having a bowl of cholent.” Remember, I’ve had ileitis, colitis, Crohn’s disease — yeah, like a lot of Jews. You know what cholent does to a stomach. “Curtis, please, don’t subject us to that.” “No, I’m going to eat. A bowl. Of cholent.”
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The post The JTA Q&A with Curtis Sliwa: ‘I have a legacy with the Jewish community here’ appeared first on Jewish Telegraphic Agency.
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This David Schwimmer sweater ad is playing on ‘Friends’ nostalgia. So why are commenters talking about Israel?
David Schwimmer, who played Ross on Friends, is tapping into some late ’90s and early 2000s nostalgia as the star in an ad this week marketing his “dream sweater” for Quince, a clothing and home goods store.
In the ad, Schwimmer, who is Jewish, sketches the perfect red sweater in a notebook while he sits in Central Park and then begins to see it on everyone: a man riding an electric scooter, an angry taxi driver who almost runs into him, a beautiful woman riding in the back of the taxi, even a dog.
The gag is a reference to the Friends episode “The One with the Red Sweater,” where Ross’ on-again-off-again girlfriend Rachel is pregnant and has not told the father, whose identity is a mystery to the group; Joey, Monica and Phoebe know that the father left a red sweater at the apartment, so when Ross stops by and is relieved to find his sweater, they figure out he’s the dad-to-be.
“I’ve been looking for this for like a month,” he says, just after making a reference to the Yiddish-named snack, Mashuga Nuts.
The episode and the ad are apolitical. So why then are some people planning to cancel their Quince orders and boycott the company?
Schwimmer, many of the commenters on the ad are saying, is a Zionist.
“I don’t approve of you featuring a Zio in your ad,” one Instagram user commented. “Please do better.”
Schwimmer on Israel, antisemitism
Schwimmer has been outspoken about antisemitism since long before the Oct. 7 Hamas attacks on Israel and the ensuing war in Gaza. Over the course of his career, he’s spoken at multiple Anti-Defamation League events and called for other people to stand against hate, routinely saying, “Silence is complicity.”
The actor appears to have never explicitly identified as a Zionist, and his statements have focused more on galvanizing support for Jews and Israelis — rather than on the Jewish state. But this is of little importance to his critics.

His relationship with the ADL, a staunchly pro-Israel organization, is damning enough for some. Schwimmer also starred in an Israeli commercial for Meitav, an investment management company. The move puts him at odds with the growing Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions campaign, which stands against any financial relationship with Israel or Israeli companies.
After Oct. 7, Schwimmer put out a statement calling the Hamas attack an “atrocity” and a “genocide,” adding that any attempt to justify what happened is “indefensible and antisemitic.” In the same statement, he also touched on Palestinian suffering:
“One can condemn Hamas and still object to the Israeli government’s policies regarding the occupation (as many Israelis do), still believe in the Palestinian people’s right to self-determination, and still mourn the loss of Palestinian civilians and the current destruction of their homes, schools, hospitals and places of worship.”
He’s also been vocal about sexual violence that occurred on Oct. 7, sharing the controversial New York Times piece headlined “Screams Without Words,” that investigated allegations of sexual assault committed by Hamas during the attack. Critics of the piece have questioned the validity of the reporting and argued that one of its reporters is biased toward Israel. The Times has stood by the piece.
Additionally, Schwimmer has criticized universities’ responses to pro-Palestinian protests on campuses that he said have veered into antisemitism.
Schwimmer spoke at a 2025 ADL summit about the backlash he’s gotten for his advocacy, noting that while he’s been “attacked” and “abandoned,” he’s found deep meaning in speaking out and has no plans to stop. He concluded his speech calling on fellow celebrities to do the same.
“You don’t have to say anything political,” Schwimmer said. “No one is asking you to solve the conflict in the Middle East. Just say that you stand with your Jewish friends, colleagues and neighbors against hatred and discrimination.”
The controversy isn’t bothering Quince.
“We’ve seen more than 8 million views across our social channels in the first 48 hours, alongside international press coverage and recognition from the marketing community for the creative,” said Dakota Isaacs, head of brand strategy and narrative, in an email to the Forward. “It’s been especially rewarding to see fans connect with the humor and nostalgia while discovering Quince.”
The post This David Schwimmer sweater ad is playing on ‘Friends’ nostalgia. So why are commenters talking about Israel? appeared first on The Forward.
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Why I urged my parents to avoid the counterprotest in Philadelphia
Parents usually tell their children whether they can go out, but last week, on a phone call with my parents, our roles reversed, and I urged them not to join a Philadelphia food crawl with their friends. The event was organized in response to a bicycle rally calling for the boycott of six restaurants, all Jewish-owned, to “show these zionist business owners that we see them for the disgusting humans they are.”
The counterprotest intended to show solidarity with these businesses by patronizing and protecting them on the day of the protest, given the hostile framing of the boycott against the restaurants and their Jewish owners. However, I was concerned that it would be co-opted by pro-Israel partisans, who not only would instrumentalize it for their own agenda — one which, in my view, is actively detrimental to the fight against antisemitism — but would also stoke chaos and violence. It’s a film that’s played out time and again, including when I was an undergraduate at UCLA: A call is put out that Jews are under attack, counterprotesters mobilize in response, and anger quickly morphs into belligerence, hostility, and violence.
Fortunately, it appears that no one was seriously hurt during Sunday’s bike rally and counterprotest. As I had feared, though, some demonstrators became aggressive as verbal confrontations and scuffles broke out across Rittenhouse Square. While it’s likely that some of the pro-Israel demonstrators were there for the sole purpose of displaying that they are not “Jews with trembling knees,” others ostensibly were there because, as the names of two of the organizations behind it would suggest, they want to StopAntisemitism and EndJewHatred.
If those were the goals, the demonstration was an unmitigated disaster. And much of the discourse surrounding the boycott laid the groundwork for failure.
To many Jews, it may seem self-evident that the boycott was illegitimate and antisemitic. For the protesters, though, there seems to be a genuine inability to understand how it could be. They also seem unable or unwilling to condemn antisemitism.
Anger at the protesters is understandable, but if the goal is to stop antisemitism and end Jew hatred, it is important to address the root of the problem, which starts with understanding why the protesters might have such a profound misunderstanding of antisemitism.
For several decades, following the Six-Day War of 1967 and the Cold War period, pro-Israelism has been a core, essential feature of hegemonic anti-antisemitism advocacy. Groups like the ADL have made the phenomenon of so-called “new antisemitism” – a term that explains hostility toward Israel by claiming that the nation is maligned out of bigotry, as the proverbial Jew among the nations – a central focus of their work, especially in times of increased Israeli-Palestinian conflict.
Though this is hardly “new,” the stakes and intensity of attacks against the “new antisemitism” have been raised in a post–Oct. 7, post–destruction of Gaza reality. In effect, this approach has been successful in as much as it has led to a public perception that the fight against antisemitism and the fight in defense of Israel are the same fight, and cannot be separated.
As a result, when anti-Zionist, pro-Palestinian activists are accused of antisemitism or expected to condemn it, they view it as purely cynical — an attempt to delegitimize their movement rather than a true objection to how they have treated or spoken about Jews. This very refusal to condemn antisemitism is often read as itself antisemitic by many Jews. This “acrimonious circle,” as philosopher Brian Klug described it 13 years ago, could go on forever.
As the acrimonious circle spins and spins, there are a few options that groups fighting antisemitism can consider:
- They can continue pushing pro-Palestinian activists to see both condemning antisemitism and supporting Israel as intertwined moral duties.
- They can insist on that interconnection, but tell pro-Palestinian activists to choose combatting antisemitism no matter what their beliefs about Israel are.
- They can accept that pro-Palestinian activists will rarely condemn antisemitism at their own initiative, and deploy tactics of intimidation, bullying, harassment, and/or violence against them.
- They can accept that pro-Palestinian activists will rarely condemn antisemitism at their own initiative, and present condemning antisemitism as a human-rights oriented stance, in line with standing up for all marginalized people, including Palestinians.
The first option is the one that organizations like the ADL have often chosen. In its statement about the bike rally and boycott, the group said that criticism of Israeli government policies are acceptable, but discrimination is not. Criticisms that the ADL considers ipso facto discriminatory, however, include claims that Israel has committed the crimes of genocide and apartheid. As a result, activists lend the ADL and groups like it no credibility and will dismiss any of their condemnations out of hand.
The third option is what the protest on Sunday became. Any Philadelphian can tell you that a brawl in the middle of Rittenhouse Square during an Eagles game is far from unusual. But the fighting in this instance broke out because of the boycott — one side driven by a fervor that they needed to defend Jews facing an existential threat from anti-Zionists, the other driven by a fervor that they needed to bring justice to a city ravaged by what protesters believe are business-owning war criminals.
The second option is a sensible demand from a moral perspective. However, it is not a strategic one. The hard truth is that for many, though certainly not all, pro-Palestinian activists, the cause comes before all else, including standing up against antisemitism.
Therefore, the only way forward for Jews is the fourth option: to frame the fight against antisemitism as a fight for the rights of all people. This is not a perfect solution — no solution could be. There will always be some unwilling to oppose antisemitism no matter what tactic is deployed. However, it will make plain that there is no contradiction between condemning antisemitism and supporting Palestinian rights, that in fact the task is to support human rights universally and to condemn all who violate these rights. That necessarily includes standing against Israeli war crimes and its regime of inequality, and that includes condemning those who hold Jews as Jews complicit for Israel’s actions and condemning those who harass, intimidate, and scrutinize Jewish business owners for their presumed political stances.
My parents, fortunately, decided to remove themselves from the chaos of this day and went to support the targeted businesses as regular patrons on other days throughout the week. I was pleased to see that our rabbi, who leads one of the largest synagogues in Center City, made a point of trying to de-escalate tensions and confrontations from within the Philadelphia Jewish community, as well as highlighting the strength and vibrancy of Philly’s Jewish life on its own terms.
These are important, positive things we can do in the short term. That said, if we want long-term change to come from the pro-Palestinian movement – and I think this moment requires it – anti-antisemitism groups that cannot meet the moment must step aside and make room for those that are capable and prepared to frame the fight against antisemitism as a fight for, not against, fairness, justice, and equality for all.
The post Why I urged my parents to avoid the counterprotest in Philadelphia appeared first on The Forward.
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Israel approves $31.5 million plan to strengthen Jewish education in North America
(JTA) — JERUSALEM – Israel’s government has approved a NIS 100 million ($31.5 million) plan, initiated by Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, to strengthen Jewish education in North America, a statement from his office said Wednesday.
Based on a partnership and joint investment with North American Jewish communities, the goal of the plan is to strengthen Jewish identity and ties to Israel among the next generation of Diaspora Jews in the United States.
The approval of the plan, which was developed with representatives of the Jewish Federations of North America (JFNA), follows a government decision made in June.
It comes a day after Israel’s parliament, the Knesset, was sworn in and two weeks after a national election left Netanyahu facing a battle to stay in power as his rival, Gadi Eisenkot, received the mandate to form the next government.
It also comes amid signs of growing disaffection among Diaspora Jews, particularly younger generations, toward Israel and the Netanyahu-led government. Recent polls suggest that support for Israel among Diaspora Jews, especially in response to its policies in Gaza and on matters of democracy, is slipping.
A February survey of American Jews by the Jewish Federations of North America found that only one-third of American Jews aged 18-34 identify as Zionist, even as nearly nine in 10 say they support Israel’s right to exist as a Jewish and democratic state.
A separate Pew poll in May examining American views of Israel found that Jewish attitudes have shifted since 2024. The survey found that 83% of Jews view the Israeli people favorably, down from 89% in 2024, while 47% view the Israeli government favorably, compared with 54% in 2024.
“The plan we approved today, in partnership with Jewish communities in North America, is an investment in the future generation of Diaspora Jews. Together, we will strengthen Jewish identity, deepen the connection to Israel and ensure that our heritage and values are passed proudly from generation to generation,” Netanyahu said in the statement.
“The future of the Jewish people depends on our ability to ensure that future generations know their heritage, connect to their Jewish identity and maintain their deep ties to the State of Israel,” he said, adding that Israel would not “stand idly by in the face of challenges,” such as antisemitism.
Under the framework of the plan, which will focus on increasing the number of students enrolled in Jewish educational frameworks, the Israeli government allocation will be matched 50% with funding from Jewish Federations and other non-governmental sources.
JFNA said in a statement that it welcomed the Israeli cabinet’s decision to invest in Jewish education across the U.S. and Canada, calling it an “unprecedented partnership between the Government of Israel and North American Jewish communities to strengthen Jewish identity and ensure a vibrant future for the Jewish people.”
“We are proud to launch this historic partnership with the Government of Israel to expand access and grow enrollment in Jewish day schools across North America,” said Gary Torgow, chair of the Board of Jewish Federations of North America.
Eric D. Fingerhut, JFNA’s president and CEO, said the partnership “reflected the shared commitment of Israel and North American Jewry to strengthening Jewish identity and expanding educational opportunities for more families.”
This article originally appeared on JTA.org.
The post Israel approves $31.5 million plan to strengthen Jewish education in North America appeared first on The Forward.

