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The JTA Q&A with Zohran Mamdani: ‘I don’t begrudge folks who are skeptical of me’
With days before the election in which he is favored to become New York City’s next mayor, Zohran Mamdani tells Jewish New Yorkers that he understands why some might be skeptical of him — and that he would work as mayor to protect and celebrate them nonetheless.
“I don’t begrudge folks who are skeptical of me, especially with tens of millions of dollars having been spent against me with the intent to do just that, but I hope to prove that I am someone to build a relationship with, not one to fear,” Mamdani tells the Jewish Telegraphic Agency.
Related: What Zohran Mamdani has actually said about Jews, Israel and antisemitism
The comment was included in Mamdani’s written responses to questions submitted by JTA and the New York Jewish Week to his campaign this week. The full Q&A, covering Mamdani’s relationships with Jewish New Yorkers, his policies and principles as a vocal pro-Palestinian advocate, his favorite Hanukkah movie and more, is below.
JTA’s Andrew Cuomo Q&A | JTA’s Curtis Sliwa Q&A
You have consistently assured Jewish New Yorkers that you will make sure their synagogues are safe on the High Holidays. What is your vision for synagogue security when it is not a major holiday, and would your vision for the Department of Community Safety play a role?
The first step is acknowledging the terrifying rise in antisemitism in our city. As hate crimes overall decreased from 2023 to 2024, antisemitic ones increased. There were 345 antisemitic hate crimes last year, making up more than half of all hate crimes recorded. Many Jewish New Yorkers no longer feel safe to be who they are in this city. Our relationship with houses of worship must be one of collaboration and partnership, and the process for getting NYPD presence should be one that is simple, not one that requires faith leaders to have the mayor on speed dial. I’ve proposed a public safety plan that keeps Jewish New Yorkers safe: Our Department of Community Safety (DCS) will increase funding to combat and prevent hate crimes by 800% with an emphasis on preventing antisemitic hate crimes. My administration will protect Jewish New Yorkers on the street, on the subway, and in their synagogues.
The head of a liberal pro-Israel group at Bowdoin said that you declined to meet with him as SJP’s president because of your group’s policy of “anti-normalization.” How do you view this philosophy today, and how would it inform your interactions with Jewish organizations and Jewish leaders who support Israel and reject your condemnations of Israel, including claims that it committed genocide?
I’ve been honored to meet with countless Jewish leaders and organizations, including many who have different views on Israel and Zionism than my own. I am looking to be a mayor for all New Yorkers and look forward to meeting with anyone who cares about making the most expensive city in America affordable to all who call it home.
You’ve mentioned several times gaining a new awareness of Jewish New Yorkers’ fears about the phrase “globalize the intifada” after speaking with a rabbi. What else have you learned in your conversations with Jewish leaders? What has been most surprising to you? How have your views or plans changed as a result?
While there are countless New Yorkers who have strong feelings on what happens in Israel and Palestine — myself included — I’ve learned that our areas of agreement far outweigh where we disagree. We all have a shared commitment to not only combating antisemitism and hatred in all its forms, but also to celebrating our communities, to making our city more affordable, and to a vision of a world where every human being is created equal.
We have spoken to a number of Jewish leaders who say they have met with you but will not share the content of their conversation. Why do you think it benefits New Yorkers for their contents to remain off the record?
It’s been beautiful to see the depth and the breadth of the Jewish community in our city. We’ve had honest dialogue—which has been overwhelmingly positive. I’m glad to have had the opportunity to introduce myself as I actually am, because many New Yorkers have only known me as a caricature. And I know that some feel that it can be easier to have productive conversations when both sides can be candid in the knowledge that what is said will remain in that room.
You’ve said you intend not to reinvest city funds in Israel bonds, in keeping with Brad Lander’s decision as comptroller. Would you advocate for divesting the city’s pension funds from Israeli securities entirely, as they did from Russian securities in 2022? Are there other ways that you would seek to advance the cause of BDS as mayor?
My priority as mayor will be to deliver on the affordability agenda I ran on: freezing the rent, universal childcare, and fast and free buses. That will always be the core of my administration. I support the approach of the current comptroller, Brad Lander, to end the practice of purchasing Israel bonds in our pension funds, which we do not do for any other nation.
Are there ways you would seek to boycott or sanction local Jewish not-for-profits for supporting Israel and Israelis that support the settlement movement, as you did with your Not On Our Dime bill? In your view, should such efforts apply to Jerusalem as well as the West Bank? Should they extend to organizations that supply humanitarian support to Israelis in the relevant areas?
Charities and nonprofits that receive a taxpayer subsidy should not support the violation of international law, and that’s what the right-wing Israeli settlement project is doing—an effort that goes against the stated foreign policy of our own government, going back several decades.
A handful of your Jewish mentors and friends have emerged through reporting about your history, and all of them openly share your views about Israel and Palestine. Can you tell us about any longstanding relationship you may have with a Jewish New Yorker who differs in that respect?
Of course — many. I moved to this city when I was 7 years old, and one of the joys of growing up in this city was learning about Jewish religion, identity, and culture through so many of my friends and their families — all of whom had a wide variety of politics on Israel and Palestine. Yet it was not the politics that I recall as much as the invitations to be a part of so many special moments — whether being invited over for Hanukkah to a friend’s home, watching “Eight Crazy Nights” as a kid, and going to b’nai mitzvot throughout my young years. I always understood these examples as part of what it means to be a New Yorker and part of what it means to love this city. Growing up on 118th and Riverside, there were so many times where I would be interacting with Jewish culture not even realizing that I was — I just thought it was the city around me.
Patrick Gaspard, a former Obama administration official and DNC chair, told the New Yorker that you were “a prototype for a new generation of American politicians, forged in the Palestinian-rights movement.” What does that mean to you? What do you hope it means for the Democratic Party’s future position on Israel?
My politics, at its core, is fundamentally one of both humanity and consistency. And I think of Dr. King’s words delivered at Riverside Church in Manhattan, when he said: “If America’s soul becomes totally poisoned, part of the autopsy must read: Vietnam. It can never be saved so long as it destroys the deepest hopes of men the world over.” For so many today, myself included, the struggle for Palestinian human rights is also the struggle to save our collective soul. The Democratic Party, if we hope to retain our claim to being the party of dignity and decency, must be a party of consistency and one that stands up for the human rights of all people, without exception.
You have said you support Israel only as a state with equal rights for all – i.e. not a state that privileges adherents of a single religion — and have never marched in the Israel Day parade. How do you square skipping that parade and joining, say, the Pakistan Day Mela, another event celebrating the independence of a foreign nation that embeds religion into governance and has perpetual conflict with its neighbor?
I look forward to joining —and hosting — many community events celebrating Jewish life in New York and the rich Jewish history and culture of our city. While I will not be attending the Israel Day Parade, my lack of attendance should not be mistaken for a refusal to provide security or the necessary permits for its safety. I’ve been very clear: I believe in equal rights for all people—everywhere. That principle guides me consistently.
As mayor, you would control the city’s public school system. You’ve said you would introduce a curriculum that teaches “about the beauty and breadth of the Jewish experience.” Can you explain more about the vision for this curriculum, including who should create it, what grades should experience it, and how Israel would be addressed in it?
The Hidden Voices program is an existing curriculum that was launched in 2018 as an initiative to help students learn about the many “hidden” New Yorkers — including Jewish New Yorkers and others—who have helped shape the fabric of our city and what it has become. I will be a mayor who ensures that these New Yorkers are no longer hidden, and are taught in our schools. Additionally, our Department of Community Safety will invest in data-backed approaches that prevent violence through education and community-building.
Over the past week, 1,100-plus rabbis have signed a letter against the “political normalization” of anti-Zionism and expressing concerns that your criticism of Israel will make some Jewish New Yorkers less safe. How do you view their response to your campaign? Do you think anti-Zionist rhetoric could, in fact, have that effect on Jewish safety?
I’ve appreciated meeting with Jewish New Yorkers all around this city, talking about what we can do to build bridges, and I look forward to continuing to engage in productive dialogue. I hope they know that, whether or not they support or agree with me, I will always be a mayor who protects them and their communities. I don’t begrudge folks who are skeptical of me, especially with tens of millions of dollars having been spent against me with the intent to do just that, but I hope to prove that I am someone to build a relationship with, not one to fear.
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The post The JTA Q&A with Zohran Mamdani: ‘I don’t begrudge folks who are skeptical of me’ appeared first on Jewish Telegraphic Agency.
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How the Forward got a cameo in ‘Marty Supreme’
“The challenging thing about any film, for me, is you’re trying to build these worlds, so you’ve got to find the elements,” said Jack Fisk, production designer for Marty Supreme, and regular collaborator with big names including Terrence Malick, Paul Thomas Anderson, David Lynch and Brian De Palma.
“We’re trying to piece together bits of reality to tell our story, and that look right for the period,” Fisk said in a Zoom conversation, the day Marty Supreme got a Best Picture, Musical or Comedy, nomination from the Golden Globes. “So the challenge is to find them, that you can get to them reasonably and within the day, and that will fit in your budget.”
Often the on-the-ground reality of the filming location inspires the scene, but sometimes it gets in the way and forces the art department to get creative. Both were the case in a blink-and-you’ll miss it moment in Josh Safdie’s epic of a schvitzer table tennis champ.
While shooting a scene on location at Seward Park on the Lower East Side, the original Forward Building, with its historic preserved façade, loomed in the background. It fit the film’s early 1950s setting, and the biography of Marty Reisman, the real ping-pong pro whose 1974 book The Money Player inspired the film, and who grew up on East Broadway and learned the game at the Education Alliance in the neighborhood.

“Josh told me that, you know, ‘That’s this Jewish newspaper, it’s been here forever’” said Fisk.
It was more than a bit of trivia from a lifelong New Yorker. It was a fix to a problem: modern street signs opposite the park, which were decidedly out of place but which the city wouldn’t bother removing for a one-day shoot.
So Fisk and his team, drawing inspiration from the locale, built a Forward delivery truck to block out the signs. He even recalls printing up some papers. The graphic artists relied on reference photos to reproduce the font — painting the cargo bed immediately after a period-appropriate truck arrived. Fisk thinks it may have still been wet on shooting day.
Every time Fisk entered a neighborhood for this New York shoot — his first since 1974’s Phantom of the Paradise, directed by De Palma — he looked for traces of the past to take advantage of. (In the case of Phantom, Fisk opted to use the Brooklyn building of the Pressman Toy Corporation— a Jewish-owned outfit known for manufacturing Chinese Checkers and the family firm of Hollywood producer Edward R. Pressman — as a prison instead of filming in a real jail; Fisk said all the ones he scouted looked “too nice.”)
Recreating the lost world of Marty Mauser, played by Timothée Chalamet, posed its own challenges.
Central to the film, if only briefly seen in the final cut, is Lawrence’s Broadway Table Tennis Club on 55th St. The building was demolished, but Fisk, together with producer Sara Rossein (who is also Safdie’s wife), was able to get hold of blueprints and black-and-white photos through tax records, government archives and a magazine feature. Rossein’s discovery of a 16mm piece of film clued Fisk in on the color palette.
Fisk got his start in film working for B-movie maven Roger Corman (“Every other page there was a bare breast or something,” he recalled of the scripts) so he is no stranger to improvising on a shoestring. In fact, he relishes it. On Marty Supreme, as maximalist a picture as Safdie has ever made, the budget — despite being reportedly the most-expensive A24 production yet at around $60-70 million — often creaked, calling for some creative problem solving.
There’s a scene where Marty volleys an apple into a bowl in a building across from his hotel room. There wasn’t money to retrofit the room in the window, so the period stove viewers see is an image printed from a plotter — a massive printer — pasted to the wall. Norkin’s Shoe Shop, where Marty works, was an actual location on Orchard Street, but the crew built modular units of the storefront so they could move the shots away from a modern-looking hotel recently built nearby.
While Marty Supreme is largely rooted in New York, with some detours to New Jersey, London and Tokyo, there’s a memorable sequence set at Auschwitz, as former world champion tennis pro Bela Kletzki (Géza Röhrig) recounts his life in the camp.
“It’s kind of horrible and challenging at the same time,” Fisk said of recreating a part of the death camp. “Everybody’s knowledge of Auschwitz and concentration camps really helped make the set.”
The dimly lit barracks were built inside a house that doubled as the set for a farm in New Jersey where Marty tries to retrieve a lost German shepherd.
Fisk said Röhrig, who starred in the Auschwitz-set film Son of Saul and converted to Orthodox Judaism after a visit to the camp, was excited for the scene. (Fisk noted that Röhrig is part of his longtime collaborator Terrence Malick’s upcoming film, The Way of the Wind, where the actor will play Jesus, possibly the first Orthodox Jew to embody that role on the big screen.)
Fisk’s work on Marty Supreme has been noted in nearly every review — even the rare pan in Time singled out his production as “the best thing about the movie” — but it’s technically not his only film this year.
Springsteen: Deliver Me from Nowhere shows the Boss watching Malick’s Badlands on his home television; the crime drama was the inspiration for the singer’s album Nebraska, the making of which is the crux of the biopic. Fisk is grateful Badlands is still resonating, as it marked the beginning not only of his most prolific collaboration, but was the set where he met his wife, Sissy Spacek.
While Fisk is a sought-after talent for the ambitious auteurs looking to wind back the clock — his most recent credit is Martin Scorsese’s Killers of the Flower Moon, for which he was nominated for his third Oscar — his most personal connection was with David Lynch, his friend since high school.
Lynch died in January, during the production of Marty Supreme. Fisk was in Japan working on one of the last scenes soon after his passing, and was gratified to see people hosting film festivals in diners in Lynch’s honor.
Marty Supreme is the first film Fisk has done with Safdie, and while it is a relatively early work (Safdie is just 41, though this film is his seventh feature, and his second without his brother, Benny), the veteran production designer was impressed by his enthusiasm and his attention to detail.
“I always tried to prepare myself so I have a little bit more detail than he asked, which is very hard to do,” Fisk said.
It’s that eye for minutiae — and the need to block out the blight of modernity — that paved the way for the Forward’s brief cameo. Fisk, for his part, likes the look of the Yiddish.
“It’s so graphic and beautiful and you can move it around,” Fisk said of the truck. “The camera’s gonna miss it, you can just back it up five feet to see it.”
The post How the Forward got a cameo in ‘Marty Supreme’ appeared first on The Forward.
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A Hanukkah menorah in the window for eight days? Try an Israeli flag for two years
There’s a robust online debate over whether Jews this year should publicly display their menorahs given the rise in antisemitism. Here’s my suggestion: Ask Elon Rubin.
Rubin owns Sundays Cycles, a custom bicycle shop in Santa Monica, California, that since Oct. 7, 2023, features a large Israeli flag in its window. Every time I drive down Main Street, passing boutiques, restaurants, nail salons and Pilates studios, I see that flag, draped inside several square feet of the glass storefront. It is meant to be seen.
“I’m an Israeli citizen,” Rubin told me when I met him at his store last month. “After everything that happened on Oct. 7, it was the least I could do.”
What drew me into the store was the simple, quiet defiance of Rubin’s decision, which stands in stark blue-and-white contrast to the constant, hand-wringing debate American Jews are engaged in over such symbols.
Those concerns bubble up to the surface like sufganiyot in hot oil around Hanukkah, when Jews are commanded to place their menorahs in windows so that they are visible to all.
The Talmud says the menorahs must be displayed to “publicize the miracle” of Hanukkah.
But more and more American Jews are worried — as their European Jews have been for many years now — about announcing their Jewishness to the outside world.
Some 42% of Jewish Americans report feeling unsafe wearing or displaying Jewish symbols in public since the Oct. 7, 2023, Hamas attack on Israel, and 40% have avoided doing so, up from 26% in 2023.
Those fears aren’t new, but they have risen as have antisemitic attacks, anti-Israel protests and online threats.
When I walked into Rubin’s spacious, hospital-clean bike shop, I asked if he shared those fears.
“There’s nothing to be scared of,” he said.
One look at Rubin and here’s the obvious rebuttal: That’s easy for you to say. The 46-year-old, born in Herzliya to an American mother and a father from Libya, came to the United States in 1998 and made a profession of his cycling obsession. He is shaved, muscled, tattooed and speaks in rapid, commanding sentences.

Over the years, numerous people have shouted at him from outside the store to take down the flag.
“I say, ‘Come in here, let’s have a conversation,’” he said. “Not a single person has come in.”
Other reactions have not been as passive. Graffiti reading “Free Palestine” has appeared on the store window, and vandals have thrown numerous eggs at the place. He’s had death threats on his phone messages, including, ”I hope you die Jew” and “Your days are numbered.”
His Yelp and Google review rankings have been tanked by malicious one-star reviews.
Last March, a Jewish anti-Israel activist, Medea Benjamin, entered his store and called the Israeli flag shameful.
“What about the genocide?” she asked Rubin.
“There is no genocide,” he said.
Her Instagram post of the incident, which racked up 127,719 likes, prompted a deluge of negative reports to Instagram about the bike shop’s account. Instagram suspended his account, Rubin said, and has yet to reactivate it.
“Ten years of organic growth, gone,” he said.
But Rubin said the flag has also generated support. “For every negative,” he said, “we’d probably get two or three positives.”
Israeli tourists detoured inside to meet Rubin and thank him. American Jews, and some non-Jews, told him they appreciated the show of support.
The oddest reaction, he said, are from Jews who have urged him to take the flag down because, they said, it incites hate.
“Like it’s the new swastika,” he said.
But Rubin evinces neither fear nor loathing.
He doesn’t have “blind support” for the current Israeli government, he said, but he loves his country. Just because someone flies the American flag doesn’t mean they support President Trump, he pointed out.
It’s true that the Israeli flag, the symbol of a country embodied in conflict, is not exactly comparable to a menorah, seen largely as a religious symbol. Congregations have been divided over whether to display it on the bimah, as some congregants found it loathsome.
But someone prone to attack Jews might not make the fine distinctions between a menorah, a flag with a Star of David, and a Star of David hanging around a child’s neck, or on a Torah ark. The lines between these symbols are often blurry, but so is the logic of people who attack others just for displaying them.
I asked Rubin if he ever, in the past two years, considered taking down the flag, lighting the menorah in the backyard, so to speak.
“So then what are you?” he said. “You’re a Jew in silence, you’re a Jew in secret.”
Symbols aren’t arguments. They demonstrate but rarely convince, and nuance is not their strong suit. But to Rubin, their power lies not in the message they send to others, but in what they say to ourselves.
“Together,” he said, “we have more strength than we realize.”
The post A Hanukkah menorah in the window for eight days? Try an Israeli flag for two years appeared first on The Forward.
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He used to think Jewish athletes were a punchline; now, he wants to help them get a proper paycheck
My favorite joke in the 1980 comedy Airplane! is, by the standards of a movie featuring a glue-inhaling Lloyd Bridges and an inflatable toy autopilot, one of its subtler gags. A passenger asks a flight attendant for some light reading; in return, she receives a pocket-sized leaflet of “famous Jewish sports legends”.
The vicious canard (just kidding, we’ve been called worse) that the so-called people of the book are ill-at-ease on the court or the gridiron contains a kernel of truth, of course. There’s a reason nearly all Jews know the names Koufax and Spitz — there are few other Jewish sports stars to choose from.
But the rapid growth of the country’s first Jewish NIL initiative, Tribe NIL, would suggest that, in the collegiate ranks at least, such stereotypes are baseless; in barely a year, it has accumulated a roster of nearly 200 athletes.
NIL, which stands for name, image and likeness, allows student-athletes to profit off of their fame and success, most often via endorsement deals requiring commercials, public appearances, paid social media posts and the like. (Here’s Arch Manning, star University of Texas quarterback, flinging a football downfield while wearing *checks notes* Warby Parker glasses.)
Until 2022, however, college athletes were barred from receiving any form of compensation for their services. So NIL initiatives — organizations that help connect students with funding opportunities — are a relatively new phenomenon. Most of the organizations bring together student-athletes with a particular unifying characteristic, usually a connection to a school or region; for instance, the University of Alabama, a college football behemoth, has two NIL initiatives, Yea Alabama and The Tuscaloosa Connection.
But Tribe is unusual in that it is not organized around geography, but around culture.

So co-founders Moses and Eitan Levine lean on a different kind of network: The Jewish professional one. “There are inherent advantages that the Jewish community has,” Moses told me over a Zoom call.
“I always joke that Jewish nepotism is a good thing,” he added.
Virtually none of Tribe’s athletes are able to command lucrative sponsorship deals, which, under the NIL system, are reserved for the very best Division I athletes in the so-called “revenue sports” — football and basketball. A good number of Tribe’s roster, by contrast, are Division III athletes, and few are in football or basketball. They’re still better at their chosen sport than nearly all other human beings, yet not good enough to be recompensed financially.
“That’s a problem,” said Moses. “A D-III field hockey player who doesn’t have inherent NIL value is still working a full-time job. It’s crazy they don’t get any compensation.”
With Tribe, then, Moses imagined other kinds of compensation. “The question we’re asking,” he said, “is how can our athletes use their name, image and likeness to get where they want to be in five or 10 years from now?”
Tribe’s answer is to cultivate closer ties with a myriad of institutions, and with their Jewish stakeholders in particular, in hopes of securing sponsorships, internships and jobs for its growing list of charges.
“Say I’m a big Jewish law firm,” Moses told me, “and I want to show that I support Jewish athletes. What if I hired a bunch of Jewish athletes for my summer internships, and then give them each an extra $1000 to allow us to advertise them on our Instagram?”
Moses and Levine pocket a fee for each deal, on top of whatever the athlete receives. Take the law firm example: In such a scenario, both men would be paid, by the firm, for giving that office access to the athletes — for “making the introductions,” Moses said.
The simple fact these athletes are Jewish is not the sole reason firms would hire them, Moses emphasized. “Like, they have a degree, and a full-time job as a basketball player on top of that, right? They’ve shown a level of commitment.” But Jewishness, Moses believes, can provide the proverbial foot-in-the-door. And he wants Tribe to be the intermediary.
“I wouldn’t ever tell a kid like they should only rely on the Jewish community to network,” he said. “But it’s a silver platter right there for you, and I promise you, it’ll work out for you if you lean in.”
For the tribe, by the tribe
Tribe is the brainchild of comedy writers Jeremy Moses and Eitan Levine. The pair met while working on Amazon’s short-lived sports TV show, “Game Breakers,” where they created a segment called “This Week in Jews.”
The duo, Moses said, quickly bonded over their shared cultural and sporting interests. Moses had a Conservative rabbi for a father and used to work for the site My Jewish Learning. Levine has a sizable social media presence as a comedian, which he often used to highlight Jewish sporting achievements in ways both heartwarming and acerbic.
In 2024, almost by accident, Levine helped broker the most significant Jewish NIL deal yet: A partnership between Manischewitz, of Matzoh fame, and Jake Retzlaff, Jewish quarterback at Brigham Young University. (Retzlaff was dubbed, entirely appropriately, B-Y-Jew.) Levine had worked with Manischewitz on his webseries, When Can We Eat, while Retzlaff had been the subject of one of Levine’s Instagram videos; he played matchmaker and made the shidduch to introduce the brand to the athlete.
Naturally, the photographs of a smiling Retzlaff holding up Manischewitz’s Potato Latke mix did not escape the attention of other Jewish student-athletes. Levine was soon inundated with requests for further kosher NIL deals, Moses told me.
This took both men by surprise; after all, they too had always subscribed to the notion that Jewish athletes were hard to come by.
“Our first thought was, ‘How many Jewish college athletes are there?’” said Moses. He decided to carry out a survey of sorts. “I went on the UCLA Athletics website — because I needed a school with a large population, a large Jewish population, and tons of sports programs — and looked at last names. If I was 75% sure they were Jewish, I counted it.”
His survey was unscientific, to be sure — Moses was a Jewish studies major, not a statistician — but it was effective: He counted 25 names.
“I was like, ‘Wait, that’s just at one school!” he said.
Moses realized that Jewish student athletes, far from being under-represented, were punching above their weight relative to the overall population. Thus was born Tribe NIL.
Schmoozing to success
Tribe’s yichus-heavy approach is premised on what Moses sees as one of American Judaism’s most enduring traditions: Rooting for Jews in sports just because they’re members of the tribe, whether they’re on your favorite team or not.
Moses offered up a choice example about Max Fried, the Yankees’ excellent pitcher. “Maybe you’re not rooting for the Yankees to win, but you’re still proud that the starting pitcher for the other team is a Jew.”
He acknowledged, however, that such an approach could limit Tribe’s appeal. It would be harder to pull off a paid appearance at a local synagogue, say, or a Q&A with Jewish partners at a business — with a view to potential employment down the road — if the athlete in question doesn’t feel especially Jewish.
So the collective is aimed squarely, and solely, at “proud” Jews, Moses said. “If they’re not comfortable talking about being Jewish out loud, then this is not the organization for them.”
Both Moses and Levine are holding out hope that Tribe will be spared the debates over Israel’s conduct in Gaza, and over competing definitions of antisemitism and Zionism, that have roiled so many Jewish-American institutions. “We really strive to be an apolitical organization,” Moses said. “Because the one time Republicans and Democrats sit together is at a college football game.”
Still, the fairly well-established pathway from U.S. college sports to the Israeli professional ranks is one Moses hopes to exploit, and he’s not afraid of upsetting anyone. “We want to help American Jews play in Israel,” he said. “If this is a political statement, then it’s a political statement. But I don’t think it should be.”
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