Uncategorized
A Look Inside Gaza: More Questions Than Answers as Israel Remains Vigilant, Hamas Refuses to Give Up Weapons
Israeli soldier on guard in Gaza, February 2026. Photo: Jonathan Sacerdoti / The Algemeiner
GAZA — Going into Gaza remains a rare opportunity for journalists. Access has been tightly controlled throughout the Israel-Hamas war, and even now, months into a ceasefire that has paused the fighting without resolving it, entry is neither routine nor casual. Last week I had the opportunity to interview Nadav Shoshani of the Israel Defense Forces (IDF) inside the Gaza Strip itself, as he walked me through the so-called “Yellow Line” roughly dividing the enclave between east and west, the strained reality on the ground, and the directions in which this conflict may now move.
Shoshani is the IDF’s international spokesperson, one of the most visible Israeli figures to emerge since Hamas’s Oct. 7, 2023, invasion of the Jewish state. For months he has been a fixture in global media, correcting casualty claims and explaining operations in real time. In modern conflict, the spokesman is not an afterthought to the battlefield but an extension of it. What is said publicly shapes diplomatic reaction, public opinion, and operational latitude. English-language briefings in particular are conducted with as much care as any military deployment.
Spokesmen can be dry to interview: They do not reveal classified plans or freelance personal views. Instead, they articulate the institutional position. They present what Israel wants seen, understood, and, ideally, repeated. But even this is useful data for us journalists, and for our readers, too. It is a form of evidence, explaining the narrative the army — and the state — wants to be repeated. From this embed, and from this conversation, the message was consistent: tense but disciplined control in a moment of relative calm (but not peace), determination without appetite for escalation, action in response to violations rather than initiative for renewed war. It was almost as if they wanted to portray a sense of disciplined, determined boredom.
IDF international spokesperson Nadav Shoshani in Gaza. Photo: Jonathan Sacerdoti / The Algemeiner
We met at an IDF post a few hundred meters from what is now called the Yellow Line, the boundary dividing Israeli-controlled territory from areas still under Hamas control. Just beyond it lay Deir al-Balah and the central camps, dense urban belts whose origins stretch back to the aftermath of 1948 and whose political culture has long been shaped by displacement, factional rivalry, and Islamist terrorist organizations.
Shoshani’s own trajectory mirrors the way this war has pulled figures back into public roles. During his initial decade-plus in the IDF he served in key communications positions, including spokesperson for Military Intelligence and head of the IDF’s social media desk. In 2022 he moved into politics, advising Gadi Eisenkot in Israel’s parliament, known as the Knesset. He briefly entered private consulting. After Oct. 7, he was called back into uniform at Eisenkot’s request. Since then, he has become one of the IDF’s most recognizable English-language voices.
As we moved between locations in a military jeep, he spoke about operating in a conflict that is scrutinized but rarely visited, as a result of Israel’s own decision to bar free movement of journalists in the area. The informational theater runs parallel to the physical one. Every strike, every claim, every casualty figure is contested. The spokesman stands at the junction between battlefield and broadcast.
From the vantage point near the Yellow Line, the broader strategic dilemma came into focus.
Israeli military jeep driving in Gaza. Photo: Jonathan Sacerdoti / The Algemeiner
Hamas continues to control significant internal areas of Gaza. Israeli assessments indicate that weapons accumulated earlier in the war remain dispersed across the enclave. Tunnels are still being uncovered even in the southern city of Rafah, where the IDF has operated for an extended period. “The IDF are world class experts in dealing with terror tunnels,” Shoshani said. “And still, after a year plus in Rafah, there are still tunnels.” He described the network as vast and deeply embedded.
In the sector we were visiting, Shoshani said, there are dozens of tunnel shafts. “Single digits” are dismantled each week. It is a steady, grinding process rather than a decisive sweep. As the Israelis are still discovering new shafts and tunnels, the assumption is that the network is even more vast than they know. And for Israel, destroying the tunnels is part of Hamas’s commitment to disarmament in accordance with the US-backed ceasefire.
“The first line of the agreement says Gaza will be a terror free zone,” Shoshani told me. “The agreement speaks about Hamas disarming.” Israel, he said, is committed to that outcome.
Yet Hamas leaders abroad have recently made clear that disarmament is not under consideration. Khaled Meshaal has described surrendering weapons as removing the “soul” of the resistance. Instead, he has floated the prospect of a long “hudna” — a five, seven, or ten-year truce in which weapons remain intact. A pause, not a conclusion. The way things are at the moment it seems like America remains undecided, torn between the momentum of building on the relative calm of the ceasefire and the inclination toward helping Israel defeat its jihadist enemies.
That divergence defines the uncertainty of this moment. A ceasefire predicated on demilitarization rests on a premise one side openly rejects.
Landscape in Gaza, February 2026. Photo: Jonathan Sacerdoti / The Algemeiner
Israel currently controls somewhere between 51-58 percent of the Gaza Strip. Within Israel’s political and security leadership, the argument is not over whether Hamas must be weakened, but over how far that effort must go. One school supports sustained operational control and calibrated pressure, judging that persistent attrition imposes manageable diplomatic costs while limiting Israeli exposure. Another warns that leaving Hamas organizationally intact, even in a diminished form, merely postpones the next confrontation and preserves its capacity to reconstitute. The dispute turns on a single question: Can Hamas be contained, or must it be eradicated to prevent recurrence?
“We are literally standing between Hamas and our civilians,” Shoshani said, pointing toward Israeli communities only a kilometer or two away. The distance is short enough to be visible. Oct. 7 lingers as the unspoken baseline of risk. I walked through the burnt-out homes of Be’eri shortly after the massacre. I cried quietly among the makeshift memorials at Re’im for the Nova party victims slain by the barbarous Palestinian terrorists full of bloodlust. I met survivors from Nahal Oz, evacuated for months from their beloved home and living as a family of four in a single kibbutz bedroom in the north. The scars will remain in the psyche of Israel and Jews for decades to come.
The atmosphere at the post was quiet but taut. Occasional distant fire cracked and faded. Wind carried sand across the position. A short drive away, at the Kissufim crossing, pallets of humanitarian aid sat stacked inside Gaza, inspected and approved. “Every week, 4,200 trucks are going into Gaza,” Shoshani said. He emphasized that the Israeli depot on the other side was empty because everything cleared had been transferred into the Strip, awaiting collection by international agencies.
Supplies stacked in Gaza. Photo: Jonathan Sacerdoti / The Algemeiner
Humanitarian logistics and sniper fire exist side by side. Reconstruction frameworks are discussed internationally while tunnel shafts are dismantled meter by meter.
US President Donald Trump is expected to announce billions in funding for Gaza and provide an update on an international stabilization force at the next meeting of his Board of Peace. Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has now formally joined the initiative, signing a back-dated letter during his US trip last week. Public language emphasizes transformation and demilitarization.
Questions surrounding the proposed international stabilization force are also occupying serious attention among policymakers. Under the framework advanced during the Trump administration’s post-war planning, the concept envisages a multinational force deployed in Gaza after the cessation of major combat operations. Its stated purpose would be to oversee demilitarization, support reconstruction, assist in training local security forces, and provide a transitional security umbrella while Israeli forces reduce their footprint.
Within the proposed international architecture, Indonesia has emerged as a potential contributor. Jakarta signaled its readiness, in principle, to supply a substantial contingent to such a force, positioning itself as a Muslim-majority state willing to participate in post-conflict stabilization. The rationale is clear. Indonesian involvement would lend broader regional legitimacy to any arrangement and dilute the perception that Gaza’s future security is being shaped solely by Western actors or by Israel. But everyone knows that nobody can truly disarm Hamas other than the IDF.
Legitimacy is only one dimension of the problem. For Israeli decision-makers, the critical issues are structural and operational. Under what mandate would such an international force operate? Would it be authorized to conduct active counter-terror operations, or confined to monitoring and training? How would intelligence be shared? What happens if armed factions attempt to regroup or test the limits of the force’s authority? These are the foundations upon which success or failure rests.
Israeli soldier on guard in Gaza, February 2026. Photo: Jonathan Sacerdoti / The Algemeiner
The Indonesian proposal illustrates the wider tension embedded in the international force concept. A deployment designed primarily for peacekeeping and humanitarian support may stabilize the optics of the post-war environment, but stabilization in a territory where armed networks have deep roots requires more than presence. It requires enforceable authority, coherent command structures, and the political will to confront spoilers — all things I witnessed in the IDF outpost in Gaza but cannot imagine will be present among foreign forces.
I ask LTC Shoshani about the Indonesian rumors and statements. On the ground, foreign troops are absent. “I think that’s more in the in the level of declaration and statements made by politicians,” he said. “It’s not something on the ground happening right now. As you can see, there’s only IDF soldiers in Gaza, but we’re working within the [US-led Civil Military Coordination Center] CMCC for the different solutions that have been agreed upon.” For the IDF, political declarations have yet to alter operational reality.
The central questions remain stark. Can Hamas realistically be disarmed without permanent occupation? If not, can Israel accept a reduced but armed Hamas presence? And if neither path proves viable, how long before the present equilibrium fractures? My embed in the Gaza Strip seems designed not to answer these questions, but to prompt them to the rest of the world to ponder. Criticism is easy, but Israel has to deal in solutions.
Meanwhile, the yellow line is clearly marked, by fluorescent yellow blocks of concrete dotted along the length of the strip. “It is not the type of area where you cross by accident,” Shoshani said. The IDF post we were standing in was deliberately positioned 200 to 300 meters back, allowing time for warnings, leaflets, shots into the air if necessary. Escalation is designed to be gradual.
Israeli soldier on guard in Gaza, February 2026. Photo: Jonathan Sacerdoti / The Algemeiner
Yet he seems keen to point out that ceasefires erode incrementally. A sniper attack. A targeted strike in response. Another violation. The cumulative weight builds.
From inside Gaza, the picture is neither triumphant nor chaotic. It is controlled, watchful, provisional. Israel is holding territory, responding to attacks, dismantling infrastructure, insisting on disarmament as the stated end state. As Trump and his two key negotiators — Steve Witkoff and Jared Kushner — talk publicly about reconstruction and rebuilding, and as Britain, France, and Canada deal in fantasies of Palestinian statehood, the Israeli soldiers I meet are tasked with the boring, grinding, slow process of degrading Hamas, pushing back when it ventures forward, and keeping alert as it declares it will not disarm.
That thick mud wall Shoshani and I stand behind wasn’t here a few weeks ago. It has been built because the line did not hold well enough. Though the line itself remains in place, what lies beyond it, and what may yet cross it again, remains unresolved.
Jonathan Sacerdoti, a writer and broadcaster, is now a contributor to The Algemeiner.
Uncategorized
A shocking Purim experience (from the memoirs of I. J. Singer)
אינעם בוך זכרונות פֿונעם פּראָזע־מײַסטער, י. י. זינגער, „פֿון אַ וועלט וואָס איז נישטאָ מער‟, געפֿינט זיך אַ רירנדיקע פּורים־מעשׂה.
דאָס בוך איז אַרויס אין יאָר 1946, צוויי יאָר נאָך זינגערס פּלוצלינגדיקן, פֿריצײַטיקן טויט. דאָס ווערק האָט זיך צוערשט געדרוקט אין פֿאָרווערטס נאָך זײַן פּטירה, אונטערן נאָמען „אמתע פּאַסירונגען‟, אָבער זינגער אַליין האָט זײַן ווערק אַ נאָמען געגעבן „פֿון אַ וועלט וואָס איז נישטאָ מער‟. לויט זײַן פּלאַן, האָט דאָס ווערק געזאָלט אונדז געבן אַ ברייט קינסטלעריש בילד פֿון זײַן לעבן, און איבערהויפּט פֿונעם לעבן פֿון זײַן סבֿיבֿה, פֿון די קינדעריאָרן ביז זײַן קומען קיין אַמעריקע. עס האָט געזאָלט זײַן אַ ווערק פֿון דרײַ בענד, אַרום פֿופֿצן הונדערט זײַטן.
אין זײַן רײַכער ליטעראַרישער ירושה, האָט זינגער אונדז אָבער איבערגעלאָזט די ווײַטערדיקע לוסטיקע פּורים־מעשׂה (געדרוקט דאָ אין אַ פֿאַרקירצטן נוסח), וואָס איז פֿאָרגעקומען אין זײַן שטוב ווען ער איז געווען אַ קינד.
שיִעלע — אַזוי הייסט דער יונגער י. י. זינגער — דערציילט וועגן אַ מלמד, ר’ מיכל דוד, אַ פֿריילעך ייִדל, וואָס ס׳האָט זיך בײַ אים, נעבעך, פֿאַרענדיקט שוין גאָרנישט פֿריילעך. אַהרן צייטלין האָט אַ מאָל געשריבן וועגן י. י. זינגער, אַז ער איז געווען „אַ גײַסטיקער רעוואָלוציאָנער, וואָס האָט נישט אָנגענומען — נישט געוואָלט און נישט געקאָנט אָננעמען — דעם סדר פֿון דער וועלט‟. אין אָט דעם מעשׂהלע קען מען דאָס שוין גוט דערפֿילן.
— דניאלה מאַוער
אַ ייִד אַ מלמד פֿאַרגלוסט זיך צו ווערן אַ מלאך
ר׳ מיכל דוד איז געווען אַ קליין, לעבעדיק פּאַרשוינדל, מיט אַ שיטער, בלאָנד בערדל, אַ ייִדל אַ שטיק קוועקזילבער. בײַם לערנען האָט ער ליב געהאַט צו שניצן מיט אַ מעסערל. ער האָט אויסגעשניצט טאַבאַק־שטעקעלעך פֿון קאָרע, וואָס ער האָט אַוועקגעשאָנקען מתּנות צו אַלטע ייִדן, גרויסע טאַבאַק־שמעקער; אָדער ער האָט אויסגעשניצט פֿון האָלץ אַן אתרוג־פּושקע. ער האָט אויך פֿאַר אונדז אויסגעאַרבעט פֿאַרביקע לאַמטערנדלעך, מיט וועלכע מיר פֿלעגן אַהיימגיין אין די ווינטערנעכט פֿון חדר. געלערנט האָט ער מיר אַ פֿריילעכן ניגון, אָפֿט מאָל צוקנאַקנדיק מיט די פֿינגער פֿאַר שׂמחה.
די באַלעבאָסטעס, בײַ וועלכע ער האָט געגעסן טעג, האָבן אָנגעקוואָלן פֿון אים, ווײַל אַלץ האָט ער ליב געהאַט, פֿון יעדן מאכל הנאה געהאַט. די חסידים האָבן געלעקט די פֿינגער פֿון אים, ווײַל ער האָט געקענט דערציילן די וווּנדערלעכסטע מעשׂיות פֿון צדיקים און גוטע־ייִדן. אויך פֿאַר אונדז, ייִנגלעך, פֿלעגט ער דערציילן אַ וועלט מיט מעשׂיות, די פֿאַנטאַסטישסטע מעשׂיות פֿון צדיקים און בעל־שמס, וואָס האָבן געהאַט קפֿיצת־הדרך, געווען רואה־ואינו־נראהס און באַוויזן נאָך אַזעלכע קונצן.
אויף חסידישע סעודהלעך און ימים־טובֿים האָט ר׳ מיכל דוד געקערט וועלטן. ער האָט געזונגען מיט אַ הויך קוויטשיק קולכל, געקאָנט מאַכן אַ סך „לחיימס”, ווי פֿאַר אַ חסיד פּאַסט, און ער האָט געטאַנצט גאָרנישט מיד צו ווערן. דער עיקר האָט ער ליב געהאַט צו טאַנצן אויפֿן טיש…
פֿאַר פּורים האָט ר׳ מיכל דוד אינגאַנצן אָפּגעלאָזט די גמרא און געגרייט זיך צום פֿריילעכן יום־טובֿ. ערשטנס, האָט ער אויף דער מזרח־וואַנט פֿון בית־המדרש אָנגעצייכנט מיט אַ חלבֿן ליכט גרויסע אותיות און געמעלעכסטן. דער מלמד האָט אײַנגעטונקען אַ שמאַטע אין אַש פֿון בית־המדרש־אויוון און דערמיט איבערגעגאַנגען איבער דעם חלבֿ, און גלײַך זײַנען די אותיות און צייכענונגען געוואָרן שוואַרץ און אָנזעוודיק. מיר האָבן דערזען אַ גרויסע אויפֿשריפֿט: „משנכנס אדר מרבין בשמחה‟, וואָס מיינט, אַז ווי נאָר עס הייבט זיך אָן דער חודש אָדר, דאַרף מען אָנהייבן זיך משׂמח זײַן. אונטער דעם שיינעם אויפֿשריפֿט פֿון געכּתיבֿהטע אותיות איז געווען אויסגעמאָלט אַ פֿלעשל בראָנפֿן און צוויי הענט גיבן זיך לחיים. אין חדר האָט ער מיט אונדז געלערנט די מגילה, שניצנדיק דערבײַ די שענסטע גראַגערס פֿאַר אַלע תּלמידים.
אין ביידע טעג פֿון פּורים און שושן־פּורים האָט ר׳ מיכל דוד ממש איבערגעקערט דאָס שטעטעלע. ווען מען האָט געלייענט אין בית־המדרש די מגילה, האָט ער צונויפֿגענומען אַלע ייִנגלעך, נישט נאָר די תּלמידים זײַנע, נאָר אַפֿילו פֿרעמדע, און קאָמאַנדעוועט מיט אונדז בײַם גראַגערן יעדעס מאָל, ווען מען האָט דערמאָנט המנען. ער אַליין האָט געמאַכט פֿאַר זיך אַליין דעם גרעסטן גראַגער. ער האָט אויך געטופּעט מיט די פֿיס, און נישט נאָר בײַ המנס נאָמען, נאָר אויך ווען מען האָט דערמאָנט המנס ווײַב זרש און זייערער צען זין. דאָס וואָס אַ ייִד מיט אַ באָרד גראַגערט אין בית־המדרש האָט אַרויסגערופֿן גרויס שׂמחה בײַ אונדז ייִנגלעך. מיר האָבן שיִער נישט דאָס בית־המדרש צעלייגט. מײַן פֿאָטער איז אַפֿילו געווען אומצופֿרידן, ווײַל מיר האָבן געשטערט דעם בעל־קורא אין לייענען די מגילה, אָבער ער האָט זיך נישט געבייזערט. מען האָט אויף דעם פֿריילעכן מיכל דוד זיך נישט געקאָנט בייזערן. חוץ דעם, איז עס דאָך געווען פּורים, ווען מען דאַרף משׂמח זײַן.
נאָך דער מגילה האָט מיכל דוד גענומען גיין איבער די הײַזער, פֿון איין באַלעבאַטישער שטוב צו דער אַנדערער, און מאַכן „לחיימס”. אין שושן־פּורים האָט ער צונויפֿגענומען די חסידים און געמאַכט הוליאַנקעס. די חסידים האָט מען אַזעלכע זאַכן נישט געדאַרפֿט בעטן. זיי זײַנען אַלע מאָל גרייט געווען צו אַ סעודהלע, צו אַ שׂמחה. זיי האָבן געקויפֿט אַ פֿאַס ביר און געטרונקען אויף וואָס די וועלט שטייט. זיי זײַנען געגאַנגען פֿון הויז צו הויז, וווּ זיי האָבן געגעסן און געטרונקען און געטאַנצט. די ייִנגלעך זײַנען נאָכגעלאָפֿן. די פּראָסטע לײַט, די מתנגדים, האָבן געקוקט קרום אויף די חסידישע הוליאַנקעס, אָבער די חסידים האָבן זיי געהערט ווי המן דעם גראַגער און זיי אויף צו־להכעיס נאָך העכער געזונגען און געטאַנצט. מיכל דוד האָט געטאַנצט אויף דער גאַס. ער איז גאָרנישט מיד געוואָרן פֿון טרינקען און האָפּסען און זינגען און פֿרייען זיך. צום־לעצט זיינען די חסידים אַרײַנגעקומען צו מײַן פֿאָטער אין שטוב.
„רביצין, פּורים מעג מען טאַנצן אויפֿן טישטעך. עס זאָל אַ רוח המנען אין זײַן טאַטנס טאַטן אַרײַן ביז עמלקן!‟ האָט מיכל דוד געשריגן און געטופּעט מיט די פֿיס.
דערנאָך איז ער אַראָפּגעשפּרונגען פֿון טיש, אײַנגעהילט זיך אין טישטעך ווי אין אַ טלית און זיך פֿאַרשטעלט פֿאַר אַ מלאך.
„רביצין, איך בין דער מלאך מיכאל — האָט ער געשריגן — גיט מיר צוויי פֿלעדערווישן, וועל איך מאַכן פֿליגל.‟
מײַן מוטער, אַ מתנגדישע טאָכטער, האָט דעם צעקאָכטן חסיד קיין פֿלעדערווישן נישט געוואָלט געבן. אָבער ער איז נישט געווען פֿויל און אַליין אַרײַן אין קיך. ער האָט אויסגעזוכט צוויי גענדזענע פֿליגל, וועלכע ער האָט מיט שטריקלעך צוגעבונדן צום טישטעך, אַזוי אַז ער זאָל אויסזען ווי אַן אמתער מלאך. דערנאָך האָט ער גענומען אַ הויפֿן מעל און זיך אויסגעמעלט דאָס פּנים. פֿאַרוואָס אַ מלאך דאַרף האָבן אַן אויסגעמעלט פּנים ווייס איך נישט, אָבער אַזוי האָט ר׳ מיכל דוד געטאָן. אין אָט דעם הילוך איז ער אַרײַן אין מײַן פֿאָטערס שטוב אין גענומען טאַנצן אַ מלאכים־טאַנץ. דער ייִד האָט געשוועבט ווי אַ רוח. ייִדן האָבן צוגעפּאַטשט מיט די הענט און גערופֿן פֿריילעך:
„לעבעדיק, מלאך מיכאל!‟
מיט אַ מאָל, האָט דער מלאך מיכאל צעשפּרייט זײַנע הענט ווי פֿליגל און אַ פֿלי געטאָן גלײַך דורכן פֿענצטער אין דרויסן אַרויס.
אַרײַן אין שטוב צוריק איז ער שוין נישט אויף די אייגענע פֿיס. מען האָט אים געטראָגן. זײַנע לעבעדיקע אויגן זײַנען געווען געשלאָסן. פֿון איין אויג האָט גערונען בלוט. אַ צעקנאָדערטן, ווי אַ בינטל טויטע אבֿרים, האָט מען אים געטראָגן אין זײַן טישטעך מיט די פֿלעדערווישן מיטן אויסגעמעלטן פּנים. מען האָט גלײַך אַרײַנגערופֿן דעם גוייִשן פֿעלדשער פּאַוואָלסקי, וואָס האָט געוווינט אין שכנות.
„איך קאָן גאָרנישט טאָן, דאָס אויג רינט אים אויס,‟ האָט ער געזאָגט.
אַלע ייִדן אַרום, אויסגעניכטערטע אין איין רגע, זײַנען געשטאַנען מיט אַראָפּגעלאָזענע קעפּ. מײַן פֿאָטער האָט זיך געבעטן בײַם אויסגעצויגענעם מלמד:
„ר׳ מיכל דוד, איר זעט מיך, ר׳ מיכל דוד? … ענטפֿערט, ר׳ מיכל דוד….‟
ר׳ מיכל דוד האָט נישט געענטפֿערט. זײַן פּנים, אויסגעשמירט אין מעל, האָט אויסגעזען ווי אַ מת. די פּראָסטע ייִדן, וואָס זײַנען אָנגעלאָפֿן, האָבן געמוסרט די חסידים:
„חסידקעס, שיכּרים זענט איר, נישט קיין ייִדן — האָבן זיי געמורמלט — אַזאַ אומגליק…‟
מײַן פֿאָטער איז געווען חושך. מײַן מוטער האָט געוויינט. אין מיטן וויינען האָט זי זיך דערמאָנט אַז מען דאַרף צינדן ליכט, ווײַל שושן־פּורים איז דעמאָלט אויסגעפֿאַלן אין פֿרײַטיק.
איך האָב געקוקט אויף דעם מלמד מײַנעם, וואָס איז געלעגן אויסגעצויגן אויף דער גרינער קאָלדרע, געלעגן אַ שווײַגנדיקער, מיט אַן אויסגעמעלט פּנים, איבער וועלכן אַ דין שנירעלע בלוט האָט זיך געשלענגלט, און איך האָב געהאַט תּרעומות צו גאָט, וואָס האָט געקאָנט אָפּטאָן אַזאַ אומגערעכטיקייט, און אין אַ יום־טובֿ דערצו. דאָס איז געווען שוואַרץ־שבת.
The post A shocking Purim experience (from the memoirs of I. J. Singer) appeared first on The Forward.
Uncategorized
Iranian Regime Uses HispanTV to Spread Antisemitic Propaganda Across Latin America, ADL Warns
Iranians attend an anti-Israel rally in Tehran, Iran, April 19, 2024. Photo: Majid Asgaripour/WANA (West Asia News Agency) via REUTERS
As the Iranian regime escalates its campaign of disinformation against Israel, Tehran is now flooding Latin America with antisemitic propaganda and pro-terrorist messaging, using outlets such as HispanTV to reach millions of Spanish-speaking audiences and reshape public perceptions in the region.
On Tuesday, the Anti-Defamation League (ADL) released a new report detailing a dramatic rise over the past two years in antisemitic and anti-Israel content on HispanTV, the Spanish-language network run by the Iranian regime as part of its coordinated disinformation campaign across Latin America.
With the capacity to reach nearly 600 million Spanish speakers through satellite, cable, livestreaming, and social media, ADL characterizes HispanTV, which launched in 2012, as “the world’s leading platform for peddling antisemitic hate and disseminating anti-Israel prejudice and incitement across Latin America and the wider Spanish-speaking world.”
According to the report, HispanTV consistently disseminates content that reinforces long-standing antisemitic stereotypes about Jewish influence, spreads conspiracy theories, fuels the demonization of Israel, and glorifies Iranian-backed terrorist groups like Hamas and Hezbollah.
The study notes that the network’s hateful content has escalated sharply over the past two years, especially in the wake of the Hamas-led invasion of and massacre across southern Israel on Oct. 7, 2023.
“HispanTV consistently frames Hamas’s Oct. 7, 2023, attacks as legitimate and praiseworthy acts of resistance worthy of celebration,” the report says. “This reframing is essential to the channel’s ideological project, converting mass violence into a foundational myth of liberation.”
Across its broadcasts, HispanTV portrays Jews and Zionism as “an omnipresent, evil force” manipulating governments through a coordinated malicious scheme, reinforcing deeply entrenched antisemitic stereotypes about Jewish influence and power.
The report also finds that another central theme in the network’s coverage is the glorification of terrorist groups, depicting them as “extraordinary examples of heroism and bravery,” celebrating attacks that killed civilians, and vowing continued violence until the “complete annihilation of the occupants” — an apparent reference to Israel.
“The Iranian regime’s media outlet is spreading classic antisemitic conspiracy theories and anti-Israel propaganda to potentially millions of people across Latin America and beyond, making the Islamic Republic a destabilizing force not only in the Middle East, but across the Spanish-speaking world,” ADL CEO Jonathan Greenblatt said in a statement.
“With antisemitism already at historic levels globally, Tehran is funding a massive media propaganda operation that is priming the pump for spreading antisemitism and hate against Israel and Jews the world over,” he continued.
While systematically undermining Israel’s right to exist — depicting the Jewish state as a “colonial,” “genocidal,” and “terrorist” project — HispanTV presents the Iranian regime as a principled alternative to Western democracies and positions Tehran as the leader of the “Axis of Resistance,” according to the ADL’s newly released report.
The Iranian network also depicts Jews and Israelis as “operating a highly organized global disinformation apparatus designed to deceive the world and justify genocide,” minimizing or outright denying the reality of antisemitism.
The ADL argues that the lack of decisive action by governments, international bodies, and corporations has allowed the Islamic regime to leverage HispanTV to disseminate its hateful conspiracies around the globe.
“If this threat is not seriously addressed, the result will likely be the radicalization of Spanish-speaking audiences across Latin America and beyond,” the report says.
Uncategorized
US Justice Department Launches Investigation Into Antisemitism at Lincoln Memorial University Medical School
US Assistant Attorney General for Civil Rights Harmeet Dhillon at the Justice Department in Washington, DC, US, Aug. 7, 2025. Photo: REUTERS/Kent Nishimura
The US Department of Justice has opened an investigation into Lincoln Memorial University (LMU) in Tennessee for allegedly having “engaged in discrimination against its Jewish students” over several years, the agency announced last week.
The investigation, which will receive support from the US Department of Health and Human Services, was prompted by complaints that high-level officials at the LMU DeBusk College of Osteopathic Medicine “intentionally” prevented Jewish students from finishing final exams — an action that could lead to academic failure as well as squandering tens of thousands of dollars in tuition fees.
According to WBIR-TV, a local news outlet based in the city of Knoxville, LMU enacted a new policy which proscribed granting students exam exemptions based on their observing religious holidays. Two Orthodox Jewish students studying medicine are known to have been disproportionately impacted by the dictate, and, according to Rabbi Yossi Wilhelm of Chabad of Knoxville, their qualifications for becoming doctors were allegedly called into doubt by a college official who implied that religious observance is disqualifying.
“This Department of Justice is fiercely committed to shutting down the concerning outbreak of antisemitism that has been spreading on college campuses since the Hamas attacks on Israel on Oct. 7, 2023,” Harmeet Dhillon, assistant attorney general of the civil rights division of the Justice Department, said on Friday when the investigation was announced. “When colleges and universities single Jewish students out for adverse treatment, they are in clear violation of our civil rights laws and of this nation’s promise of equal opportunity for all Americans.”
Paula Stannard, director of the civil rights office of the Department of Health and Human Services, added, “All students should be free to learn and train in environments free from discrimination. Antisemitism has no place in our nation’s educational or medical training institutions, and OCR [the Office of Civil Rights] will work to ensure that federal civil rights laws are fully enforced.”
In a statement to The Algemeiner, Lincoln Memorial University denied discriminating against anyone, citing its “belief that every single person, regardless of race, situation, or background, deserves the right to a quality educational experience.”
It continued, “We would never intentionally discriminate against any member of our community, and we do not believe we did so as has been alleged in the concerns under investigation by the Department of Justice. Educating our future leaders is why we exist. Any decision that is made is always with the goal of providing the best education for each and every student.”
Antisemitism in academic medical centers located on college campuses is fostering noxious environments which deprive Jewish health-care professionals of their civil right to work in spaces free from discrimination and hate, according to a study by the StandWithUs Data & Analytics Department in May.
“Academia today is increasingly cultivating an environment which is hostile to Jews, as well as members of other religious and ethnic groups,” StandWithUs director of data and analytics and study co-author, Alexandra Fishman, said in a statement at the time. “Academic institutions should be upholding the integrity of scholarship, prioritizing civil discourse, rather than allowing bias or personal agendas to guide academic culture.”
Titled “Antisemitism in American Healthcare: The Role of Workplace Environment,” the study includes survey data showing that 62.8 percent of Jewish health-care professionals employed by campus-based medical centers reported experiencing antisemitism, a far higher rate than those working in private practice and community hospitals. Fueling the rise in hate, it added, were repeated failures of DEI (diversity, equity, and inclusion) initiatives to educate workers about antisemitism, increasing, the report said, the likelihood of antisemitic activity.
The study is not StandWithUs’s first contribution to the study of antisemitism in medicine. In December 2024, the Data & Analytics Department published a study which found that nearly 40 percent of Jewish American health-care professionals have encountered antisemitism in the workplace, either as witnesses or victims.
The study included a survey of 645 Jewish health workers, a substantial number of whom said they were subject to “social and professional isolation.” The problem left over one quarter of the survey cohort, 26.4 percent, “feeling unsafe or threatened.”
The issue is currently being investigated by the US House Committee on Education and the Workforce, with a focus on the University of California, Los Angeles’ (UCLA) David Geffen School of Medicine, the University of Illinois’ College of Medicine, and the University of California, San Francisco’s School of Medicine.
“This investigation will aid the committee in considering whether potential legislative changes, including legislation to specifically address antisemitism discrimination, are needed,” education committee chairman Rep. Tim Walberg (R-MI) wrote in a letter to Steven Dubinett, dean of UCLA’s Geffen School. “The committee has become aware that Jewish students and faculty have experienced hostility and fear at the hands of peers, colleagues, and administrators at UCLA Med, and it has not been demonstrated that the university has meaningfully responded to address and mitigate this problem.”
Follow Dion J. Pierre @DionJPierre.