Local News
A detailed look at how Jacob Brodovsky was targeted by one particular website – and how that led to him losing his job as co-executive director of BB Camp
By BERNIE BELLAN (Posted April 25) The following is taken from Bnai Brith Camp’s website as the camp’s mission statement:
“BB Camp’s mission is to provide a fun, supportive, and inclusive Jewish environment in which youth can explore, grow, and mature. Campers are provided opportunities to develop independence, foster lasting friendships, and strengthen their identities within a natural wilderness setting. BB Camp is committed to making sure that every camper leaves with wonderful memories that will last a lifetime.
“Since its founding in 1954, BB Camp has remained committed to ensuring that all children, no matter what their financial situation might be, have the opportunity to experience the joy and wonder of attending Camp. At BB Camp, our goal is to offer a summer ‘home away from home’ where children can learn about and take pride in their Jewish culture, community, and heritage. It is a place where children can grow both individually and as a group. It is a place where important socializing skills are developed and where lifelong friendships are formed. It is a place where connection to the Jewish community can become part of a child’s life forever.”
Elsewhere on the website, under the category “Jewish Life at Camp,” this is what the site has to say about the role that Israel plays at the camp: Our main focus in Israel-based programming is to provide interactive opportunities for our campers and staff to develop a connection to Israel. We create connections to Israel by hiring Israeli staff to teach our
campers about daily life in Israel. Each summer we run an Israel Day program for both of our summer sessions where campers can learn about Israeli culture, food, and geography. In addition to this day-long program, we entwine Israel-based education with day-to-day camp life, including a ‘Hebrew word of the day’ at morning services and by using basic Israel education pieces including using Hebrew names for our camp buildings, flying the Israeli flag, and singing Hatikvah (Israel’s national anthem) as a camp each day when we lower the flags for the evening.”
Jacob Brodovsky had been a staffer at BB Camp for 15 years. Since 2021 he and his wife, Lexi Yurman, had served as camp co-executive directors. In an article posted to The Times of Israel website in August 2024, writer Jon van der Veen wrote: “He (Brodovsky) mentioned that BB has had a positive growth in campers over the years, “about 10 percent year over year” (emphasis mine). Lexie gave me the rough numbers, saying, (BB Camp) ‘consistently in a summer through both sessions, and including our LTP and AC programs, we have 300 to 350 campers.
“Jacob describes BB as a ‘Jewish camp for everyone,’ which is important because he also informed me that ‘about 15 percent of campers are non-Jewish‘ (emphasis mine). Jacob and Lexie believe this number is a testament to the appeal of BB camp and its good reputation. Lexie added, ‘Most of our non-Jewish campers, they just come with their friends, because their friends talk about camp, and they want to be a part of it.’
In the camp’s mission statement nowhere does the word “Zionism” appear.
But, following a series of three incendiary articles that appeared on a website known as thej.ca, beginning with an article that was first posted on April 6, and which was titled “Winnipeg Parents Outraged Over Camp BB Kenora Director’s Apparent Anti‑Israel Social Media Activity,” a campaign to oust Jacob Brodovsky as camp co-executive director quickly gathered steam. Ordinarily I would not lend credence to the vituperative attacks on Brodovsky that were posted to that website, but I think it important that readers see first hand the evidence that was used to martial what became an online campaign to have Brodovsky removed as camp co-executive director.
That article went on to make several statements that might well be considered defamatory, including describing Brodovsky’s behaviour as “incendiary.” The article also quoted (from an unnamed parent): “Parents send their children to BB Kenora for a safe, enriching Jewish experience—not political indoctrination against Israel.” (There is no evidence offered as to what “political indoctrination against Israel” in which Brodovsky might have engaged.)
The entire basis of the case against Brodovsky seemed to revolve as his having “liked” certain social media posts that had been posted by someone or some group that went by the name “Rusty_Robot,” and which were posted to Instagram in April and May 2024. Those social media posts were sympathetic to Palestinians.
Further, there were comments that levelled very serious allegations, not only against Brodovsky, but also his wife, Lexie, including: “Anyone who supports the dangerous and vicious views regarding the Jewish right to exist should be held accountable and fired. Our children deserve better !”
Another commenter write: “I’m confused why there is no commentary on his wife, who runs the camp along side him and has allowed for this behaviour from him for years. She is complicit to his actions.”
A third commenter writes: “if you are the director of a Jewish camp who shuts down support for hostages and protests the raising of the Israeli flag and singing Hatikvah, then your politics are affecting your role and the climate at camp.”
There were other very serious allegations made against Brodovsky, yet there were also comments that came to his defence, including: “My children came home from BB camp last summer more secure and attached to their Jewish identity than when they left.
“They sang Hatikva. They prayed at meals. They participated in a Havdalah service. Most importantly, they got to experience the sense of community that comes from being in a secure Jewish environment.”
At first, the BB Camp Board reacted by giving Brodovsky a vote of support following an emergency meeting of the board held on April 8, at which time the Board issued a statement that read, in part: “After conducting painstaking due diligence, the BB Camp Board of Directors unanimously (emphasis mine) voted to retain Co-Executive Director, Jacob Brodovsky, following his full apology for his serious error in judgement on social media.
“After listening to all comments and concerns, the Board made a decision that it believes is best for the organization moving forward.
“ ‘While we know not everyone will agree with our decision, we have full confidence that Jacob will continue to provide our campers, families, and clients with the same safe and nurturing environment that they have come to expect and enjoy over the last four years,’ said Board chair, Leah Leibl.
Leibl pointed to Jacob’s sincerity in issuing an apology.
“’ ‘I accept full responsibility and sincerely apologize for the gravity of my mistake and lack of judgement in liking posts that did not align with the values of BB Camp,’ said Co-Executive Director, Jacob Brodovsky. ‘ am extremely remorseful for my actions and most grateful to be able to continue in my role serving our Jewish community.’
“Jacob also reaffirmed his belief in the State of Israel and is working closely with others to examine steps that can be taken to strengthen Jewish life and deepen support for Israel at Camp.
“Jacob added, ‘I ‘ believe in Israel’s right to exist and care deeply about the safety of all Jews and Israelis.’
“In addition to the apology, the Board requires their Co-Executive Director, who agreed, to exercise due caution in his use of social media and avoid any activity that may run counter to the mission of the organization. The Board of Directors has also expressed to Jacob the extreme seriousness of this matter, and has reinforced to him his obligation to uphold all Camp policies.”
On April 9, however, thej.ca once again criticized the BB Camp Board of Directors in an article titled “Weak Leadership Exposed: Camp BB Kenora Board Keeps Controversial Director Despite Overwhelming Outcry”.
The lead line of that article said: “Despite irrefutable evidence of his anti‑Israel bias and incendiary pro‑Palestine online activities, the board’s decision to retain Jacob Brodovsky reveals a dangerous capitulation to woke (emphasis mine) pressures—at the expense of true Zionist values.”
On April 16, the Jewish Federation of Winnipeg held an emergency meeting for the purpose of discussing the BB Camp situation. On April 17 the BB Camp Board released a statement in which it reversed its decision to retain Brodovsky as co-executive director, noting “the camp’s Board of Directors has announced that “the Board of Directors and co-Executive Director Jacob Brodovsky have amicably agreed to part ways, having regard to the best interests of the Camp and the community at large.”
We have been in contact with various camp staffers, some of whom who wished to remain anonymous, but all of whom have denied that there were any instances where Hatikvah was not allowed to be sung or where the Israeli flag was not raised.
Another issue which was raised by other commenters had to do with campers not being allowed either to make or wear “yellow ribbons,” which have become symbolic of sympathy for the hostages still being held in Gaza.
Following the BB Camp Board’s complete reversal of its position, the j.ca ran a third article, on April 17, titled “Stunning Turn Of Events At BB Camp Kenora As Board Reexamines Leadership Choice.”
Following the article, however, a commenter who identified as a camp staffer posted this comment: “As a current staff member at Camp BB, I have to say it’s outrageous that Jacob is being slandered over baseless rumours and social media activity taken wildly out of context. What’s even more ridiculous is that most of the people fuelling this outrage haven’t stepped foot on camp during the summer and have no idea how things are actually run. Jacob’s personal political views never once interfered with camp life. Camp BB remained very much a Jewish camp, rich in tradition and community, under his leadership.
The camp staffer goes on to refer to the “yellow ribbon” situation – in apparent reference to a paragraph which appeared in the April 6 j.ca article, which wrote: “Several parents told TheJ.Ca that Brodovsky also refused campers’ requests to create yellow ribbons in solidarity with the Israeli hostages held by Hamas in Gaza. ‘My daughter was heartbroken,’ said one mother. ‘She wanted to show support for the hostages in Gaza, but Jacob wouldn’t allow it.’ “
The camp staffer who posted a comment in defence of Brodovsky on the j.ca site wrote – with specific reference to the “yellow ribbon” situation: “It’s also interesting that none of the staff can recall this supposed ‘yellow ribbon’ situation—so where did that even come from? Are we really at the point where rumours and assumptions are enough to justify firing someone?”
Questions now remain as to why the BB Camp Board reversed its original decision to retain Brodovsky as camp co-executive director? Was it a result of some well-heeled donors exerting financial pressure on either the BB Camp Board or the Jewish Federation?
We have also received a copy of a letter that was sent to the BB Camp Board which also levels some very serious allegations against Brodovsky, especially with respect to his interactions with camp staffers. That letter offers specifics which the articles in thej.ca do not. Whether that letter – and perhaps other letters that were sent to the BB Camp Board played an influential role in the dramatic reversal of the Board’s original unanimous decision made on April 9 to retain Brodovsky as co-executive director, only to be followed by a decision eight days later to part ways with Brodovsky, we do not know.
Unlike the j.ca, however, we do not engage in idle speculation. We ask questions and await answers.
There is one final – and somewhat intriguing aspect to this controversy, and that has to do with BB Camp’s charitable status. As some readers might be aware, Jewish National Fund Canada had its charitable status revoked by the CRA in August 2024. To read more about how that came about, go to https://jewishpostandnews.ca/faqs/rokmicronews-fp-1/jnf-canada-responds-to-cra-decision-to-revoke-its-charity-status/
In order for any charity to retain its charitable status it has to clearly state its charitable object. If BB Camp were now to include, as part of its charitable object, “to better reflect the Camp’s fundamental support of Israel” (emphasis mine), which it says is now part of its mission in the statement issued on April 17, one might well ask whether that constitutes quite a departure from its previous mission statement, which makes no reference at all to Israel, and in particular, “fundamental support of Israel?” Based on what happened with the JNF, which lost its charitable status, allegedly for having deviated from its “charitable object,” one might wonder how the CRA would react to BB Camp becoming politicized to that extent?
We had sent a copy of this article to both the Federation and BB Camp Board asking both of them whether they had any response to issue before this article was published. Neither organization responded.
Local News
Chesed Shel Emes is hiring
Chesed Shel Emes is looking for a daytime “Shomer Plus” – an individual who understands and appreciates the depth and significance of Shmira, who is able to assume some of the day to day tasks managing our facility, and who can take on some of the administrative work – be it graphic design, social media management, Board support, or providing back up for our 24/7 on call staff.
This is a unique position which calls for a blend of the spiritual and the practical. We are offering a part time, salaried, daytime position, with employee benefits. The successful candidate will need to be flexible, patient and have a sense of humor.
For more information contact Rena Boroditsky, executive director of Chesed Shel Emes at chesedwinnipeg@gmail.com or phone 204-582-5088
Local News
Thoughts on Sid Green
By GRANT MITCHELL (Grant Mitchell is a well-known lawyer in Winnipeg whose father, Leon Mitchell, was Sid Green’s law partner for many years.
Following are remarks Grant delivered at the meal of remembrance which was held following Sid Green’s funeral on June 9:
Sid was a Gold medallist in law in the class of 1955.
He knew that my Dad, Leon Mitchell, was in sole practice in the Confederation Building. Leon was 13 years older than Sid but graduated just the year before. Leon had been the business agent for the Civic Employees Union of the City of Winnipeg before and during law school, and his union connections gave him a client base to start a practice.
After obtaining his call to the Bar, Sid attended Leon’s office and informed him, “You need me.”
Leon was taken aback. He was physically disabled from a major bout of Guillen-Barre syndrome, but felt fully capable of practising solo. He told Sid he didn’t need anyone.
Sid told Leon, “You don’t understand. I don’t mean you need me to advise clients, I mean I can do the physical side for you, attending court and hearings and other functions that require mobility.”
With that understanding, they became Mitchell & Green, and later Mitchell, Green and Minuk when Sam Minuk joined the firm. They were the only labour firm in Winnipeg at that time that acted exclusively on the Union side.
In around 1960, a Mitchell & Green client did not have the money to pay for his legal fees and offered the partially constructed cottage he was building at Big Whiteshell Lake to the firm as payment, with the excess to be refunded to the client. Sid and Leon became co-owners of that cottage. For years it had no plumbing and an incomplete ceiling. When Leon died in 1987, Sid got the cottage.
When Sid went into politics, Leon supported the move, and in fact delivered the nomination speech for Sid to be leader of the NDP when he ran against Russ Paulley and then Ed Schreyer.
When Sid was made a Cabinet Minister in the Schreyer government in 1969, Leon also left practice to go into public service, as Chair of the Municipal Board, Chair of the Mental Review Board and Commissioner in the Churchill Forest Industries inquiry. Sam Minuk became a Provincial Judge. It was the end of Mitchell Green and Minuk. That practice was the foundation of what has become the Myers firm.
Sid and Leon’s paths would cross again when Leon was mediator of the Northern Flood Agreement and Sid was the Minister responsible for Manitoba Hydro.
They had been professional partners with profound mutual respect, but they were also personal friends and remained so for the rest of Leon’s life.
Leon had a huge admiration for people he thought were unusually intelligent. Sid was at or near the top of that list.
At the funeral, I spoke of Sid’s relationship with my father, Leon Mitchell.
I will just add that during their years at the Confederation Building and then in the Crown Trust Building, they hired an articling student named Bill Rachman, who made Sid and Leon nervous about everything he did. When the articling period ended, Sid told Leon that notwithstanding their reservations about Bill’s ethics and practicing skills, Bill would be far more financially successful than either Sid or Leon. Leon agreed. They were correct.
When Sid returned to private practice after his time in government, the unions and he had a falling out and he found himself acting against unions rather than on their behalf
Sid’s philosophy on unions was that protective labour laws produced weak unions, who would not represent their members’ interests effectively. He felt that Wagner Act type labour legislation, now universal in North America, was a tragic compromise by unions. He believed that the recognition strike and the wildcat strike were fundamental weapons for successful trade unions, and that certification of unions, the duty to bargain in good faith and mandatory grievance arbitration were the poor cousins of the recognition and wildcat strikes. This was opposite to the position of the union movement at that time, which lobbied strenuously for union-friendly legislation in the form of greater and greater regulation of the union employer relationship.
In fact, Sid said that the only labour laws that unions should need were to protect the right to picket, and to take away a court’s power to order a person to work. These 2 provisions are found in sections 56 and 57 of the King’s Bench Act to this day, more than 50 years later, and still known to people of my generation as the “Sid Green amendments”. No injunction to enforce a personal services contract. No injunction to restrict assembly on a public thoroughfare to communicate accurate information, that is, a picket sign.
Sid supplemented professors at the law school, Robson Hall, by delivering several lectures in each term about the fundamentals of labour law. I taught that course for 22 years and I had Sid come for a guest lecture, as he had done in the labour law class when I was a student.
He had a powerful and persuasive way of making his points. For example, he felt that a legislated duty to bargain in good faith was a mistake – let the parties fight it out, and let the stronger survive. If employers don’t bargain genuinely, the response is to hold a strike, not run to the labour board.
“If I offer $1, $2, $3, $5, $10 then I’m bargaining in good faith. If I offer $10, $10, $10, $10, then I’m bargaining in bad faith. But it’s still $10!”
He didn’t like certification and preferred the recognition strike. Settle disputes through battle, not argument. Conflict rather than compromise. He particularly objected to certifying unions by card count as opposed to secret ballot vote. A card signer had no meaningful way of revoking their support for the union if they changed their mind after the union applied for certification.
Sid said, “If I buy a vacuum cleaner from a door to door salesman, under the CPA I have a month to change my mind and get my money back. But if I sign a union card, the next day may be too late to change my mind. Which is more important, having a union take over my bargaining rights, or buying a vacuum cleaner?”
Apart from representing employees against unions, Sid also built a practice of representing lawyers who faced disciplinary action from the Law Society. When he ran to be a bencher, he received more votes than any other candidate, even though he was not affiliated with any of the larger law firms. As a bencher, he would send out a “Report from a Bencher” after each Bencher meeting, giving his analysis on the decisions the Society was making, often critical of the majority.
In so many ways, he believed in a “survival of the fittest” approach to human differences. He did not care for protectionist legislation like Human Rights laws. He particularly objected to affirmative action or any other form of “reverse discrimination”.
In one case I had with him, he was acting for Nabila Malik, an economist in the Cabinet secretariat who had been laid off. I was acting for the employer. He called me to tell me that he wished to amend his statement of claim. “I want to add a paragraph to the claim to say that in letting my client go, the government violated its own affirmative action policy because the policy said that there should be more women in senior civil service positions and yet my client, a woman, was let go when many men in senior civil service positions had remained employed.
“Do you object to my amendment?” “No.”
“You don’t think I believe in that affirmative action bullshit do you?” “I don’t know.”
“I DON’T!” But I say, ‘If you are going to preach bullshit, you have to practice bullshit.’”
Sid took up hockey when he was 50. As a young man, he had been a good athlete, quarterbacking the law school football team. It was a late stage of life to learn to skate and join a new sport but Sid approached it with the same gusto he applied to everything else. When he awoke after cardiac surgery a few years later, his first question was, “Will I still be able to play hockey?” You don’t have to be great at something to love it, as I well know. And Sid loved to play hockey, indoors or out.
An employer client of mine had one of its managers vilified in the union newsletter – the “Golden Turkey Award”. My client said, “We want a lawyer for the manager, and we want that lawyer be one with the kind of reputation that when the other side sees who is threatening to sue them, they will involuntarily cringe uncontrollably.” I gave them 2 names, with Sid’s being the second one. “Sid Green, that name sounds familiar. Who is he?” “Oh, he was once the Minister of Labour in the NDP government, but after he left politics, the unions treated him as a pariah, and now he fights them regularly.” “That’s the guy we want.” Sid took the case. He got a settlement offer so generous that the manager desperately wanted to accept it: full page retraction, apology, substantial payment. He may have been a turkey, but he was not foolish. Sid said it was not enough. He got more, before yielding to the client’s wish to settle. And oh, yeah, there were no more golden turkeys awarded.
Sid loved to litigate. He would rather fight than settle. His adversaries knew that, and as a result, he achieved great settlements. Sid’s rejection of an offer was never a bluff.
He had a fundamental belief in democracy, that the rules should be made by people who were elected, not appointed. If he had the choice, he would prefer to be a law maker rather than a lawyer or judge. He also felt that if a matter was worth taking on, it was worth taking all the way. I doubt that any private lawyer has been involved in more appeals.
Others know more about Sid’s career as a politician than I do. He did love to tell one story about his time in government. In 1975, Bob “Junior” Wilson had just been elected in a Wolseley by-election, narrowly defeating Sid’s friend, D’Arcy McCaffrey. In his first appearance in the Legislative Assembly, Wilson stood up to make his maiden speech. The protocol had long been that when a member speaks for the first time, they give a benign speech about how honoured they are to serve their constituents and how they look forward to working with everyone in the house. Instead, Wilson launched into an attack on the governing Schreyer government, accusing them of every misdeed known to politics, and demanding that they immediately resign and call a general election. It fell to Sid to respond on behalf of the NDP majority.
“The Honourable Member has ignored the usual protocol for new members. I don’t mind that. I have no particular affinity for protocols. I think members should say what they genuinely feel. So I commend the Member for being so frank. I have some difficulty with his message, however. He says that we should resign and cease to govern. But that would be undemocratic. A majority of Manitobans have elected us to run the Province. That is our duty. He may not like it, but the fact is that we are his government. But if he feels badly about that, he should imagine how I feel. He is my member!!”
I’ll close by saying that in Sid’s pre-politics practising days, there were many colourful lawyers that made being a lawyer a fascinating profession. By the time he returned to practice, there were only a few of the wild ones left. The profession needed a gadfly like Sid to make practice fun. The reason he got so many votes from the profession is that Manitoba lawyers recognized that in Sid there was a fearlessness mixed with skill, humour, joy and a profound understanding of the policy reasoning behind the letter of the law. There was no one like him, and I doubt that there will be one. I will miss him.
Local News
Sid Green – famed lawyer, one of the first Jewish provincial cabinet ministers, and first director of BB Camp – passes at age 96
By BERNIE BELLAN Sid Green, whose name was well known in so many different circles in Manitoba, passed away on Sunday, June 7, at the age of 96.
Green was perhaps best known as one of three Jewish Members of the Legislature who became cabinet ministers in the first ever NDP government in Manitoba, which came to power in 1969 under the leadership of Ed Schreyer. (The other two Jewish members who became cabinet ministers were the late Saul Cherniack and the late Saul Miller.)
Green, who had first been elected as an MLA in 1966 representing the riding of Inkster, led a challenge to then-NDP leader Russ Paulley in 1968, which eventually led to Paulley resigning as leader. The subsequent leadership race saw Green, who was only 39 at the time, facing off against a 32-year-old Ed Schreyer.
Although Green and Schreyer were later to part ways over a number of issues – especially over the issue of aid to private schools, Green and Schreyer were actually good friends.
In fact, Ed Schreyer, who is now 90, spoke at Green’s funeral, which was held Tuesday, June 9, at the Chesed Shel Emes (with interment following at the Hebrew Sick Benefit Cemetery).
Schreyer told some humourous stories about his and Sid’s competition for the NDP leadership back in 1969. Although the two were rivals they agreed occasionally to share expenses along the way as they toured various Manitoba locations, including one night in a hotel in Flin Flon (or it may have been somewhere else; I wasn’t taking notes at the funeral.) Regardless, they agreed to share a room that night but, as Schreyer recalled, it had to have “two beds.”
Another time during that race, when they were somewhere in western Manitoba, they both received a call from someone in a place on the eastern shore of Lake Manitoba. (Again, I don’t remember which location Schreyer said it was.) The caller said they both had to get there soon because there was going to be a crowd of several hundred people gathered for some other event – and it would have been a perfect time to do some politicking.
But, as they pointed out to the caller, that location was 250 kilometres away and they couldn’t possibly drive there on time – so they both agreed to hire a float plane to fly them there. Unfortunately, that was a very windy day, Schreyer noted, and the plane wasn’t able to land close enough to shore for the both of them to wade in. Instead they decided to jump off the plane’s pontoon – landing up to their armpits in water. They bravely went to meet the assembled crowd – in their soaking wet suits.
Green had a long career as an MLA, being elected to the Manitoba Legislature four times: in 1966, 1969, 1973, and 1977. Eventually he broke completely with the NDP and, along with fellow NDP MLA Ben Hanuschak, started a new party, called the Manitoba Progressive Party, in 1981, which failed abysmally.
I remember well how captivating a speaker Sid Green was when he was campaigning in 1981. One story that he told several times to different audiences went along these lines: After the NDP first formed government in 1969 – much to the surprise of almost everyone back then, Green was often called upon to speak at different venues because he was such a powerful orator.
One time he was somewhere in rural Manitoba and before he was called up to the podium to deliver his remarks, the person who was introducing Green said to the audience: “Ladies and gentlemen, I’d like to introduce to you the ‘Green Minister.'”
Not missing a beat, Sid took to the podium and said something along the following lines to the audience: “My first appointment to Cabinet was as Minister of Energy, Mines, and Natural Resources. Well, I little knew about energy, even less about mines, and nothing at all about natural resources. So the title “the Green Minister” is an apt one.”
In his early years, Sid Green was a very active member of the YMHA on Albert Street, serving as president of the house council for several years. A dedicated athlete, Green competed in basketball and volleyball at the Y. At the age 50 he took up ice hockey – and was known for his fierce competitiveness. He was to serve on the board of directors of the YMHA for many years, right up until its closing in 1997.
Green was also the quarterback for the University of Manitoba law school football team during the early 1950s – and led them to two school championships. In a 2019 interview I conducted with Green about his early years at the YMHA, he noted that he was the only 5’6″ 150 pound quarterback in the inter-faculty league.
In 1954 Green became the first director of BB Camp, which had just moved to Town Island from Sandy Hook.
In 1955, Green graduated from the U of M law school, winning the gold medal in law that year.
He went on to become one of Manitoba’s most successful labour lawyers, subsequently pairing withfamed labour lawyer, Leon Mitchell, later to be joined by Sam Minuk (who was to become a provincial court judge) in what became the firm of Mitchell, Green & Minuk.
During his time as a lawyer, Green often represented employers – which might seem a little surprising for someone who such a staunch NDPer. But Green was staunchly opposed to entrenching laws such as anti-scab legislation or secret ballot voting to unionize. He thought it important to represent any client, including employers engaged in disputes with unions, no matter how much he might have disagreed with that client’s position, and because he was so skilful in arguing a case, he was much sought after by employers to represent them in labour disputes.
He was so respected as a lawyer, moreover, that he was often asked to represent other lawyers in cases before the courts.
Green was also very pro-Israel and extremely proud of his Jewish roots. Although not a religious man, during his many years at the Y – first on Albert Street, then later on Hargrave, Green was involved in developing many Jewish cultural programs.
In days to come we will have much more about the life of Sid Green. In the meantime, if you want to watch a video interview I did with Sid about his experiences at the Y on Albert Street, you can go to Sid Green reminisces.
Sid Green was predeceased by his wife Shleema in 2009 and is survived by his five children: Arthur, MIndy, Cathy, Sharon, and Marty, as well as 15 grandchildren.
For more about Sid Green’s career, read Grant Mitchell’s eulogy, which was delivered at the Meal of Remembrance following Sid Green’s funeral on June 9: Grant Mitchell on Sid Green

