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Growing up both black & white

David Greaves

By DAVID GREAVES
I have spent the better part of the last couple of weeks having “out loud” conversations with myself about what is happening in our world, asking myself questions that are inconceivable. It essentially boils down to one question though: Why? Why are there people that feel so differently than me or you or most God-fearing people?

David Greaves (right) with mother Faigie, father David, and brother Daniel

Why is it that in the year 2020, when we look outside or on our TVs, we cannot see the difference between today and 50 or 60 years ago or the last 400 years? Why is it that Black men and women can be killed in the streets, by the police no less, and there is no one that can stop this?
And the most difficult of questions: Why is it when we hear of another Black man being killed in broad daylight, having the life choked out of him, slowly, by the police, while we can hear him begging for his life – why is it we are not surprised? We are horrified but not surprised, and that is stomach-churning. If you were not from this world, you would certainly not believe it.
I’d like to think that if any one of you had witnessed this that you would have tried to intervene. How come no one even tried?

David’s sister Adonna

Throughout the past weeks I have been trying to understand how I feel, I mean beyond the obvious outrage. My father is Black – born and raised in Trinidad, West Indies (the Caribbean). My two sisters and my brother are also Black (or brown some would say) and somehow, I came out white. Well my mother is white, so I am not a total anomaly.
Someone once asked me if I identify as Black? It was an interesting question and is still difficult to answer. How can I identify as Black when I am as white as they come, but how can I not when most of my immediate family and my father’s side of the family are? I am immensely proud of my Black and Jewish heritage, but I would be disingenuous if I did not admit that there have been times when I have felt fortunate to have been born as I am.
This is not a racist thought, obviously, but it is a guilty feeling …that I feel safe, safer than my own siblings likely do and we live in Canada, a “safe country,” is a feeling of guilt and frustration for me — a guilt that there are two realities for people including my own family, that although we don’t see each other as different or anything other than family, that we have had a much different experience, I’m sure.
There are times when these differences are highlighted, like the other day when my mother told me she called her other son, my brother, to remind him to be careful – something that, I am embarrassed to admit, didn’t even cross my mind as I live in this racial fog that is my reality. Likely my brother and sisters have had to have the “talk” once again with their kids about what to do it they ever get pulled over by the police. That’s a conversation I will never have to have with my white kids – at least not in the same way and with the same fear.

David (centre) with brother Daniel and sister Phyllis

My nephews and nieces range from 16 to mid 20s, and I’m sure they know what they have to do if they ever get pulled over: keep their hands in plain sight on the wheel… and answering, yes sir, officer, yes ma’am, officer… Imagine being so fearful, especially of those that are supposed to be there to protect you. It is important to acknowledge that there are mostly good cops out there – some of them are my friends, but you don’t want to take the gamble in the off chance you are the unlucky one to have drawn the bad apple and, as recently witnessed on “live” TV, George Floyd drew a number of bad apples that day.

What happened to George Floyd in Minneapolis has been happening countless other times for decades, even centuries, and it is despicable. If you are a member of the human race, you should feel outraged. Although we live in Canada, and things appear less amplified, white privilege exists. I’ve enjoyed it without ever really knowing or thinking about it. It really wasn’t until I watched Alex Haley’s “Roots” in the late 1970s that I really understood the history of Black slavery in America. I remember to this day how moved, emotional and sad I was. I was around 11 years old at that time, my dad was Black and I couldn’t believe the world he had to live in. I could not believe the white world of yesterday but I was certain that it was all in the past and the world had changed…
When I think back to that question that was asked of me, I don’t identify as Black. How could I? I have never walked in that skin. I think of it on occasion, but mostly I don’t think of it all. And I guess that’s it, really; I don’t think of it because I can blend into the scenery where in most places – in predominantly white countries, people of colour cannot. And, as we have seen for decades and even centuries, this has been the cause of so much inexcusable brutality.

The question now is not “WHY”? The question now is “WHEN”? When will we push long enough for change to be implemented? When will we step out of the comfortable scenery that we, the White privileged have been blending into for so long and use our voice, our vote, our collective power to demand a change? Posting black squares on Instagram, as I did, is a start but I – we – you must do more.
“…the blackest of berries yield the sweetest juice…”
“It is a cruel jest to tell a bootless man to lift himself up by his bootstraps” -MLK Jr.
(This story first appeared on The Times of Israel website.)

 

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“Lessons from the Holocaust for Today”

By HENRY SREBRNIK On April 12, I spoke at our annual Yom Hashoah memorial ceremony in Charlottetown. The last time I did so was in April 1976, in Montreal. It was, for Canadian Jews, a completely different time. Montreal was still the first city of Canadian Jewry, with Toronto a distant second. Israel seemed a secure country, having won a hard-fought victory three years earlier in the Yom Kippur War. 

There were clouds gathering, true – after all the UN General Assembly had passed the “Zionism is a form of racism” the previous December, and a powerful Communist bloc led by the Soviet Union was still a formidable enemy.

Today, Jewish life has become far more precarious. Two things are essential for an anti-democratic political movement to succeed: ideological justification by academics and intellectuals, and control of the streets by violent mobs. Since Oct. 7, 2023, when Hamas invaded Israel, we have seen both.

At McGill University in Montreal, a March 21 referendum by the Law Students’ Association (LSA) supported amending the group’s constitution to boycott Israeli academic bodies, though it was deemed illegitimate by the university’s president. Similar actions are taking place across Canada. Indeed, at Vanier College, a Montreal CEGEP,  it abruptly cancelled its Holocaust commemoration on March 25 because it didn’t think it could keep guests and the college community safe. 

Unfortunately, we know a terrible precedent for this union of the intellectuals and the mob. Nazi ideology, too, was not formulated by street thugs. Historian Max Weinreich published his book Hitler’s Professors in 1946, noting that German scholarship provided the ideas and techniques that led to and justified unparalleled slaughter. All too many Nazi war criminals were holders of PhDs. 

As historian Niall Ferguson reminds us, in an article published in the New York Free Press of Dec. 11, 2023, “Anyone who has a naive belief in the power of higher education to instill morality has not studied the history of German universities in the Third Reich.” The “final solution of the Jewish question” began, he has written, with words — “to be precise, it began as lectures and monographs and scholarly articles.”

The American writer Vivian Gornick, reviewing a book, “Turning a Blind Eye, A memoir of daily accommodation to fascism,” by the German historian Joachim Fest, about Hitler’s Germany in the 1930s (before the Holocaust), quotes this passage:

“Everyone sees that life for the Jews is gradually shutting down. Take their neighbor and good friend, Dr. Meyer: one day he can no longer subscribe to newspapers and magazines; another, he has to hand in his bicycle and typewriter; another, he can no longer keep a pet or buy flowers. Then all the Jews simply start disappearing from the neighborhood.” The Nazi march to power literally begins with shutting Jews out of public life while using academia as the heavy hand of indoctrination. 

 Is this slowly happening to Jews in Canada today, as they are pushed out of or refused admittance to cultural events, colleges, universities, and graduate schools, academic university positions, publishing, music, theatre, and so on?  In “Canada’s Polite Pogrom, By Jesse Brown, Atlantic, March 24, 2026, he writes: “Is a national tolerance for zealotry purging Jews from public life?”  Jewish life in Canada may have “forever changed,” he argues. “I can no longer take for granted that people like me are represented in Canada’s hospitals, schools, newsrooms, and legislatures.” 

We may see the quiet withdrawal of Jews from Canadian society “without any glass or bones being broken,” simply because the evidence that they are no longer welcome has become overwhelming. Another writer calls it the social and academic “shtetelization” of Western Jewry.

We even face obstruction from the Canadian government. In just the last two years, eight explicitly Jewish non-profit charities, including the Jewish National Fund, have been stripped of their ability to collect tax-deductible donations by the Canada Revenue Agency — often amid pressure campaigns from anti-Israel activists. The delisting was also celebrated by the Professional Institute of the Public Service of Canada (PIPSC), the union representing CRA workers.

We now witness continuous large “pro-Palestinian” rallies through our cities, invasions of shopping malls and thoroughfares, including intimidating behaviour against Jewish passersby. Today, police stand and watch mobs chant for Israel’s destruction, call for the genocide of its people, harass visibly Jewish citizens, and drive antisemitic intimidation deep into urban life. They now believe their job is to enforce the law only if it does not risk upsetting violent constituencies. This makes Jews expendable, because defending them risks confrontation. 

And these events are not just “political protests.” At an al-Quds rally in Toronto March 14, protesters held signs that showed rats crawling out of a Star of David, depicting a Jewish man as a goblin-like creature emerging from a cave, and showing a Jewish man as a hook-nosed caricature.

Three Jewish synagogues in Toronto were hit with gunfire in one week in March. After every such incident, we hear that “antisemitism has no place in Canada.” But if that were true, synagogues would not require concrete barriers. Jewish schools would not need armed security. Community institutions would not conduct threat assessments before hosting events. Yet big city mayors like Toronto’s Olivia Chow don’t seem, to put it diplomatically, be losing much sleep over what’s going on in their cities.

The attacks on Jews, including physical assaults and social media campaigns, are part of a purposive campaign designed to make Jews think twice about gathering with other Jews, entering a synagogue, going to kosher restaurants, putting a mezuzah on the doorpost of their apartments or dorm rooms, or wearing a Jewish star around their necks. In fact people have been attacked on the street for speaking Hebrew.  

If each Jewish holiday will now be seen by antisemites as an opportunity for terror, then the prognosis for diaspora Jewry is bleak. Unless things change, Jewish life in the diaspora will become more sealed off from the larger society. 

We may be returning to a time that we thought was long behind us. And we are less prepared for it than our forebearers were, because they were used to living in a semi-segregated world, and expected less from the larger society. As large swaths of the Jewish community are beginning to retreat inward, the greater long-term fear is the collapse of Jewish life here altogether. 

Henry Srebrnik is a professor of political science at the University of Prince Edward Island.

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Features

Streaming the Diaspora: Jewish Stories in the Digital Age

The digital era has transformed how cultural narratives are created, shared, and preserved. For Jewish communities around the world, streaming platforms have become powerful tools for storytelling — enabling voices from different countries, traditions, and generations to connect in ways that were once impossible. What used to rely on local gatherings, printed texts, or regional broadcasts is now accessible globally, instantly, and interactively.

Streaming has allowed Jewish stories to transcend geography. Whether it’s historical documentaries, modern dramas, or personal testimonies, audiences can now explore a wide spectrum of perspectives — from Ashkenazi and Sephardic traditions to contemporary Israeli culture and diaspora experiences in North America, Europe, and beyond. This shift reflects not only technological progress but also a deeper need for identity, continuity, and shared memory.

A New Era of Cultural Storytelling

Streaming platforms have opened doors for creators who might previously have struggled to find mainstream distribution. Independent filmmakers, historians, and content creators now have the ability to reach global audiences without relying on traditional gatekeepers.

This has led to:

  • more diverse representation of Jewish identities
  • storytelling that blends history with modern perspectives
  • greater visibility for lesser-known traditions and communities

As media scholar Henry Jenkins noted,
“Digital culture allows stories to travel, evolve, and find new audiences beyond their original context.”

Jewish storytelling, rooted in centuries of oral and written tradition, naturally adapts to this model — evolving while maintaining its core themes of resilience, identity, and community.

The Role of Streaming in Preserving Memory

One of the most significant contributions of streaming platforms is the preservation of historical memory. Documentaries about the Holocaust, migration stories, and cultural archives are now widely accessible, allowing younger generations to engage with history in a more immediate and emotional way.

Streaming enables:

  • access to survivor testimonies and historical footage
  • educational content for global audiences
  • preservation of languages like Yiddish and Ladino

This accessibility helps ensure that stories are not lost, but instead reinterpreted and shared across generations.

Bridging Generations Through Digital Media

Another important aspect of streaming is its ability to connect different age groups. Older generations may bring lived experiences, while younger viewers engage through modern formats such as series, podcasts, and short-form video content.

This creates a dynamic exchange:

  1. elders share traditions and personal histories
  2. creators reinterpret these stories for modern audiences
  3. viewers engage, discuss, and reshape narratives in digital spaces

The result is a living, evolving cultural dialogue rather than a static archive.

Entertainment, Identity, and Digital Habits

In today’s digital ecosystem, cultural content exists alongside many forms of online entertainment. Users often move fluidly between watching series, engaging with interactive platforms, and exploring different types of digital experiences.

For instance, while streaming culturally rich content, users may also explore entertainment platforms featuring zoome slots, where interactivity, design, and engagement play a central role. Although the purposes differ, both environments reflect how digital platforms are designed to capture attention, create immersion, and keep users engaged through evolving content.

This coexistence highlights a broader reality: modern digital life blends education, culture, and entertainment into a single, continuous experience.

Challenges of Representation in the Digital Space

While streaming has expanded opportunities, it also raises important questions about representation and authenticity. Not all stories are told equally, and some narratives may be simplified or commercialized for broader appeal.

Key challenges include:

  • balancing authenticity with accessibility
  • avoiding stereotypes or oversimplification
  • ensuring diverse voices are included

Creators and platforms must navigate these issues carefully to maintain cultural integrity while reaching wider audiences.

The Globalization of Jewish Narratives

Streaming platforms have also contributed to the globalization of Jewish stories. A viewer in Canada can watch an Israeli drama, a French documentary, or an American series — all within the same platform. This interconnectedness allows for a richer understanding of how Jewish identity varies across regions while still sharing common roots.

This global reach encourages:

  • cross-cultural dialogue
  • broader empathy and understanding
  • new interpretations of identity in a modern context

Streaming vs Traditional Media

AspectStreaming PlatformsTraditional Media
AccessibilityGlobal, on-demandLimited by region and schedule
Diversity of contentHighOften restricted
Viewer interactionPossible (comments, sharing)Minimal
Content longevityLong-term availabilityTime-limited broadcasts
Entry for creatorsLower barrierHigh barrier

This comparison shows why streaming has become such a powerful medium for cultural storytelling.

Final Thoughts

The digital age has reshaped how Jewish stories are told, preserved, and experienced. Streaming platforms have turned local narratives into global conversations, allowing voices from across the diaspora to connect in meaningful ways.

By combining accessibility, diversity, and interactivity, streaming has created a new space where tradition meets innovation. As audiences continue to explore these stories alongside other forms of digital engagement, the importance of thoughtful, authentic storytelling becomes even more significant.

In this evolving landscape, Jewish narratives are not just being preserved — they are being reimagined, shared, and lived in real time across the digital world.

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U.S. Senate candidate from Michigan calls Israeli government ‘evil’ like Hamas

Michigan Senate candidate Abdul El-Sayed on Feb. 21. Photo by Evan Cobb for The Washington Post via Getty Images

Abdul El-Sayed, doubled down on his criticism of the Netanyahu government and defended campaigning with controversial streamer Hasan Piker

By Jacob Kornbluh (Posted April 19, 2026) “This story was originally published in the Forward Click here to get the Forward’s free email newsletters delivered to your inbox.”

FoAbdul El-Sayed, a U.S. Senate candidate from Michigan, said in an interview aired Sunday that the Israeli government is as “evil” as Hamas, sharpening his criticism of Israel in the closely-watched Democratic primary.

“Killing tens of thousands of people makes you pretty damn evil,” El-Sayed told CNN congressional reporter Manu Raja on the network’s Inside Politics program. “It’s not how evil is this one versus that one — Hamas: Evil, Israeli government: Evil. We can say both.”

El-Sayed, 41, is a physician and the son of Egyptian immigrants. He is seeking to channel the energy of the 2024 Uncommitted movement, which protested the Biden administration’s support for Israel in the war against Hamas in Gaza. He is also hoping to build on the surprise success of the New York City mayoral campaign of Zohran Mamdani in taking on the Democratic establishment.

He is locked in a dead heat with state Sen. Mallory McMorrow and Rep. Haley Stevens. The primary is set for Aug. 4.

Earlier this month, El-Sayed faced backlash for appearing alongside streamer Hasan Piker, who has been accused of antisemitic rhetoric — including saying that Hamas “is a thousand times better” than Israel. McMorrow, who is married to a Jewish man, and Stevens, who is closely aligned with AIPAC, have both criticized El-Sayed.

In the CNN interview, El-Sayed defended his decision to campaign with Piker, framing it as an effort to reach voters who feel alienated from traditional politics. “My understanding of America is, it’s a place where we have freedom of speech,” he said.

The Michigan Senate race is shaping up as one of the starkest tests of the Democratic coalition and how the party navigates policy towards Israel in Congress amid the wars in Gaza and Iran. The state is home to the largest concentration of Arab Americans in the United States.

Last week, 40 Senate Democrats voted to block $295 million for the transfer of bulldozers, used by the Israeli military to demolish homes in the West Bank and Gaza; 36 of them also supported a measure to block the sale of 1,000-pound bombs to the Jewish state. It shattered a previous high of 27 Democrats who backed a similar pair of resolutions of disapproval to block some weapons transfers last year.

Sen. Elissa Slotkin of Michigan, who is Jewish, was among those who voted for the measures. In remarks as they announced their votes, Democrats highlighted their opposition to the Israeli government’s policies in the occupied West Bank, the humanitarian situation in Gaza and the war with Iran.

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