Features
Young community leader calls for others to step up in countering antisemitism, Israel haters
By MYRON LOVE With incidents of Anti-Semitism growing worldwide, Candice Tenenbein is exhorting fellow Jewish Winnipeggers – and non-Jewish supporters – to step up their efforts to combat this unhinged scourge of Jew and Israel hatred.
“Antisemitism is the most virulent and oldest form of hate, and today often appears as anti-Zionism,” she says.
“Speak out. Share accurate information on social media. Have discussions with friends. Write letters to the editors. Phone or email your elected officials and ask to know where they stand. It just takes a few minutes but, if enough of us take action, we could have a significant impact.”
The other side of the coin, she notes, is to promote all the good that Israel does for people around the world from sending emergency response teams to help after natural disasters to providing world-leading technology to help people in developing countries to improve agricultural output, better care for their environments, have access to clean drinking water and improve healthcare.
“As a local Jewish community,” she adds, “we also need to explain how diverse our members are – we come from many countries (from Latin America, to Europe, to Israel, to Turkey, Iraq, Morocco and beyond) and we have members who are LGBTQ+ and BIPOC. Many of our community members are doing good in our own backyard. Newcomers, and Jews born and raised in Winnipeg, have contributed to the fabric of our society for a long time. We need to showcase these efforts for all Winnipegers to see that we are not the evil tropes that we are portrayed to be on social media.”
In her call for action, Tenenbein is leading by example. The 2017 recipient of the Harry Silverberg Young Leader of Distinction Award has played a prominent role within our Jewish community pretty much since she moved back here in 2003 after a short time living in Toronto.
Tenenbein credits her mother, the late Cheryl Arnold, for infusing her with a strong sense of Jewishness, community and Zionism. “Despite being a working single parent with three children, my mother was a member of Hadassah and National Council of Jewish Women, helped out at Ramah (where Tenenbein and her siblings went to elementary school) and was active at the Herzlia Synagogue.
Tenenbein herself was a member of BBYO in high school (Grant Park) and Hillel at university. “I used to study at the Hillel office and attended all of the Jewish programs that I could,” she recalls. While in university Tenenbein served as a student member of the University Senate. She then volunteered and worked for a Member of Parliament in both Winnipeg and on Parliament Hill in Ottawa.
After graduating from law school (at the University of Manitoba), she moved to Toronto to article at Davies, Ward, Phillips & Vineberg LLP. “I wanted to prove to myself that I could hold my own with University of Toronto graduates,” she says. “Despite it having the nickname ‘Slavies’, I loved the law firm I was working at. But I also wanted to get involved in the Toronto Jewish community and found that the community was not very welcoming. And I missed my family. So I made the decision to move home.
“Winnipeg is a wonderful place and people are a lot friendlier.”
Upon her return, Tenenbein wanted to focus her volunteer efforts in a manner that combined her interests of advocacy, politics and Judaism. She reached out to David Kroft in 2004. Upon his suggestion, she immediately became involved with the Jewish Federation of Winnipeg as a member of the JFW’s Public Affairs and Advocacy Committee (PAAC) and hasn’t looked back.
Professionally, she notes that she practiced law here at Tapper Cuddy LLP for less than two years. “Again, I loved my firm but I really did not like the business side of practicing law. I had also met my husband, Marshall, and he was in medical school. Between his studies and my schedule as a lawyer, we found it hard to make the time to build a relationship.”
When the opportunity to work at the University of Manitoba arose, she happily accepted the position as its government relations associate. After her first child, Jacob, was born, she chose to leave the workforce to become a full-time mom. But Tenenbein continued with her volunteer efforts. In fact, in addition to PAAC, she served a term as a member of the Federation’s Board of Directors in December 2011 shortly after her second son, Ethan, was born. In December 2018, she became co-chair of PAAC and a Federation executive committee member.
“When I was first asked to chair the committee (PAAC), I had a number of family commitments that prevented me from taking on the position,” she says. A year later when asked again, she agreed to come on, but initially in a co-chair fashion. “Laurelle Harris agreed to remain as co-chair with me. She was amazing.”
After a year, Harris stepped down, leaving Tenenbein in charge.
So what is PAAC’s mandate? “We reach out to media and elected officials at all levels of Canadian government regarding domestic and foreign-policy issues affecting Israel and the local Jewish community,” Tenenbein responds. “We are active Israeli advocates and fight antisemitism. We work to encourage people to become lay advocates in speaking for Israel and against antisemitism.
“We also provide community relations and outreach, working to build bridges with other ethnic minority and religious communities,” she adds, citing, for example, the Christian Zionist Bridges for Peace and the Indigenous communities.
In addition to her work with the PAAC, Tenenbein also served for three years as chair of PJ Library Winnipeg and recently ended a seven-year term as a member of the Women’s Endowment Committee at the Jewish Foundation of Manitoba. She is currently a member of the Board of the Jewish National Fund of Canada, Manitoba and Saskatchewan division and is the Chair of the Winnipeg Chavurah Chapter of the Canadian Jewish Political Affairs Committee.
And she and Marshall are determined to inculcate in their sons the same strong sense of connection to the Jewish people that they feel. Jacob and Ethan are going into Grades 7 and 5 respectively at Gray Academy in September. This summer the boys are attending Rady Camp at the Rady JCC and Jacob is currently at BB Camp in Kenora.
“It is important to us that our sons are proud to be Jewish and feel connected to our community. We love that Gray Academy provides our children with a religious education while also teaching them to become strong advocates through its Israel education and debating programs. Unfortunately in today’s world, these skills will be important and necessary assets when our boys reach university where antisemitic culture is prevalent.” Tenenbein says.
As to visiting Israel, although she was one of the participants on the first Birthright trip to Israel in 2000, she regretfully has not yet been able to return.
“Going on Birthright was life-changing,” she says. “I would not have gotten on my return flight had it not been for my family here.”
She says that she is hoping one day to organize and go on a community-run Federation or JNF family mission. “We could go on our own,” she comments, “but we believe that a JNF or Federation tour would be more meaningful.
“Once it’s built, I would really like to see the Beit KKL-JNF Canada House (which is being partially funded by monies raised at the most recent JNF Gala honouring Dr. Ted Lyons).
“Canada House,” she explains, “will serve as an after-school education, empowerment, and enrichment centre for high school students from Sderot and its surroundings. The students will be provided with the necessary tools and skills for scholastic and personal success in an engaging learning hub and an inviting, yet fortified, “second home” atmosphere. It is a phenomenal project that might work in Winnipeg for at-risk youth, too.”
Features
What Is Next for Israel and Hezbollah?
By HENRY SREBRNIK During Operation Rising Lion in 2025, the Iranians discovered that the proxies they had built up for years failed to provide the assistance expected of them. Hezbollah, their most important ally, refrained from opening a front against Israel.
But in the current war, Hezbollah’s Secretary-General Naim Qassem responded to pressure from Tehran and carried out his threat to open fire on Israel. It sent tens of thousands of Israelis in the Galilee into shelters several times a day. This time Hezbollah proved effective. What now?
On June 26, after a series of five bilateral meetings hosted by the United States, representatives of the Israeli, Lebanese, and U.S. governments signed the Trilateral Framework Agreement, declaring their shared “ambition to end conflict between them, ensure the sovereignty and security of both countries, and establish peaceful neighborly relations between the two countries.”
Israel and Lebanon agreed to a framework which would include the disarming of Hezbollah, the phased withdrawal of Israel from areas conquered over the last three years of war, and the deployment of the Western supported Lebanese Armed Forces (LAF) to the areas evacuated by Israel. So far, three “pilot zones” have been established, in the areas of Faroun, Srifa and Zawtar al-Gharbiya. “It’s the beginning of the beginning. There’s a lot of work ahead,” U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio said after the signing ceremony. That’s an understatement!
Lebanon’s President Joseph Aoun, a Maronite Christian, made his first ever White House visit on July 21. The Washington meeting with President Donald Trump, the first for a Lebanese president since 2009, was meant to move forward on the project to sever Lebanon from Iran’s orbit, disarm Tehran’s proxy Hezbollah, and pave a way toward Lebanon-Israel peace.
Aoun recalled that the army’s collapse in 1975 led to the emergence of militia groups, a civil war and the Palestinian takeover of the country’s south, which was used to launch attacks on Israel.
But there remain legitimate doubts about Beirut’s willingness to follow through on promises to disarm and dismantle Hezbollah. The last round of such efforts in late 2025 failed. Lebanese leaders have promised to disarm Hezbollah multiple times over the past thirty-five years, without success. The United States has sent the LAF more than $3 billion in aid since 2006. And yet two decades later, Hezbollah is still armed and still on Israel’s northern border.
“America needs to support the LAF,” Aoun told Trump. “Without the LAF,” he continued, “everything will collapse.” And as he told a group after his meeting with Trump, the aid must be “immediate and unconditional.” Could the army plausibly disarm Hezbollah? Since 2022 Washington has been paying LAF salaries directly, yet there has been no change.
The LAF is generally thought to consist of about 50 per cent Shia Lebanese among its rank and file, and around 30 per cent in its officer corps. Such a force would split along sectarian lines were it to be deployed against Hezbollah. Until Hezbollah’s control over the Shiite community weakens, it remains unclear whether the army can perform the task.
Anyhow, eliminating Hezbollah is virtually impossible, because its very existence is just part of what makes Lebanon an ongoing failed state. Hezbollah is not merely a military organization. It is the product of a particular geopolitical environment, a particular historical experience, and a particular understanding of survival.
Over the past four decades, it has evolved into a political party, social welfare provider, military force and ideological movement deeply rooted in Lebanon’s Shia communities. While military action can weaken it, the social and political foundations that sustain Hezbollah are much harder to remove.
The people who demand Hezbollah’s disarmament often begin with an idealized image of Lebanon rather than the Lebanon that exists. They imagine a state capable of protecting all its citizens equally and defending its borders independently. That is very far from reality.
Modern Lebanon was constructed around a delicate sectarian formula that sought to balance competing communities rather than forge a single national project. Lebanon’s sectarian power-sharing arrangement was formed under the National Pact of 1943 and the Taif Agreement of 1989. Different factions cultivated different external patrons, be they France, Iran, Saudi Arabia, or Syria. Political identity often became intertwined with foreign sponsorship and external alliances. The result was a state that never succeeded in creating a unified national consciousness.
For much of the country’s history, the Shia Muslims were widely regarded as the country’s most politically and economically marginalized community. They were often viewed with suspicion by the authorities and lacked the institutional recognition enjoyed by other religious communities.
So, for the Shia population, Hezbollah is not merely a political party or an armed movement. It is an insurance policy against annihilation. The Shia community in Lebanon looks around the region today and sees opponents everywhere — not just Israel, but Sunni Muslim militants ruling Syria, Turkey, Jordan, and Saudi Arabia as well – states that consider Shia Islam a heresy to be extinguished. (Lebanon’s own Sunnis also fit that description.) Under such conditions, disarmament begins to look like suicide.
President Donald Trump’s suggestion that Syria might get involved in Lebanon again is ridiculous. Any Syrian intervention under its new Sunni rulers would allow Hezbollah to claim credibly that Lebanon faces a new external threat. Whereas many Lebanese question Hezbollah’s claims that it is protecting Lebanon from Israel, there would likely be greater agreement that a Syrian incursion merits resistance. Many Lebanese would view it through the lens of Syria’s 29-year occupation of Lebanon, fuelling concerns about a return of Syrian influence over the country.
Since the fall of the Assad regime, Hezbollah has portrayed the new government in Damascus as a jihadi organization that seeks to carry out sectarian massacres against the Shias. This has actually increased Hezbollah’s legitimacy within its own support base – those who already view Hezbollah as a resistance movement that seeks to fight against any external actor.
Nonetheless, in the recent conflict Israel has significantly weakened Hezbollah. The organization since the Gaza war began has lost most of its long-range and heavy missiles, and about 8,000 of its fighters and commanders have been killed, out of roughly 30,000.
But Hezbollah has not been decisively defeated, nor will it be. The problem is that when a state is faced with an armed force on its soil that doesn’t want to disarm, the usual recourse available to the state is coercion. The Lebanese state has neither the will nor capacity to do so and is no longer sovereign, in any meaningful sense.
As long as the conditions that created Hezbollah remain intact, the expectation that it will voluntarily surrender its weapons will remain a fantasy. It is up to Israel alone to keep Hezbollah north of the Litani River, where the group’s short-distance missiles and drones cannot reach Israel’s population centres.
Henry Srebrnik is a professor emeritus of political science at the University of Prince Edward Island.
Features
WINNIPEG EMPLOYERS SHOULD USE AI TO TRAIN, NOT JUST TRIM
By Dr. GLEB TSIPURSKY Generative AI has already entered everyday Canadian work. Statistics Canada reported that 35.9% of workers used generative AI in the previous 12 months. For Winnipeg employers, the important question is no longer whether staff will use these tools. The more consequential question is what kind of workforce employers will build while they use them.
An updated Stanford University analysis found employment among workers ages 22 to 25 in AI-exposed occupations 19% below where it would be had it kept pace with less-exposed peers, with the gap widening over time. That trend should concern Winnipeg employers because the work most exposed to automation often overlaps with the work through which beginners develop professional judgment.
Entry-level employees do more than produce first drafts, conduct basic research, summarize information, prepare routine analyses, or handle standard customer questions. Those tasks are also training. Repetition teaches people what good work looks like, where common mistakes appear, when a situation is routine, and when something unusual requires escalation.
If employers simply remove that work, they may save time today while weakening the pipeline of people capable of handling harder work tomorrow. A firm can automate a junior task quickly. Rebuilding several years of missing experience later is much harder.
The better approach is to redesign entry-level work around AI-assisted apprenticeship. New employees can use AI to produce a first draft, but they should also verify the output against reliable sources. They can use AI to summarize a customer issue, but they should explain which facts matter and what remains uncertain. They can use AI to analyze routine information, but they should flag exceptions and bring consequential decisions to experienced colleagues.
That changes the role of junior employees without eliminating the learning built into the role. Instead of rewarding people for producing routine work manually, employers can reward them for checking AI output, spotting edge cases, asking better questions, and knowing when human judgment is required.
Managers also need to change how they supervise. If a junior employee submits an AI-assisted answer, the manager should ask how the employee verified it, what assumptions the system made, what could go wrong, and what would cause the employee to escalate the issue. Those questions turn AI use into a training process rather than a shortcut around learning.
Winnipeg’s small and mid-sized employers may be especially well positioned to take this approach. They often cannot afford to separate technology adoption, training, and talent development into different departments. The same manager who wants more productivity today also needs capable employees next year. That makes it practical to connect AI use directly to coaching and skill development.
Employers should also resist measuring AI adoption only by time saved or tasks completed. Those metrics matter, but they can hide whether the organization is developing stronger judgment. A more useful set of questions is whether employees are catching more errors, escalating the right exceptions, becoming more independent over time, and learning which decisions should remain human-led.
None of this requires employers to preserve every old task exactly as it was. Some routine work should disappear. The goal should be to preserve the learning function, not the old workflow. If AI removes one form of repetition, employers should deliberately replace it with another way for junior staff to practice, receive feedback, and encounter progressively harder decisions.
Winnipeg businesses can gain real productivity from AI without turning entry-level work into a dead end. The strongest employers will use AI to accelerate the development of beginners rather than treating beginners as the easiest cost to remove. That approach can improve productivity now while still producing the experienced professionals Winnipeg will need in the years ahead.
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Adapted from: The Psychology of AI Adoption at Work: From Resistance to Results (Georgetown University Press, 2026). https://disasteravoidanceexperts.com/aibook
Dr. Gleb Tsipursky, a behavioral scientist called the “Office Whisperer” by The New York Times, helps tech-forward leaders stop overpaying for AI while boosting engagement and innovation. He serves as the CEO of the AI consultancy Disaster Avoidance Experts, and wrote eight books, including The Psychology of AI Adoption at Work: From Resistance to Results (Georgetown University Press, 2026).
Features
IPL 2026/27 Preview: Beer Sheva Defends Its Crown
Israeli football enters the 2026/27 season with a genuinely open title race for the first time in years. Hapoel Beer Sheva claimed a dramatic sixth championship last May, edging Beitar Jerusalem by just three points after a campaign interrupted by regional conflict and settled almost entirely on head-to-head form. That kind of finish leaves scores unsettled, and every major club has spent the summer either reinforcing a title push or plotting revenge. With four Israeli sides now competing in European qualifiers simultaneously, the new Ligat ha’Al campaign carries more weight than it has in years.
How Beer Sheva Won It
Ran Kozuk’s side did not simply outscore the league last season; they won the moments that mattered against the team chasing them hardest. Beitar Jerusalem lost twice to Beersheba across the regular campaign and could only draw both playoff meetings, a pattern one report summed up bluntly: if you want to be champions, you have to beat the champions, and Beitar never managed it. Kings Kangwa was named the league’s most valuable player, while captain Miguel Vitor and goalkeeper Ofir Marciano anchored a squad that closed out the title with a 4-2 win over Maccabi Tel Aviv. Owner Alona Barkat has kept that core together, giving Beersheba a real shot at back-to-back titles, assuming Champions League fixtures don’t wear the squad down.
Beitar’s Response and the Chase Pack
Losing a title race by three points after leading for large stretches tends to force change, and Beitar Jerusalem has responded accordingly. Almog Cohen, previously the club’s sporting director, has stepped into the head coach role, replacing Barak Itzhaki after the campaign ended in disappointment. Captain Yarden Shua, veteran forward Omer Atzili and Dor Hugi remain the attacking core, though the club opens the season without injured midfielder Adi Yona, a blow given how much Beitar leaned on midfield control last year. Maccabi Tel Aviv arrives with a different kind of statement: despite finishing outside the top two domestically, they won the Israel State Cup in a chaotic 2-1 final against Beersheba that produced six red cards, suggesting the squad has quality to challenge again even if consistency remains the question mark.
The Return of European Football on a Bigger Scale
What separates this season from recent ones is the sheer number of Israeli clubs competing for continental places at once. Beersheba enters Champions League qualifying as domestic champions, though for security reasons their ties have been relocated to Szombathely, Hungary rather than played at home. Maccabi Tel Aviv, seeded thanks to a healthy UEFA coefficient, goes into Europa League qualifying against the winner of Sheriff Tiraspol and Aluminij. Beitar Jerusalem and Hapoel Tel Aviv both enter Conference League qualifying, the latter having secured their spot via a fourth-place playoff finish. Playing qualifiers on neutral ground has become routine for Israeli clubs, and it hasn’t stopped them from competing credibly.
Mid-Table Ambition and the Promotion Effect
Beyond the four clubs chasing European nights, the middle of the table looks unusually competitive heading into August. Hapoel Petah Tikva and Hapoel Tel Aviv both returned to the top flight after a season away, and Hapoel Tel Aviv’s playoff run last term shows promoted clubs can climb quickly rather than simply survive. Maccabi Haifa and Ironi Kiryat Shmona, both capable of springing results against the traditional big three, will look to use a full pre-season to close the gap. That added depth tends to produce the unpredictable midweek results that make a 14-team division worth following from the opening whistle.
What to Watch as the Season Kicks Off
Beersheba’s fixture list is the one to track first, since balancing Champions League qualifying with league form in August and September will say a great deal about whether this squad has the depth to go back-to-back. Beitar’s response under a rookie head coach is the second storyline, particularly whether Cohen can get more out of a group that dominated possession last season but couldn’t finish off the champions when it counted. For fans following these storylines match by match, tracking how the market prices each side into the opening rounds is a useful gauge of who bookmakers actually rate, and anyone comparing options for the season ahead can check out the best betting sites in Canada for a sense of how odds and coverage are shaping up before a ball is kicked.
Between a defending champion carrying continental fixture congestion, a rival reshaping its coaching staff, and a deepening mid-table, Ligat ha’Al enters the new season with more storylines running in parallel than it has had in years. Whether Beer Sheva backs up their sixth title or Beitar finally converts near misses into silverware, the opening weeks should offer the first real clues.
