An Israeli flag and an American flag fly at Abu Dhabi International Airport before the arrival of Israeli and U.S. officials, in Abu Dhabi, United Arab Emirates August 31, 2020. REUTERS/Christoper Pike

Eight days before Hamas’ barbaric invasion of Israel, President Biden’s National Security Advisor, Jake Sullivan, declared, “The Middle East region is quieter today than it has been in two decades.”

That single statement epitomized an administration that never understood that Israel’s national security is directly related to that of the United States, and that US foreign policy can directly – and negatively – impact Israel’s security as it did on October 7, 2023.

This is one of the premises of former Deputy National Security Council Advisor Victoria Coates’ The Battle for the Jewish State: How Israel – and America – Can Win. Senator Ted Cruz penned the forward for the book noting, “[Hamas’] war is not just being waged against the United States, our citizens, and our national security interests. The objective of Israel’s enemies is not just the elimination of the Jewish state, but also Western civilization, led by America writ large.”

The Battle for the Jewish State serves as a reminder of why a strong US-Israel alliance is not only critically important to both countries’ national security interests, but also stability in the region more generally. When a strong alliance is the basis for US policy, as was the case under Donald Trump, relative quiet is accompanied by new alliances among Israel and her neighbors. When US policy is based on daylight between the two nations, as implemented by Barack Obama and Joe Biden, who sought to realign the region by elevating, enriching, and empowering the Islamic Republic of Iran, war results.

Coates sets out to address how we got to October 7th, where we are now, and what our policy options are going forward, understanding that the values of both countries are at stake in this existential war.

As to how we got here, she says that Obama/Biden foreign policy is the main culprit. Post-10/7, US policy has consisted of equivocation and suggestions of moral equivalence between Israelis and Palestinian terror groups and terror-supporting leaders, calls for a ceasefire, unprecedented demands that Israel provide humanitarian aid to its enemies, absurd talk of creating a Palestinian state despite the attack, and a partial arms embargo — on Israel.  

The media regurgitates Hamas talking points on civilian death tolls and starving civilians, and legitimizes terrorism as a tactic of resistance. Hamas-support networks, international non-governmental organizations, and the flagrantly antisemitic United Nations have all played active roles in delegitimizing Israel’s right to exist while bolstering Palestinian propaganda and the establishment of a Palestinian state.

But throughout the book, Coates weaves in the role of cultural Marxism which begins with the 30-year march of Critical Race Theory (CRT) through higher education. She recognizes that the indoctrination from childhood into the cultural-Marxist construct of the “oppressors” versus the “oppressed” has reflexively supported the Palestinians as the oppressed party in the conflict with Israel, consigning the Jewish State, but also Jews around the world, to the category of “oppressors.”

Thus, do we see generations of brainwashed extremists infiltrating American institutions that begin in academia but permeate the media, corporate board rooms, and local, state, and federal governments. As Coates points out, it’s not surprising that Hamas invents propaganda to demonize Israel; what is shocking, however, is that senior members of the Biden administration including the president himself amplify and legitimize the lies. Coates compares the perpetuation of this warped narrative by campus radicals to the “Vietnam playbook of counterculture resistance” which is being used today to destroy the US-Israel alliance.

CRT proponents may repudiate history as they wrap themselves in Keffiyeh-adorned anti-Zionism, but Coates’ book makes a strong case for an incoming Trump administration to cease the indoctrination destroying the hearts and minds of American students. Recognizing that the “progressive rejection of ‘Judeo-Christian values’ in recent years…threatens both the legacy of our greatest American leaders and our alliance with the state of Israel,” she writes, “The great lesson of the Holocaust should be that antisemitism is a noxious cancer that can corrupt and consume a great culture. It is tolerated and justified at our peril.”

The second chapter of The Battle for the Jewish State tells the story of a long-standing tradition of American sympathy for Judaism and support for the Jewish State. The understanding that the US and Israel, the “Start-Up Nation” with scientific geniuses like Chaim Weizmann, face common enemies has led to a strong alliance that includes intelligence sharing, military collaboration, and economic partnerships.

If only the Palestinians realized the reality that alliance presents. Referring to Ze’ev Jabotinsky’s 1923 essay “The Iron Wall,” which recognized that until the Palestinians accept that the Jewish state is not going away, their “Plan A” will always be the eradication of Israel, Coates concludes, “If a president of the United States ever decides to acknowledge the actual truth and unequivocally declare Israel’s victory, the sad history of US engagement in Vietnam may not need to play out again in the Middle East.” 

And yet US administrations continue the futility of failed attempts at a two-state solution which ultimately led to the disastrous Oslo Accords and other misguided mistakes under both Republican and Democrat administrations. But it’s Obama’s legacy that brought us to where we are today, with his pivot to Iran and claims in a speech in 2013 that “the only way to endure and thrive as a Jewish and democratic state is through the realization of an independent and viable Palestine.” With Biden’s foreign policy team comprised of Obama alumni, the Palestinians’ Plan A seemingly became US foreign policy. October 7th was the result.

What’s next? In the final chapter, Coates sets forth policy recommendations the basis of which can best be summarized in a quote from a 2016 Trump’s speech: “[W]hen the United States stands with Israel, the chances of peace really rise and rises exponentially…we will send a clear signal that there is no daylight between America and our most reliable ally, the state of Israel. The Palestinians must come to the table knowing that the bond between the United States and Israel is absolutely, totally unbreakable.”

One can only imagine what would have transpired over the past four years if Trump had won a second term: peace with expansion of the Abraham Accords to include Saudi Arabia and others, the fall of the Islamic Republic through continued maximum pressure, weakened Houthis and freedom of navigation in the Red Sea, 1200 Israeli civilian lives saved, and the Palestinians moving on to “Plan B.”

Notably, the antisemitism genie would still be locked inside its bottle, and on this front, Coates has much to recommend understanding how this corrosive ideology harms both Israel and the United States. Understanding that “American antisemitism isn’t just hatred of Jews, it is hatred of the very essence of the United States as well,” Coates lays out several prescriptions to address the scourge.

The Battle for the Jewish State provides a roadmap for Israeli victory but also for a stronger US that returns to its Judeo-Christian values and that once again leads the West in navigating these dangerous and tumultuous times. That begins by abandoning generations of failed policies that emboldened Palestinians while once again recognizing that Israel is a vital ally helping to project American power throughout the region and bringing peace in its wake.

Lauri B. Regan is the Vice Chair of the Endowment for Middle East Truth, Vice President and Treasurer of Scholars for Peace in the Middle East, and board member of Polaris National Security.