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I’m a Jewish historian; my grandparents ran a deli. Maybe we’re in the same business.
(JTA) — Like so many other American Jews from the New York area, I have been eagerly awaiting “I’ll Have What She’s Having,” the new exhibit on the American Jewish deli now on view at the New-York Historical Society. After all, the deli was our family business.
I grew up on Long Island during the baby boom era, when large groups of Jews moved to the suburbs. New synagogues opened in almost every town, and Jewish bakeries, shops and schools proliferated around them.
My family had its pick of half a dozen kosher delis within 20 minutes of our home. We tried them all but came to especially enjoy Brodie’s Kosher Delicatessen, in the Mitchel Manor Shopping Plaza in East Meadow. Like Brodie’s, most of these delis were modest storefronts, with little ambience and a straightforward menu of traditional Eastern European Jewish food and deli meats. Nothing fancy, but it was kosher and delicious and enjoyed by the whole family.
Eating in any of these delis carried special meaning for us because the experience served as a connection to our extended family, who had a long and rich history in the delicatessen world.
After immigrating from Eastern Europe, my grandfather and his brother established themselves in the food business, eventually starting a kosher catering company. In order to continue supporting their growing families, my great-uncle Abe kept the catering business, and in 1929 my grandfather Morris opened Rubin’s Delicatessen. Located in Brookline, Massachusetts, a suburb of Boston, its first location boasted only five tables.
The deli truly was a family business. My grandmother kept the books, my grandfather’s sister Bessie ran the kitchen and my grandfather worked at the deli counter. Bessie made all the home-cooked food, including an unforgettable hearty vegetable soup, meat knishes, russel (fleishig, or meat-based, beet soup), pot roast, roast chicken, eingemacht (a kind of beet candy preserves), taiglach (a dough and honey sweet dessert for Rosh Hashanah), jelly roll and mandlen (soup nuts). During busy times, such as before Passover and Rosh Hashanah, my grandmother and other great aunts came in and worked together to bake 4-pound sponge cakes.
The clientele of Rubin’s was something of a “Who’s Who” of Boston Jewry. As in Jewish delis around the country, businesspeople conducted informal meetings there, rabbis stopped in for lunch during their busy days and customers stopped by to pick up essential provisions or to enjoy a quick bite.
As the years passed and my grandparents got older, discussions about the future of Rubin’s began. Instead of taking over the family business, my father and his brothers pursued career paths outside of the deli, becoming religious leaders and Jewish professionals. My grandparents were proud that their children had pursued white-collar professions. And, in many ways, those children carried on a family business: The spiritual sustenance they provided as rabbis and social workers was an extension of the physical sustenance the deli provided through chicken soup and pastrami sandwiches.
This sense of providing intellectual, emotional and religious nourishment to the Jewish people has continued in various forms through several generations of my family, including my own choices as a Jewish historian, educator and institution builder.
Rabbi Moshe Schwartz, the author’s son, in front of a sign for the deli founded by his great-grandfather in Brookline, Mass., which by the time it closed in 2016 was located down the street from its original location. (Courtesy of Shuly Rubin Schwartz)
When it finally came time for my grandfather to hang up his apron in June 1974, he had one stipulation when selling the business to his great-nephew: “the Seller has for many years conducted the aforesaid business as a kosher delicatessen and restaurant under the supervision of the Vaad of the Associated Synagogues and wishes to maintain the kosher status of said business so long as the business is conducted under the name of ‘Rubin’ on said premises or on any other premises to which it may be moved.”
After all those years, his final wish was to keep the “kosher” in his “kosher deli.”
Rubin’s changed hands a few more times but eventually closed its doors in the summer of 2016, a milestone noted in Boston Magazine.
For many of us, my family especially, the kosher deli experience wasn’t just about the food (although the food of course was delicious and satisfying). Visiting and eating at a Jewish deli became a safe space, a deep link to previous generations, a fun way to comply with Jewish dietary laws, and a place to feel both Jewish and American. Deli meals didn’t simply provide nourishment, they provided comfort — true comfort food — and a way to connect to some of our Jewish traditions.
“’I’ll Have What She’s Having’: The Jewish Deli” tells the story of how Jewish immigrants like my grandparents helped create a new type of American restaurant and an important piece of American food culture. Reflecting on the many stories I heard about the business growing up, the too-numerous-to-count meals I ate when visiting my grandparents, and the memories of family, Jewish culture and delicious food, I know my visit to the New-York Historical Society will be both emotional and stimulating.
And I think I know what I’ll have for lunch after my visit.
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Hezbollah Leader Leaves Open Possibility of New War With Israel
Lebanon’s Hezbollah Chief Naim Qassem gives a televised speech from an unknown location, July 30, 2025, in this screen grab from video. Photo: Al Manar TV/REUTERS TV/via REUTERS
The head of Lebanese terrorist group Hezbollah said on Friday it retained the right to respond to Israel‘s killing days ago of its top military commander and left open the possibility of a new conflict with Israel.
Naim Qassem spoke in a televised address as fears grew in Lebanon that Israel could escalate its bombardment of the country to compel Iran-backed Hezbollah to relinquish its arsenal across the country, which the group has repeatedly rejected.
Israel‘s killing of Hezbollah’s top military commander Haytham Ali Tabtabai in a strike on Beirut’s southern suburbs on Nov. 23 sharpened those worries.
Qassem said the group would “set the timing” for any retaliation, and said threats of a broader air campaign had no impact on the group – but that renewed war was possible.
“Do you expect a war later? It’s possible sometime. Yes, this possibility is there, and the possibility of no war is also there,” Qassem said.
Qassem did not explicitly say what the group’s position would be in a new war but said Lebanon should prepare a plan to confront Israel that relies on “its army and its people.”
Qassem also said he hoped Pope Leo’s upcoming visit to Lebanon “will play a role in bringing about peace and ending the [Israeli] aggression.”
Lebanon is under growing pressure from both Israel and the United States to more swiftly disarm Hezbollah and other militant groups across the country.
Moments after Qassem’s speech ended, Israeli military spokesperson Avichay Adraee said the Lebanese army’s efforts to seize Hezbollah weapons in the country’s south were “inadequate.”
“Hezbollah continues to manipulate them and work covertly to maintain its arsenal,” Adraee said in a post on X.
But Hezbollah has said it is unwilling to let go of its arms as long as Israel continues its strikes on Lebanese territory and its occupation of five points in the country’s south.
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Supermajority of US Jews See Mamdani as Anti-Israel and Antisemitic, Poll Finds
New York City mayor-elect Zohran Mamdani attends a press conference at the Unisphere in the Queens borough of New York City, US, Nov. 5, 2025. Photo: REUTERS/Kylie Cooper
A strong majority of American Jews perceive New York City Mayor-elect Zohran Mamdani as both anti-Israel and antisemitic, according to a new poll from the Jewish People Policy Institute.
The “Voice of the Jewish People Index for November” reveals a stark and alarming divide between the incoming Mamdani administration and a significant portion of the Jewish population. According to the poll, a substantial two-thirds, 64 percent, of US Jews now perceive him as both anti-Israel and antisemitic, marking the highest percentage recorded for this metric since tracking began earlier this year. Only 9 percent of Jews perceive him as neither anti-Israel nor antisemitic.
Anxieties over Mamdani transcend political lines, with strong majorities of Jews across all but the “strong liberal” cohort believing he holds antisemitic and anti-Israel views. Mamdani’s victory has elicited a strong emotional response, with the dominant post-election sentiment reported being “concern” at 56 percent. In contrast, only 13 percent indicated feeling “hope” after his victory.
The survey of US Jewry paints a picture of a community increasingly on edge over anti-Israel hostility being legitimized in high-profile political office, with the Mamdani election serving as a critical tipping point. Crucially, this apprehension translates directly into fears for physical safety. An overwhelming 67 percent of respondents believe Mamdani’s elevation to office will lead to a direct decline in the security of New York’s Jewish residents, according to the poll.
The results come after Mamdani faced intense criticism from Jewish leaders and pro-Israel advocates for issuing a statement that appeared to legitimize a gathering of demonstrators who called for violence against Jews outside a prominent New York City synagogue last week. The protesters were harassing those attending an event being held by Nefesh B’nefesh, a Zionist organization that helps Jews immigrate to Israel, at Park East Synagogue in Manhattan.
The mayor-elect issued a statement that “discouraged” the extreme rhetoric used by the protesters but did not unequivocally condemn the harassment of Jews outside their own house of worship. Mamdani’s office notably also criticized the synagogue, with his team describing the event inside as a “violation of international law,” an allegation apparently referencing Israel’s settlement policies in the West Bank.
The Jewish People Policy Institute’s poll also reveals that a commanding 70 percent of US Jews self-identify as Zionist, reinforcing that support for Israel is a central, non-negotiable pillar of their identity. Conversely, only 3 percent of respondents identify as anti-Zionist, undercutting the notion that support for the Jewish state is not popular among the vast majority of the Jewish community. Furthermore, a decisive majority of 72 percent indicated that anti-Zionism is antisemitism, while a mere 11 percent indicated that anti-Zionism and antisemitism represent two separate belief systems.
On the broader security landscape, concern over rising antisemitism is nearly universal. While a majority (62 percent) expressed concern about antisemitism emanating from both the political right and left, the breakdown confirms a distinct partisan fear. Staunchly liberal Jews are more worried about the right, while staunchly conservative Jews are more worried about the left, though the anxiety itself is broad and deep.
In recent months, popular conservative pundits such as Tucker Carlson and Candace Owens have gone viral by launching antisemitic tirades and participating in Holocaust denialism, underscoring concern that anti-Jewish opinions are becoming mainstreamed among the American right. Likewise, anti-Israel protests have ravaged American universities in the two years following the Hamas-led Oct. 7, 2023, slaughters in Israel, highlighting the pervasiveness of anti-Jewish sentiment in left-leaning spaces such as academia.
The Big Apple has been ravaged by a surge in antisemitic incidents since Hamas’s Oct. 7, 2023, massacre across southern Israel. According to police data, Jews were targeted in the majority of hate crimes perpetrated in New York City last year. Meanwhile, pro-Hamas activists have held raucous — and sometimes violent — protests on the city’s college campuses, oftentimes causing Jewish students to fear for their safety.
Mamdani, a far-left democratic socialist and anti-Zionist, is an avid supporter of boycotting all Israeli-tied entities who has been widely accused of promoting antisemitic rhetoric. He has repeatedly accused Israel of “apartheid” and “genocide”; refused to recognize the country’s right to exist as a Jewish state; and refused to explicitly condemn the phrase “globalize the intifada,” which has been associated with calls for violence against Jews and Israelis worldwide.
Leading members of the Jewish community in New York have expressed alarm about Mamdani’s victory, fearing what may come in a city already experiencing a surge in antisemitic hate crimes.
A Sienna Research Institute released in early November poll revealed that a whopping 72 percent of Jewish New Yorkers believe that Mamdani will be “bad” for the city. A mere 18 percent hold a favorable view of Mamdani. Conversely, 67 percent view him unfavorably.
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Somaliland Partnership Could Be a ‘Game Changer’ for Israel in Countering Houthis, Experts Say
Smoke billows following an Israeli air strike in Sanaa, Yemen, Sept. 10, 2025. Photo: REUTERS/Khaled Abdullah
Israel’s potential partnership with Somaliland could be a “game changer,” boosting the Jewish state’s ability to counter the Yemen-based Houthi terrorist group while offering strategic and geographic advantages amid shifting regional power dynamics, experts assessed.
The Institute for National Security Studies (INSS), a prominent Israeli think tank, released a new report arguing that Somaliland’s strategic position along the Red Sea, its closeness to Houthi-controlled areas in Yemen, and its willingness to work with pro-Western states could make it a key ally for Israel, benefiting both nations amid rising regional volatility.
Somaliland is an unrecognized state in the Horn of Africa, situated on the southern coast of the Gulf of Aden and bordered by Djibouti to the northwest, Ethiopia to the south and west, and Somalia to the east.
Unlike most other states in the region, Somaliland has relative security, regular elections, and a degree of political stability — qualities that could make it a valuable partner for international allies and a key player in regional cooperation.
“Somaliland’s significance lies in its geostrategic location and in its willingness — as a stable, moderate, and reliable state in a volatile region — to work closely with Western countries,” the INSS report said.
“Somaliland’s territory could serve as a forward base for multiple missions: intelligence monitoring of the Houthis and their armament efforts; logistical support for Yemen’s legitimate government in its war against them; and a platform for direct operations against the Houthis,” it continued.
The Iran-backed terrorist group has been waging an insurgency in Yemen for the past two decades in a bid to overthrow the Yemeni government.
Since 2014, the Houthis have controlled a significant portion of the country’s northern territory and areas along the Red Sea, which they captured in the midst of a civil war.
The Yemeni terrorist group began severely disrupting global trade with attacks on shipping in the Red Sea corridor following the Hamas-led invasion of and massacre across southern Israel on Oct.7, 2023, arguing their aggression was a show of support for Palestinians in Gaza.
Since the start of the Israel-Hamas war, Houthi terrorists in Yemen have regularly launched missiles and drone attacks targeting the Jewish state. However, the Iran-backed group has stopped firing in recent weeks, amid the current ceasefire in Gaza.
The Houthi rebels — whose slogan is “death to America, death to Israel, curse the Jews, and victory to Islam” — said they would target all ships heading to Israeli ports, even if they did not pass through the Red Sea.
According to the newly released study, Israel could gain multiple advantages from formal recognition of Somaliland, including a pro-Western partner with substantial mineral resources and a rare foothold of stability along the Red Sea.
Beyond targeting Israel, the Houthis have threatened — and in some cases attacked — US and British ships, prompting both Western allies to carry out multiple retaliatory strikes against Houthi targets in Yemen. The US and the Houthis reached a ceasefire in May that did not include Israel.
“Since the Gulf states, the United States, and Israel have all fought the Houthis in recent years without achieving a decisive outcome, Somaliland’s location — and the possibility of operating from its territory — could be a game changer,” the study noted.
In the wake of the Oct. 7 atrocities, the Houthis — designated as a terrorist organization by several countries including the US, Saudi Arabia, Malaysia, the United Arab Emirates, Australia, Canada, New Zealand, and Israel — have launched over 200 missiles and 170 attack drones in repeated attacks against the Jewish state.
“Beyond its valuable location, no less important is the fact that Somaliland’s government is eager for broad cooperation with pro-Western states — a combination of willingness and capability,” the report said.
“Messages from Somaliland indicate that [the country] is prepared to maintain broad security relations with the US, including hosting an American base, and even with Israel,” it continued.
Amid rising tensions in the Red Sea and shifting regional dynamics, the report noted that informal contacts already exist between senior officials of the two states, paving the way for potentially significant formal relations.
At a time when Israel is facing a hostile campaign from some Western and regional actors, Somaliland’s largely pro-Israel public discourse suggests it could serve as a reliable and supportive partner in the region, according to INSS.