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My Family Fled Anti-Jewish Persecution; Now I See It on My College Campus
When I was a child, being Jewish was cool. Hanukkah had eight nights, instead of one day for Christmas. Rosh Hashanah and Yom Kippur were days I was able to skip school. Friends would tell me, “I wish I was Jewish.”
I don’t think they would say that now.
Both sides of my family immigrated to the United States so they could enjoy religious and cultural freedom without fear of persecution. In the 1700s, relatives from my mother’s side gave up their freedom to become indentured servants in America, so that they could escape persecution in England and comfortably practice their religion.
My great grandfather on my father’s side, after receiving a tip from a non-Jewish friend about the rise of the Nazis, left Poland with his family, and made the treacherous journey to seek refuge in the Jewish homeland. They came to Tel Aviv, and my grandfather grew up in the state of Israel. Eventually, my grandparents moved to New York so that they could raise their children in a place where they didn’t have to defend their existence as Jews against those trying to destroy our Jewish homeland. They found solace in New York, where my family became part of a tight-knit Jewish community.
My mom converted to Judaism in her early twenties before marrying my American Israeli dad. She related to the spiritual aspects of Judaism and its values, and wanted to raise my brother and me in a Jewish home.
Because they could practice Judaism proudly and safely, my parents thought that my brother and I would grow up in safety as a Jewish American.
But they were wrong.
In high school, I noticed that the “cool” part of my identity began to distance me from my peers. My friends — who previously claimed that they loved latkes — drew swastikas on the wall of our math class. They said nothing when a group of students in our JROTC program started a neo-Nazi chapter, publicly singling out Jewish students on Instagram.
I watched as these same students, who had once supported my Jewish identity and celebrated it with me, rejected me as soon as it became the social norm to do so.
I watched them sit silently when there was a shooting at the Chabad of Poway synagogue in my hometown of San Diego. They turned their backs on discrimination against Jews, and were silent as I watched the repercussions of their inaction grow — including armed guards at my synagogue, and fear for our lives as those who want to practice our religion publicly.
As I started college at UC Davis, I hoped for a better climate for Jewish people. My peers seemed so determined to stand up against hate directed towards minorities. They showed tolerance towards everyone’s world views, taking into account the definitions each group set for themselves, avoiding stereotypes, and carefully defining hateful words and actions by how they impacted the recipients.
Until those hurtful words came for the Jews.
My campus has become two places for me. First, the Jewish community at UC Davis has brought me closer to my Jewish identity. I can walk to Hillel and find comfort as a Jew. I have friends who, while not Jewish themselves, have been tireless in their dedication to understanding my culture and religion, and have stood by my side without hesitation since October 7. My Jewish community showed up in the hundreds to a vigil for our Jewish brothers and sisters in Israel after the biggest pogrom against Jewish people since the Holocaust.
Yet there is the other side of UC Davis that makes me wonder why the families I descend from thought we would be safe here. Within a week after the October 7 massacre, in front of the Student Senate and approximately 50 radical protesters, Jewish students relayed our most vulnerable feelings about our families being under attack, and about girls my age being sexually assaulted. While we mourned and expressed our grief, the protestors laughed and gas-lit us, denied our Jewish pain and history, and downplayed the violence our community had not seen since the Holocaust — when, in fact, it was that kind of antisemitism that eventually led to the Holocaust in Europe.
Far too many of my peers didn’t say anything in response to their Jewish friends crying for support. Doors were shut in our faces, and closed to our perspective. As we listened to former friends chanting, “We don’t want no Jewish state,” Jewish students learned and felt the fear that our families had come to America to protect us from.
After a month, I hoped the trend would move on, just like every movement tends to. But the protests got worse. I began avoiding sections of campus. I would self-censor and only have conversations about Jewish life within the walls of Hillel, where I felt safe behind the secured doors. I felt, and still feel, a sword digging into my heart, every day, turned by the hand of a society that fails to recognize how its normalization of antisemitism has led to a war-zone on college campuses.
On my college campus, my peers and I are yelled at, flipped off, and physically kicked and pushed for being Jewish and standing with our ancestral homeland. While many of our peers call for people to not even speak to me, I cry out for anyone to even consider my voice.
I’m left to wonder, am I safe as a Jew in America?
The post My Family Fled Anti-Jewish Persecution; Now I See It on My College Campus first appeared on Algemeiner.com.
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New Poll: Majority of NYC Voters ‘Less Likely’ to Support Mamdani Over His Refusal to Condemn ‘Globalize the Intifada’
Zohran Mamdani. Photo: Ron Adar / SOPA Images via Reuters Connect
In a warning sign for the campaign of Democratic nominee for mayor of New York Zohran Mamdani, a majority of city voters in a new poll say the candidate’s hardline anti-Israel stance makes them less likely to vote for him.
In the survey of likely city voters conducted by American Pulse, 52.5 percent said Mamdani’s refusal to condemn the slogan “globalize the intifada” coupled with his backing of the Boycott, Divestment, and Sanctions (BDS) movement made them less likely to vote for him in November. Just 31% of city voters polled were more likely to support him because of these positions.
At the same time, a significant share of young New York City voters support Mamdani’s anti-Israel positioning, a striking sign of shifting generational views on Israel and the Palestinian cause.
Nearly half of voters aged 18 to 44 (46 percent) said the State Assembly member’s backing for BDS and “refusal to condemn the phrase ‘globalize the intifada’” made them more likely to support him.
Mamdani, a democratic socialist from Queens, has been under fire for defending “globalize the intifada,” a slogan many Jewish groups associate with incitement to violence against Israel and Jews. While critics argue it glorifies terrorism, supporters claim it’s a call for international solidarity with oppressed peoples, especially Palestinians. Mamdani has also voiced support for BDS, a movement widely condemned by mainstream Jewish organizations as antisemitic for singling out Israel.
The generational divide exposed by the poll comes amid a broader political realignment. Younger progressives across the country are increasingly critical of Israeli policies, especially in the wake of the Gaza war, and more receptive to Palestinian activism. But to many Jewish leaders, Mamdani’s rising support is alarming.
Rabbi David Wolpe, visiting scholar at Harvard University, condemned the phrase with a sarcastic analogy.
“‘Globalize the intifada’ is just a political slogan,” he said. “Like ‘The cockroaches must be exterminated’ was just a housing authority slogan in Rwanda.”
Jewish organizations have reported a surge in antisemitic incidents in New York and across the U.S. since the outbreak of the Israel-Hamas war last fall. The blending of anti-Zionist slogans with calls for “intifada,” historically linked to violent uprisings, has deepened fears among Jewish communities that traditional red lines are being crossed.
Whether this emerging coalition reshapes New York politics remains to be seen. However, the poll indicates that among younger voters, views that were once considered fringe are quickly moving into the mainstream.
The post New Poll: Majority of NYC Voters ‘Less Likely’ to Support Mamdani Over His Refusal to Condemn ‘Globalize the Intifada’ first appeared on Algemeiner.com.
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Report: Jews Targeted at June’s Pride Month Events
A Jewish gay pride flag. Photo: Twitter.
The research division of the Combat Antisemitism Movement (CAM) released a report on Wednesday detailing incidents of hate against Jews which took place last month during demonstrations in celebration of LGBTQ rights and identity.
Incidents reported by the group include:
- At a Pride march in Wales, the activists Cymru Queers for Palestine chose to block the path and show a sign that said “Profiting from genocide,” an attempt to link the event’s sponsors — such as Amazon — to the war in Gaza.
- A Dublin Pride march saw the participation of the Ireland-Palestine Solidarity Campaign, which labeled Israel a “genocidal entity.”
- In Toronto at a late June Pride march, demonstrators again attacked organizers with a sign declaring, “Pride partners with genocide.”
CAM also identified a recurring narrative deployed against Israel by some far-left activists: so-called “pinkwashing,” a term which the Boycott, Divest, Sanctions (BDS) movement calls “an Israeli government propaganda strategy that cynically exploits LGBTQIA+ rights to project a progressive image while concealing Israel’s occupation and apartheid policies oppressing Palestinians.”
The report notes that at a Washington DC Pride event in early June Medea Benjamin, cofounder of activist group Code Pink and a regular of anti-war protests, wore a pair of goofy, oversized sunglasses and a shirt in her signature pink with the phrase “you can’t pinkwash genocide.”
Other incidents CAM recorded showed the injection of anti-Israel sentiment into Pride events.
A musical group canceled a performance at an interfaith service in Brooklyn, claiming the hosting synagogue had a “public alignment with pro-Israel political positions.” In San Francisco before the yearly Trans March, a Palestine group said in its announcement of its participation, “Stop the war on Iran and the genocide of Palestine, stop the war on immigrants and attacks on trans people.”
CAM notes that this “queers for Palestine” sentiment is not new, pointing to a 2017 event wherein “organizers of the Chicago Dyke March infamously removed participants who were waving a Pride flag adorned with a Star of David on the grounds that the symbol ‘made people feel unsafe.’”
In February, the Israel Defense Forces shared with the New York Post documents it had recovered demonstrating that Hamas had tortured and executed members it suspected of homosexuality and other moral offenses in conflict with Islamist ideology.
Amit Benjamin, who is gay and a first sergeant major in the IDF, said during a visit to New York City for Pride month that “All the ‘queers for Gaza’ need to open their eyes. Hamas kills gays … kills lesbians … queers cannot exist in Gaza.”
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IAEA pulls inspectors from Iran as standoff over access drags on
IAEA chief Rafael Grossi at the agency’s headquarters in Vienna, Austria, June 23, 2025. REUTERS/Elisabeth Mandl/File Photo
The UN nuclear watchdog said on Friday it had pulled its last remaining inspectors from Iran as a standoff over their return to the country’s nuclear facilities bombed by the United States and Israel deepens.
Israel launched its first military strikes on Iran’s nuclear sites in a 12-day war with the Islamic Republic three weeks ago. The International Atomic Energy Agency’s inspectors have not been able to inspect Iran’s facilities since then, even though IAEA chief Rafael Grossi has said that is his top priority.
Iran’s parliament has now passed a law to suspend cooperation with the IAEA until the safety of its nuclear facilities can be guaranteed. While the IAEA says Iran has not yet formally informed it of any suspension, it is unclear when the agency’s inspectors will be able to return to Iran.
“An IAEA team of inspectors today safely departed from Iran to return to the Agency headquarters in Vienna, after staying in Tehran throughout the recent military conflict,” the IAEA said on X.
Diplomats said the number of IAEA inspectors in Iran was reduced to a handful after the June 13 start of the war. Some have also expressed concern about the inspectors’ safety since the end of the conflict, given fierce criticism of the agency by Iranian officials and Iranian media.
Iran has accused the agency of effectively paving the way for the bombings by issuing a damning report on May 31 that led to a resolution by the IAEA’s 35-nation Board of Governors declaring Iran in breach of its non-proliferation obligations.
IAEA chief Rafael Grossi has said he stands by the report. He has denied it provided diplomatic cover for military action.
Foreign Minister Abbas Araqchi said on Thursday Iran remained committed to the nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT).
“[Grossi] reiterated the crucial importance of the IAEA discussing with Iran modalities for resuming its indispensable monitoring and verification activities in Iran as soon as possible,” the IAEA said.
The US and Israeli military strikes either destroyed or badly damaged Iran’s three uranium enrichment sites. But it was less clear what has happened to much of Iran’s nine tonnes of enriched uranium, especially the more than 400 kg enriched to up to 60% purity, a short step from weapons grade.
That is enough, if enriched further, for nine nuclear weapons, according to an IAEA yardstick. Iran says its aims are entirely peaceful, but Western powers say there is no civil justification for enriching to such a high level, and the IAEA says no country has done so without developing the atom bomb.
As a party to the NPT, Iran must account for its enriched uranium, which normally is closely monitored by the IAEA, the body that enforces the NPT and verifies countries’ declarations. But the bombing of Iran’s facilities has now muddied the waters.
“We cannot afford that … the inspection regime is interrupted,” Grossi told a press conference in Vienna last week.
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