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​​Steve Guttenberg, and his very Jewish life, take the stage for a play adaptation of his memoir

(JTA) — Actor Steve Guttenberg has had the kind of career that put him in touch with nearly every trend in Hollywood. There were prestige films like “Diner” and “Cocoon” and the lighter but wildly successful fare like the first four movies in the “Police Academy” series. “Three Men and a Baby” was the biggest American box office hit of 1987; the 2004 Christmas movie “Single Santa Seeks Mrs. Claus” somehow spawned a sequel. 

In short, it’s the kind of career that would inspire a juicy, dishy memoir, which it did when he wrote “The Guttenberg Bible” in 2012. 

Now a brand new stage adaptation, “Tales From the Guttenberg Bible,” is playing through May 21 at the George Street Playhouse in New Brunswick, New Jersey. Guttenberg plays himself in the show, in which he explores his career, his Judaism and much more.

“As a tradition and as a culture, [Judaism’s] been a huge part,” said Guttenberg, who was born in Brooklyn in 1958 and raised in Massapequa, on Long Island. “My family didn’t observe Friday nights, but my father was kosher… I was bar mitzvahed, and then when I went out to California when I was 17, I found the temple to be a great respite for me, especially from the loneliness.” 

For years, Guttenberg regularly attended the Stephen Wise Temple in Los Angeles, and later joined Kehillat Israel in Pacific Palisades. 

The show features four actors playing 90 different characters, including the Jewish movie producers Allan Carr and Robert Evans, the voiceover actor Michael Bell (who is Guttenberg’s godfather), as well as Paul Reiser, Merv Griffin and Kevin Bacon. It covers Guttenberg’s life from age 17 — when he famously snuck onto the Paramount Pictures lot, set up an office and sometimes claimed to be the stepson of then-Paramount executive Michael Eisner — through his late 20s. 

“It’s been such a great career, and I’ve really enjoyed it,” Guttenberg said. He said that Julian Schlossberg, the veteran producer of movies and theater, read the book and told him that he thought there was a play in it. 

“So I started writing it into a play,” he said, and Schlossberg thought they should bring it to “a great regional theater.” 

Guttenberg is not new to the stage, having made his Broadway debut in the early 1990s, and later appearing in “Relatively Speaking,” the Schlossberg-produced, one-act anthology that played in 2011 and 2012. Guttenberg appeared in the one-act play written by Woody Allen, while the other two were by Ethan Coen and Elaine May. 

But the actor’s relationship with Schlossberg goes back much further. One of his first movie parts was in the 1978 thriller “The Boys from Brazil,” which was about a Jewish Nazi hunter (Laurence Olivier) tracking Nazis in South America. Schlossberg, hosting a radio show at the time, proclaimed Guttenberg a “talent,” on a broadcast that Guttenberg’s mother happened to hear, leading her to call in.

Schlossberg, author of a recent memoir about his own adventures in showbiz, described Guttenberg as a “nice Jewish boy” in an interview with the Jewish Telegraphic Agency earlier this year.  

Although he was seen more recently on TV in “The Goldbergs,” “Party Down” and “Dancing with the Stars,” Guttenberg mostly stepped away from acting for about five years to care for his ailing father, who passed away last July. That, along with the pandemic, had put the play on the back burner.  

When asked which of his movies he’s asked about the most, Guttenberg names “Short Circuit” (a 1986 sci-fi comedy) and “The Bedroom Window” (a 1987 thriller) in addition to “Three Men and a Baby,” “Police Academy” and “Cocoon.”

“‘Can’t Stop the Music’ gets a lot of play. And of course, ‘The Day After,’” he said, referring to Nancy Walker’s 1980 musical comedy and the groundbreaking 1983 TV movie about a nuclear apocalypse. Guttenberg said he was “lucky enough that I have five or six or seven old movies that people ask about.” 

Guttenberg has warm memories of Leonard Nimoy, the Jewish actor and “Star Trek” icon who directed “Three Men and a Baby.”

“As a person, he was a ball of fire inside an iceberg,” Guttenberg said of Nimoy, who died in 2015. “Very stoic, but extremely warm and loving. The first time I met him, he asked if I had his mother’s stuffed cabbage… a terrific artist, an incredible acting teacher, a well-versed writer, photographer, and director.”  

While “Police Academy” — about an inept bunch of cops — is a rare franchise from the 1980s that has never had any kind of remake or reboot, Guttenberg said that there have been about “10 scripts developed” over the years, including from such big names as Jordan Peele. He added that Taika Waititi, the Jewish director of “Jojo Rabbit,” is “developing one now, or thinking about it.” 

Even though his acting took a back seat in recent years, Guttenberg noted that he enjoyed his run as a science teacher on “The Goldbergs.” The long-running, soon-to-conclude ABC series about a suburban Jewish family is set amongst the popular culture of the 1980s — so it has touched on several of his movies. 

“I like [creator Adam F. Goldberg] a lot, and I think any time that we can give support to shows that have Jewish culture in them, that, as a Jewish person, you’ve got to lend your name to it, especially with all that’s going on,’” he said. 

After the New Jersey run, Guttenberg will bring the show to Sag Harbor’s Bay Street Theatre in August, and, he and the producers hope, other engagements beyond that.  

“I think it’s a great play, and I think we’re gonna be able to play it all over the country and in different cities, and one day back in New York.”

—
The post ​​Steve Guttenberg, and his very Jewish life, take the stage for a play adaptation of his memoir appeared first on Jewish Telegraphic Agency.

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A poet’s reaction to this summer’s terrorist attack in Berlin

דעם 25סטן יולי איז דער פּאָעט דזשײק שנײַדער געפֿאָרן קײן װײַמאַר כּדי צו מאָדערירן אַ כּמו־טעלעװיזיע־פּראָגראַם אױף ייִדיש מיט דער אַקטריסע עלענאָר ריסאַ, אַן אונטערנעמונג אין משך  פֿונעם פֿעסטיװאַל „ייִדיש־זומער װײַמאַר“. אױף מאָרגן איז ער אַהײמגעפֿאָרן קײן בערלין, װוּ ער האָט מאַרשירט אינעם יערלעכן שטאָלץ־פּאַראַד – אײדער אַ טעראָריסט האָט אַטאַקירט דעם פּאַראַד, דערמאָרדעט אײן פֿרױ און פֿאַרװוּנדיקט מער װי 30 מענטשן. אָט דער „פּאָעטישער באַריכט“ דאָקומענטירט כראָנאָלאָגיש זײַנע פֿראַגמענטאַרישע געדאַנקען און אײַנדרוקן פֿון דעם דאָזיקן מעת־לעת.

װאָס איז טײַטש „לײַװ“?
פֿון דזשייק שנײַדער

פֿאַרבײַגעגאַנגענע רעקלאַמעס׃

פֿאַרטאָפּלט אײַער עקראַנצײַט!

װערט אַ זעלנערין פֿאַר דײַטשלאַנד!

אײַער דירה־געלט איז צו טײַער!

איך דאַרף נאָך מסרן מײַן ראָװער־גנבֿ.

כאַפּן די פֿאַרלאָזלעך פֿאַרשפּעטיקטע באַן.

שױן זיצט מײַן סטודיאָ־עולם און װאַרט.

פּונקט אַזױ װי די װערטער פֿון דער װאָך.

אונטערװאַרטן, אָפּװאַרטן, צוּװאַרטן.

פּונקט אַזױ װי יאַנקלס נײַער װערטער־װידעאָ.

עס װאַרט אַ שיסל מיט ברױנע עם־ען־עמס.

איך האָב שױן אײן מאָל פּראָבירט דעם קלאַנג.

אַ שמועס־שעה אױף פֿאַרשטומטן ייִדיש.

אַ טעלעװיזיע־פּראָגראַם אָן טעלעװיזיעס.

אַ לעבעדיקע לאַכטאַשמע, דאַנקען גאָט.

„אונדזער עולם“ איז דאָך דאָ אין װײַמאַר.

איך דאַרף נישט איבערחזרן אױף כינעזיש.

פּאָסטקאַרטלעך פֿון װאַרשע, סאַו־פּאַולו.

אַכט מדינות… אָבער נישט דײַטשלאַנד.

עלענאָר באַװױנט אונדזער נישט־טעלעװיזיע.

ליבע־בריװ פֿונעם אונטערװעש־שופֿלאָד.

דאָס טײַערסטע קלײד פֿון אַ גאַנץ לעבן.

אַז מען דערמאָנט פֿראַנק לאָנדאָנען…

כּדי צו שטראָמען באַדאַרף מען נײַעס.

אַזאַ מין איצט באַדאַרף אַן איצטיקײט.

אַנישט קומט דער נעטפֿליקס־עפֿעקט.

אָן־סופֿיקע אַפֿישן אַדורכצובלעטערן.

בײַ ממשותדיקע נײַעס קומען שטױס־מעלדונגען.

די מאָבילקעס, טאַבלעטן און זײגערלעך װיברירן.

און שױן איז אונדזער שמועס־שעה פֿאַרבײַ.

שױן האָבן מיר געבענטשט עלעקרטישע ליכט.

געריסן די חלות, געגעסן די אוגערקעס.

אֵין כּל, אֵין כּל, אֵין כּל…. „טײַ“.

נישטאָ קײן צײַט פֿאַר אַ חצות בײַם טײַך.

די באַן פֿאָרט אומהײמלעך איצטיקיסטיש.

אינסטאַגראַם האָט פֿאַרגעסן זײַן ייִדיש.

שױן אַהײמגעפֿאָרן מיטן דינג־ראָװער.

שױן געגלעט מײַן הינטלס קאָנוס־קאָפּ.

שױן אָנגעטאָן מײַן בער־קאָסטיום.

שױן געפֿאָרן צום פּרײַד־לחײם.

שױן געקװעטשט אױפֿן נײַנטן קנעפּל.

שױן איבערגעקערט אַ טעלער מיט נאַשן.

שױן געהערט מעשׂיות פֿון נעכטן בײַ נאַכט.

שױן פּאָזירט אינעם יערלעכן באַלקאָנבילד.

אַלע טראָגן װי תּמיד די סאַמע מאָדישע זאָקן.

אַ פֿרײלעכן פּרײַד. פֿרײלעך צו זײַן פֿרײלעך.

אַראָפּ און אַרױס מיט די אַנדערע פֿײגעלעך.

אַן אַנדער שׂימחה־גרופּע װאַרט שױן אין דרױסן.

איך טאָר נישט קװעטשן דאָס פֿרײלעך־קנעפּל.

איך טאָר נישט נאַשן קײן שװאַמעלע־שאָקאָלאַד.

מיר יאָגן זיך נאָך די אַנטלאָפֿענע פּאַראַד־װאָגנס.

הײַיאָר פּראָקלאַמירט מען כּמו־פּאָליטישע לאָזונגען.

דעות זענען רײצנדיק. די „גוטע גבֿירים“ בלײַבן.

מיר מאַרשירן טאַנצעװדיק, טאַנצן מאַרשירעװדיק.

ס׳איז דער הױפּטשטראָם־פּרײַד, דער באַנאַלער.

נישט דער לעסבישער, נישט דער פּאַלעסטינישער.

מיר פֿאַרלירן אַ חבֿר אַלע פֿינף מינוט.

מיר װאַרטן אױפֿן קלאָזעט־הײַזעלע.

מיר האַלטן זיך אָפּ בײַ נאָלנדאָרף־פּלאַץ.

דאָרט אױבן אַרבעט מײַן צײנדאָקטער!

דאָרט װוּ עס הענגען די נחת־פֿענער!

אַ ביר פֿון אָרגאַנישן סופּערמאַרק.

כּדי אַרײַנצוגײן דאַרף מען זיך אָנטאָן.

איך דאַרף נאָך ענדיקן דאָס „לײַװ“-ליד.

איך דאַרף שפּאַצירן מיטן קאָנוס־קעפּל.

איך דאַרף נאָך שרײַבן עטלעכע רשימות.

קודם־כּל, פֿאַר װאָס נישט אַ שניצל?

די קיך פֿאַרמאַכט זיך צען אַ זײגער.

מיר באַשטעלן אין דער לעצטער מינוט.

מיר עסן דאָס אױסגעפּלאַטשיקטן פֿלײש.

מיר שפּאַצירן אַהײם דורך די געסלעך.

צװײ פֿײגעלעך פֿון אַ גאַנץ יאָר מיט אַ הינטל.

שױן קומען די שטױס־מעלדונגען.

שױן שטײען מיר אױף דער שװעל.

איך דאַרף זיך שױן „מעלדן בשלום“.

איך דאַרף נאָך מעלדן מײַן ראָװער.

איך דאַרף נאָך ענטפֿערן אױף די בריװלעך.

צי בין איך בשלום? װער איז בלשום?

די מלחמה קעגן מלחמות איז אױס.

עס בלײַבן אונדז בלױז מײנונגען.

יעדער אײנער האָט זײַן אָפּרוף.

יעדער אײנער האָט זײַנע דעות.

יעדער אײנער האָט קלוגע פּירושים.

װער זשע װיל זײַן אין די נײַעס?

 

בערלין קײן װײַמאַר קײן בערלין, 26-25 יולי 

The post A poet’s reaction to this summer’s terrorist attack in Berlin appeared first on The Forward.

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These Bundist pioneers were heroes in their time. Would they be in ours?

Academic stars in high school, Abrasha Blum and Luba Bielecka shared a slow burn romance and fervor for radical change. That hardly set them apart amid the ferment after the tsarist empire crumbled in 1919. No one would have predicted that Bielecka would go on to be awarded global nursing’s highest honor and Blum Poland’s equivalent of the Congressional Medal of Honor.

But their story poses a provocation in today’s hyper-polarized politics: Blum and Bielecka were devoted Bundists, and as such, they were not only socialists but anti-Zionists.

That combination can get you labeled today as anti-Israel and antisemitic, and even anti-American. Yet at the time they were Jewish heroes.

Bielecka repeatedly risked her life smuggling children out the Warsaw ghetto under Nazi occupation while directing the sole Jewish nursing school, sustaining its rigorous professional standards even as it was squashed into oblivion. Blum, a physically frail man, was dubbed the “ideological father of armed resistance” in the Bund; he led his band of militants into joining forces with the detested Zionists in the historic Warsaw Ghetto Uprising. When the insurgency was crushed — as all the combatants knew it would be — Blum, an engineer by training, led the surviving remnant through the cavernous sewer system to safety. But soon thereafter, in fleeing the police, he plummeted three stories from an apartment building. Badly injured, he was taken to Gestapo headquarters and never seen again.

Blum and Bielecka engaged the world as they found it and fought for justice for Jews and humanity. Blum’s photo is on display at Yad Vashem, Jerusalem’s Holocaust museum.

A lot has changed in 85 years. In 1939, most Americans Jews opposed Zionism and feared it would be misused by antisemites to justify allegations of dual loyalty. At the time, twice as many Jews lived in Warsaw as in all of British Palestine. The Bund swept 17 of 20 Jewish-designated seats on city council (Blum held one of them), far outdistancing all the Zionists parties together. Socialism made sense to Jewish voters, who were overwhelmingly “blue collar.” And so did doikayt (“hereness”), the doctrine that Poland’s three million Jews belonged there, not in a far-off desert, as the Zionists maintained.

The Holocaust radically and irrevocably changed the landscape. Ninety percent of Polish Jewry was exterminated. Even after the Nazis were vanquished, Jews continued to endure pogroms and were largely purged from Poland’s ruling communist party. By then, Israel was the sole destination in the world that welcomed large numbers of Jews.

Blum and Bielecka’s daughter, 17-year-old Aviva (née Victoria), was among the pioneers who migrated to a kibbutz in the new State of Israel. Zionism offered her the promise of milk and honey in a sanctuary free of antisemitism.

Abrasha Blum and Luba Blum-Bielecka in 1928. Courtesy of Mark Cohen

For years, her younger brother, Olek, held fast to his parents’ politics. But he too ultimately exited Poland, not for Israel but for the US, saddened that his father’s dream of “a prosperous Jewish minority inside Poland was impossible to realize.”

Like their parents, Aviva and Olek too engaged the post-WWII world as they found it and sought a better world.

Today, socialism and anti-Zionism are each experiencing something of a revival in the U.S. Self-described socialists have won mayoral elections in New York, Seattle and Washington, D.C. DSA-supported candidates won the Senate Democratic primary in Florida and narrowly lost Wisconsin’s gubernatorial primary. A recent CBS News poll found that 58% of Democrats now hold a favorable view of socialism, whereas only 32% view capitalism positively. The gap is even wider among young people. Jews, despite their relative affluence, remain among the most liberal voters in the U.S., although their current views on socialism have not been scientifically surveyed.

Anti-Zionism looks quite different in 2026 than in 1939, at least to Jews. Israel, approaching its 80th anniversary, is far from the desert mirage ridiculed by pre-war Bundists. While only a minority of American Jews self-describe as Zionists, an overwhelming majority support Israel as a Jewish and democratic state. Yet they are deeply troubled by Israel’s direction: Polls show that Zohran Mamdani, a socialist and anti-Zionist, is more popular among American Jews than Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu.

We’re left with this thought experiment: What if Abrasha and Luba resided in America  today? What would they view as justice and how would they engage to achieve it? What if they resided in Israel?

And finally, a question about the rest of us: Would we recognize them as heroes?

The post These Bundist pioneers were heroes in their time. Would they be in ours? appeared first on The Forward.

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AIPAC couldn’t stop Michigan’s El-Sayed in the primary. Now it’s trying again.

AIPAC’s super PAC has re-entered Michigan’s closely watched U.S. Senate race less than a month before the general election, spending nearly $100,000 on mailers attacking Abdul El-Sayed, despite earlier concerns by allies of his Republican opponent, Mike Rogers, that it would boost the Democratic nominee.

The spending of $94,620 by United Democracy Project (UDP) on direct mailers was disclosed in a Friday campaign finance filing. It comes after Rogers publicly welcomed AIPAC’s support during a televised debate last week, reversing the position initially taken by people close to his campaign who worried the pro-Israel group’s involvement could hurt his chances.

A spokesperson for the group told Jewish Insider that the mailers target 130,000 identified Jewish voters in the swing state. It focuses on El-Sayed’s response to an attack on Temple Israel in West Bloomfield earlier this year. El-Sayed drew criticism for saying “hurt people hurt people” when discussing the attacker, whose brother was reportedly a Hezbollah commander killed in an airstrike on Lebanon. El-Sayed later apologized, saying he had been trying to provide broader context for the attack.

UDP spent more than $30 million trying to defeat El-Sayed in the Democratic primary this summer and in support of Rep. Haley Stevens, who lost by about one percentage point.

Following the primary, allies of the Republican nominee reportedly asked AIPAC not to run ads to boost him, fearing that the group’s involvement would give El-Sayed the same political foil that helped him overcome its massive spending in the primary. Axios reported that AIPAC officials didn’t take that rejection easily.

But Rogers appeared to change course last Thursday when asked whether he’d welcome AIPAC’s support.

“Anybody that wants to help my campaign stop a guy who can’t condemn terrorism in our own country because he’s so close to the people who are supporting the Muslim Brotherhood, again, I’ll take all of that help,” Rogers said at Thursday’s televised debate. El-Sayed interrupted to say he had condemned terrorism.

A new super PAC, Together for Michigan, aired an ad during the debate featuring Taylor Weintraub, whose child attends the Temple Israel preschool that was attacked in March.

Rogers went further on Friday at a campaign event with Sen. John Kennedy of Louisiana, accusing El-Sayed of being “so anti-Jewish” that a single mailer had upset him. Rogers said he welcomed help from Jewish supporters seeking to defeat his opponent. Kennedy also attacked El-Sayed, saying AIPAC would not be involved in the race if the Democrat did not “sleep in a Bin Laden jersey.”

El-Sayed, an Israel critic who has made opposition to AIPAC a central part of his campaign, responded by accusing Rogers of desperation. “You know Mike Rogers is in trouble when he begs AIPAC to start spending against me,” he wrote on X.

Some Jewish Democrats are publicly supporting Rogers, saying El-Sayed has failed to assuage concerns in his outreach to Jewish voters and in campaign appearances in recent months. If elected, El-Sayed would become the first Muslim member of the U.S. Senate.

Recent polls show El-Sayed with a narrow lead in the race to replace retiring Democratic Sen. Gary Peters. Recent elections in Michigan have been decided by narrow margins. Trump won the swing state in 2024 by about 80,000 votes, while Democratic incumbent Elissa Slotkin defeated Rogers in the Senate race that year by fewer than 20,000 votes. Four years earlier, Joe Biden won Michigan by about 2.8 percentage points.

The post AIPAC couldn’t stop Michigan’s El-Sayed in the primary. Now it’s trying again. appeared first on The Forward.

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