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Targeting Iran’s Agents of Influence
Funeral ceremony for former Hezbollah leaders Hassan Nasrallah and Hashem Safieddine, outskirts of Beirut, Feb. 23, 2025. Photo: REUTERS/Thaier Al-Sudani
JNS.org – The sight of Israeli fighter jets flying low and loud over the funeral in Beirut last month of the eliminated Hezbollah terrorist chieftain Hassan Nasrallah was certainly gratifying. But I’ll wager that I’m not the only observer who wishes that the Israeli pilots had actually dropped a few bombs on the whole wretched spectacle.
Among the thousands of Hezbollah supporters in attendance were a few dozen activists from Western countries, some of whom were questioned by their respective police forces upon their return. According to a list compiled by the Middle East Media Research Institute, their number included Canadian passport holders Charlotte Kates and Khaled Barakat of the now-proscribed terrorist organization Samidoun, which raises support for the motley crew of Palestinian rapists and murderers held in Israeli jails; Irish activists Tadhg Hickey and Tara O’Grady, two leading lights of their country’s influential antisemitic, pro-Hamas lobby; and the heads of the ultra-Stalinist, deeply antisemitic American Communist Party in the form of Jackson Hinkle and Christopher Helali.
Since Israel demurred from getting rid of these people when it had the chance (perhaps prudently), it falls to law-enforcement agencies in their own countries to deal with them. And by that, I mean isolating them completely from the public square and, if necessary, imprisoning them as accessories of a terrorist organization whose bloody global imprint extends from Bulgaria to Argentina to other lands where Hezbollah has carried out violent attacks at the behest of its Iranian paymasters.
I want to focus on the British presence at Nasrallah’s funeral because last week the British government unveiled an important new measure to combat Iranian influence. While the measure regrettably falls short of classifying the Tehran regime’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) as a terrorist organization, it does elevate Iran and its British assets to the highest tier of the UK’s Foreign Influence Registration Scheme. Anyone acting on Iran’s behalf will be deemed a security threat and therefore obliged to register with the scheme. Failure to do so will incur a prison sentence of up to five years.
That brings into the frame some of the worst enemies of the British Jewish community, like the former Parliament members George Galloway and Chris Williamson. Having been turfed out of the ruling Labour Party, the two men now lead what is functionally a national socialist organization calling itself the Workers Party of Britain. Both are regular contributors to the Iranian state propaganda outlet Press TV—a wholly owned subsidiary of Islamic Republic of Iran Broadcasting (IRIB)—where Williamson anchors a sinister discussion show pushing antisemitic conspiracy theories titled “Palestine Declassified.”
His sidekick on the show is a failed Scottish academic named David Miller, who was fired from the University of Bristol over his continued harassment of Jewish students. It’s easy to dismiss Miller as the clown who sent the distinguished historian Simon Sebag-Montefiore, the author of a recent book on Jerusalem, a page from Wikipedia intended to counter his argument about Jewish indigeneity, accompanied by an “Aha! Gotcha!” post on X. Sadly, there are those who take Miller seriously and listen to his arguments, which become more screechingly antisemitic with every post, every broadcast appearance and every article.
One of Miller’s obsessions is the contention that Jewish anti-Zionists are really Zionists. He asks preposterously, “[H]ow many Jewish martyrs have there been in the past 140 on the path to liberate Palestine from Zionism? How many Jews have engaged in military action against Zionist targets in that period?” Another is his repeated characterization of the Chabad-Lubavitch religious movement, which is regarded with affection by observant and non-observant Jews alike, as a “genocidal cult.” Moreover, Miller’s adoration of the Palestinians and their murderous cause is mirrored by his contempt for genuinely persecuted populations, like the Kurds, whom he denies constitute a nationality, and the Ukrainians, whose plight under constant Russian bombardment elicits a teenage cheerleader’s enthusiasm from him.
Miller also attended Nasrallah’s funeral, posing as a “journalist,” and was duly questioned by the British police on his return from Beirut. His actual reportage was limited to fawning posts on X and appearances on Press TV because it’s pretty much the only broadcaster willing to platform his ravings.
The new rules in the United Kingdom will, it is to be hoped, remove the veneer of “independence” shrouding Miller and his co-thinkers—who include Asa Winstanley, an antisemitic propagandist for the U.S. outlet “Electronic Intifada”—and reveal them for what they are: assets of the Iranian mullahs. They also provide a road map for further moves to curb both Iran’s propaganda agents and hired thugs, like the two Romanians who one year ago stabbed an Iranian opposition journalist outside his home in London, who carry out the regime’s orders on foreign soil.
But if any of that is to happen, then the British government must follow through on enforcement. If Miller fails to register as an Iranian agent, then he should be arrested and charged accordingly. Even without incarceration, there is a case to be made for shuttering his channels of communication, such as his website and his social-media presence, with the outside world. Free speech does not extend to treason and never has, including in the United States, where the First Amendment affords protections that don’t exist in Europe. Nor does it include incitement to violence. When Miller talks about “liquidating” or “dismantling” Zionism, as he does frequently, one has to remember that his Iranian sponsors regard that phrase as a license for terrorist actions against Jewish targets around the world.
Ultimately, the United Kingdom has to decide whether it will tolerate Iranian state media outlets exploiting their presence as “journalists” to spread misinformation and propaganda on behalf of Tehran. Press TV operated a London office for nearly 15 years before dissolving as a limited company under British law in 2021, according to the country’s own records. Yet it still operates a studio there, where Williamson and Miller record their programming. Press TV’s broadcasts are still available on some cable networks or through an app that can be freely downloaded. As an enemy broadcaster and one designated by the U.S. Treasury Department’s Office of Foreign Assets Control (OFAC), Press TV should be blocked online and removed from all social-media platforms, including X, which is owned by the same individual, Elon Musk, tasked with flushing out the U.S. government’s bureaucracy.
Such inconsistencies are harmful to us and readily exploited by them. As we deliberate whether we are technically at war with Iran, Iran eagerly wages war on us through its media channels, its regional proxies, and through—as the two aerial attacks on Israel last year demonstrated—its own armed forces. Our response must be sharp and merciless at all levels.
The post Targeting Iran’s Agents of Influence first appeared on Algemeiner.com.
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Hamas Warns Against Cooperation with US Relief Efforts In Bid to Restore Grip on Gaza
Hamas terrorists carry grenade launchers at the funeral of Marwan Issa, a senior Hamas deputy military commander who was killed in an Israeli airstrike during the conflict between Israel and Hamas, in the central Gaza Strip, Feb. 7, 2025. Photo: REUTERS/Ramadan Abed
The Hamas-run Interior Ministry in Gaza has warned residents not to cooperate with the US- and Israeli-backed Gaza Humanitarian Foundation, as the terror group seeks to reassert its grip on the enclave amid mounting international pressure to accept a US-brokered ceasefire.
“It is strictly forbidden to deal with, work for, or provide any form of assistance or cover to the American organization (GHF) or its local or foreign agents,” the Interior Ministry said in a statement Thursday.
“Legal action will be taken against anyone proven to be involved in cooperation with this organization, including the imposition of the maximum penalties stipulated in the applicable national laws,” the statement warns.
The GHF released a statement in response to Hamas’ warnings, saying the organization has delivered millions of meals “safely and without interference.”
“This statement from the Hamas-controlled Interior Ministry confirms what we’ve known all along: Hamas is losing control,” the GHF said.
The GHF began distributing food packages in Gaza in late May, implementing a new aid delivery model aimed at preventing the diversion of supplies by Hamas, as Israel continues its defensive military campaign against the Palestinian terrorist group.
The initiative has drawn criticism from the UN and international organizations, some of which have claimed that Jerusalem is causing starvation in the war-torn enclave.
Israel has vehemently denied such accusations, noting that, until its recently imposed blockade, it had provided significant humanitarian aid in the enclave throughout the war.
Israeli officials have also said much of the aid that flows into Gaza is stolen by Hamas, which uses it for terrorist operations and sells the rest at high prices to Gazan civilians.
According to their reports, the organization has delivered over 56 million meals to Palestinians in just one month.
Hamas’s latest threat comes amid growing international pressure to accept a US-backed ceasefire plan proposed by President Donald Trump, which sets a 60-day timeline to finalize the details leading to a full resolution of the conflict.
In a post on Truth Social, Trump announced that Israel has agreed to the “necessary conditions” to finalize a 60-day ceasefire in Gaza, though Israel has not confirmed this claim.
Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu is expected to meet with Trump next week in Washington, DC — his third visit in less than six months — as they work to finalize the terms of the ceasefire agreement.
Even though Trump hasn’t provided details on the proposed truce, he said Washington would “work with all parties to end the war” during the 60-day period.
“I hope, for the good of the Middle East, that Hamas takes this Deal, because it will not get better — IT WILL ONLY GET WORSE,” he wrote in a social media post.
Since the start of the war, ceasefire talks between Jerusalem and Hamas have repeatedly failed to yield enduring results.
Israeli officials have previously said they will only agree to end the war if Hamas surrenders, disarms, and goes into exile — a demand the terror group has firmly rejected.
“I am telling you — there will be no Hamas,” Netanyahu said during a speech Wednesday.
For its part, Hamas has said it is willing to release the remaining 50 hostages — fewer than half of whom are believed to be alive — in exchange for a full Israeli withdrawal from Gaza and an end to the war.
While the terrorist group said it is “ready and serious” to reach a deal that would end the war, it has yet to accept this latest proposal.
In a statement, the group said it aims to reach an agreement that “guarantees an end to the aggression, the withdrawal [of Israeli forces], and urgent relief for our people in the Gaza Strip.”
According to media reports, the proposed 60-day ceasefire would include a partial Israeli withdrawal from Gaza, a surge in humanitarian aid, and the release of the remaining hostages held by Hamas, with US and mediator assurances on advancing talks to end the war — though it remains unclear how many hostages would be freed.
For Israel, the key to any deal is the release of most, if not all, hostages still held in Gaza, as well as the disarmament of Hamas, while the terror group is seeking assurances to end the war as it tries to reassert control over the war-torn enclave.
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UK Lawmakers Move to Designate Palestine Action as Terrorist Group Following RAF Vandalism Protest
Police block a street as pro-Palestinian demonstrators gather to protest British Home Secretary Yvette Cooper’s plans to proscribe the “Palestine Action” group in the coming weeks, in London, Britain, June 23, 2025. Photo: REUTERS/Jaimi Joy
British lawmakers voted Wednesday to designate Palestine Action as a terrorist organization, following the group’s recent vandalizing of two military aircraft at a Royal Air Force base in protest of the government’s support for Israel.
Last month, members of the UK-based anti-Israel group Palestine Action broke into RAF Brize Norton in Oxfordshire, a county west of London, and vandalized two Voyager aircraft used for military transport and refueling — the latest in a series of destructive acts carried out by the organization.
Palestine Action has regularly targeted British sites connected to Israeli defense firm Elbit Systems as well as other companies in Britain linked to Israel since the start of the conflict in Gaza in 2023.
Under British law, Home Secretary Yvette Cooper has the authority to ban an organization if it is believed to commit, promote, or otherwise be involved in acts of terrorism.
Passed overwhelmingly by a vote of 385 to 26 in the lower chamber — the House of Commons — the measure is now set to be reviewed by the upper chamber, the House of Lords, on Thursday.
If approved, the ban would take effect within days, making it a crime to belong to or support Palestine Action and placing the group on the same legal footing as Al Qaeda, Hamas, and the Islamic State under UK law.
Palestine Action, which claims that Britain is an “active participant” in the Gaza conflict due to its military support for Israel, condemned the ban as “an unhinged reaction” and announced plans to challenge it in court — similar to the legal challenges currently being mounted by Hamas.
Under the Terrorism Act 2000, belonging to a proscribed group is a criminal offense punishable by up to 14 years in prison or a fine, while wearing clothing or displaying items supporting such a group can lead to up to six months in prison and/or a fine of up to £5,000.
Palestine Action claimed responsibility for the recent attack, in which two of its activists sprayed red paint into the turbine engines of two Airbus Voyager aircraft and used crowbars to inflict additional damage.
According to the group, the red paint — also sprayed across the runway — was meant to symbolize “Palestinian bloodshed.” A Palestine Liberation Organization flag was also left at the scene.
On Thursday, local authorities arrested four members of the group, aged between 22 and 35, who were charged with conspiracy to enter a prohibited place knowingly for a purpose prejudicial to the safety or interests of the UK, as well as conspiracy to commit criminal damage.
Palestine Action said this latest attack was carried out as a protest against the planes’ role in supporting what the group called Israel’s “genocide” in Gaza.
At the time of the attack, Cooper condemned the group’s actions, stating that their behavior had grown increasingly aggressive and resulted in millions of pounds in damages.
“The disgraceful attack on Brize Norton … is the latest in a long history of unacceptable criminal damage committed by Palestine Action,” Cooper said in a written statement.
“The UK’s defense enterprise is vital to the nation’s national security and this government will not tolerate those that put that security at risk,” she continued.
The post UK Lawmakers Move to Designate Palestine Action as Terrorist Group Following RAF Vandalism Protest first appeared on Algemeiner.com.
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US-backed Gaza Relief NGO Vows ‘Legal Action’ Against AP Claim Group Fired on Palestinian Civilians
Palestinians collect aid supplies from the US-backed Gaza Humanitarian Foundation, in Rafah, in the southern Gaza Strip, June 9, 2025. Photo: REUTERS/Hatem Khaled
The Gaza Humanitarian Foundation (GHF), a US-backed nonprofit operating aid distribution centers in the Gaza Strip, is pushing back forcefully against an Associated Press report alleging that its contractors opened fire on Palestinian civilians.
The GHF is accusing the AP of withholding key evidence and relying on a “disgruntled former contractor” as a central source.
“In response, we are pursuing legal action,” the organization said in a statement released Wednesday.
GHF said it conducted an “immediate investigation” after being contacted by the AP, reviewing time-stamped video footage and sworn witness testimony. The group concluded that the allegations were “categorically false,” stating that no civilians were fired upon at any of their distribution sites and that the gunfire heard in the AP’s video came from Israeli forces operating outside the vicinity.
“What is most troubling is that the AP refused to share the full video with us prior to publication, despite the seriousness of the allegations,” the statement read. “If they believed their own reporting, they should have provided us with the footage so we could take immediate and appropriate action.”
The nonprofit’s public rebuttal raises sharp questions about the AP’s reporting process, suggesting the outlet declined to engage with the organization in good faith and instead leaned on a source GHF describes as having been terminated “for misconduct” weeks prior. The group also claimed the AP’s recent coverage of its activities had begun to “echo narratives advanced by the Hamas-controlled Gaza Ministry of Health.”
The AP has not yet responded publicly to the GHF’s accusations or provided clarification about its decision not to share the video footage before publication. The original report alleged that American contractors employed by GHF had fired weapons near or toward civilians.
The GHF statement confirmed that a contractor seen shouting in the AP’s video had been removed from operations, though the group insisted this was unrelated to any violence and did not constitute evidence of wrongdoing.
GHF, which describes its mission as delivering food to Gaza “safely, directly, and without interference,” said it remains committed to transparency but would not allow its operations to be “derailed by misinformation.”
The dispute highlights the fraught information environment in Gaza, where limited access and competing narratives frequently complicate the verification of on-the-ground events.
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