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The Mishkan — and the Torah’s Directions for a Brighter Future for Judaism
A Torah scroll. Photo: RabbiSacks.org.
One of the most mysterious structures in all of Jewish history is the Mishkan, known in English as the Tabernacle. It was crafted to be mobile — packed up and carried from place to place — so that it could be a sacred home for the Divine Presence in the middle of a restless, wandering nation as they traversed the Sinai desert.
But here’s the curious part: when the Israelites finally entered the Land of Israel, and the need for portability supposedly ended, the Mishkan didn’t disappear or get replaced by something more permanent. Instead, it settled in one spot — the town of Shiloh, a modest location in the territory of Ephraim, about twenty miles north of Jerusalem — where it stayed for 369 years.
Think about that. The Mishkan was in Shiloh for nearly four centuries. And yet — how often do you hear anyone talk about Shiloh with the same awe as they do about Temple Mount? Almost never. To be honest — I was no different. For me, Shiloh was a name, a footnote, and nothing more. But last week, I went there, and everything changed. And now, I can’t stop talking about it.
Standing there among the ruins, where scattered stones seem to whisper the stories of ancient priests and trembling pilgrims, where you can almost hear Hannah’s desperate prayer for a child, where the Ark of the Covenant once rested in a humble sanctuary beneath nothing more than a cloth roof — I found myself wondering: Why have we forgotten Shiloh?
Why has this place, which housed the Mishkan for 369 years, faded from Jewish consciousness? After all, it was here that Samuel the prophet was raised. It was here that the transition to a monarchy first took root. It was here that Jewish life had its first true national center.
The Mishkan was destroyed by the Philistines after the disastrous battle at Eben-Ezer, when the Ark was captured, Eli the High Priest died, and Shiloh was reduced to a ruin. Eventually, King David brought the Ark to Jerusalem.
His son Solomon built the First Temple on a modest hilltop surrounded by higher peaks — Mount Scopus to the north, so named because you could “scope” Temple Mount from its peak, and the Mount of Olives to the east, from where the people witnessed the sacred Yom Kippur rituals unfold.
Solomon’s Temple stood for 410 years before it was destroyed by Nebuchadnezzar’s Babylonian forces in 586 BCE. Seventy years later, a Second Temple was built by Ezra and Nehemiah. This more modest temple was later expanded — first by the Hasmoneans, following their miraculous victory in 164 BCE, and then dramatically enlarged and beautified by Herod the Great, the architect-king whose building projects across Judea rivaled those of Rome.
Despite Herod’s reputation for paranoia and cruelty, which earned him the disdain of the Talmudic sages, the Talmud records a remarkable statement (Bava Batra 4a): “Whoever has not seen Herod’s Temple has never seen a truly beautiful building.”
But this edifice was also destroyed — by the Romans in 70 CE — just like Solomon’s Temple and the Mishkan at Shiloh before it. Which brings me back to Shiloh. Because even though the Mishkan was razed to the ground, and even though there are no grand Herodian stones or giant underground catacombs in Shiloh, there is something profoundly moving about the site. Something… pure.
It was never meant to be permanent, and yet it endured. It was simple and rudimentary, but it worked. And its memory has lasted — at least for those who choose to remember it.
Unlike Temple Mount, where access remains restricted for various reasons, there is no controversy regarding walking freely on the site where the Mishkan once stood. Archaeologists and historians are reasonably sure about the exact location, although some debate remains over whether the Holy of Holies was on the eastern or western side of the site.
But think about it: you can literally walk on the very ground where the priests once carried out their sacred duties. Where sacrifices were offered. Where the Menorah was lit each day. Where the Ark of the Covenant rested.
Once the Mishkan was destroyed and the Ark relocated, the holiness of Shiloh was gone forever. Interestingly, according to the great medieval commentator Raavad, the same is somewhat true for Temple Mount — at least until the Third Temple is built. Maimonides famously ruled that the sanctity of Temple Mount is eternal, based on a Mishnah in Eduyot (8:6), meaning that even today, entry into sacred zones carries a severe penalty.
But Raavad, in his gloss to Rambam’s Mishneh Torah (Hilchot Beit HaBechira 6:14), sharply disagrees: “This is his own opinion, and I do not know from where he derives it… it has been revealed to me as a secret of God to those who fear Him: one who enters there today incurs no penalty whatsoever.”
Nevertheless, despite Raavad’s lenient view, we tread carefully. We don’t walk where we are sure the Temple once stood — out of both awe for the hallowed location and respect for the more stringent opinion.
But the Temple Mount area is far larger than just the footprint of the Temple itself. Herod expanded it into a massive trapezium-shaped platform — roughly 37 acres in size — and it includes vast areas that are unquestionably outside the original sacred zones. Visiting those areas is absolutely permitted.
Thankfully, more and more Jews are going there. Over Pesach this year, more than 6,500 Jews ascended Temple Mount — an unprecedented number in modern history. And among them was me — not once, but twice.
I’ve visited Temple Mount several times before, but for the first time in my life, I was finally able to pray there, together with my sons — unhindered by the intolerant Jordanian guards and anxious Israeli border police.
We walked the carefully charted permitted path around the perimeter, singing Hallel and offering heartfelt prayers. We sang joyously — zeh hayom asah Hashem, nagilah venismecha bo — “this is the day that God has made, let us rejoice and be glad in it” — acknowledging that we were witnessing prophecy come to life before our eyes.
The world can deny it, and politicians can ignore it. But the slow, steady reclamation of Jerusalem — of our historic rights to the site of our holiest structure — is happening. And no amount of international indignation can change that.
It all began in Parshat Shemini, where we read about the original dedication of the Mishkan — assembled for the first time by a newly liberated people still finding their way. Then, Moshe and Aaron were at the helm. It was a key spiritual moment that set in motion a chain of events stretching through time: to Joshua and the conquest of the Land; to the Judges and the prophets; to the kings of Israel and the builders of Jerusalem; to Ezra and Nehemiah; to the Hasmonean heroes; to Shimon HaTzaddik and the Great Assembly; to the sages of the Sanhedrin, who once deliberated on Temple Mount.
This is our story. This is our legacy. And it is coming back into focus.
To be clear, prophecy won’t be realized through passive longing. It can only happen through meaningful action. Through visiting Shiloh. Through ascending Temple Mount. Through reconnecting with the real places where Jewish history unfolded — and where Jewish destiny is being rewritten in our time.
Because Judaism is not merely nostalgia for a glorious past. It’s about doing what has to be done to ensure a glorious future.
The author is a rabbi in Beverly Hills, California.
The post The Mishkan — and the Torah’s Directions for a Brighter Future for Judaism first appeared on Algemeiner.com.
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Yale’s Silence Is Allowing Blatant Campus Antisemitism — and Betraying the Promise of ‘Never Again’
Yale University students at the corner of Grove and College Streets in New Haven, Connecticut, U.S., April 22, 2024. Photo: Melanie Stengel via Reuters Connect.
As darkness fell over Yale University on Wednesday evening, Jewish students faced intimidation that echoed history’s darkest chapters. The following day, as the sun rose on Holocaust Remembrance Day, the world solemnly reflected on the devastating consequences of unchecked hatred.
Yet, disturbingly, at Yale, the shadows of that same hatred linger once again.
For several nights now, radical anti-Israel activists, primarily organized by “Yalies for Palestine,” an anti-Israel hate group, have targeted Jewish students at Yale — in many cases, based solely on their outwardly Jewish appearance.
On Wednesday, protestors blocked walkways, physically intimidated Jewish students, and hurled bottles and sprayed liquids at them — all while campus police stood by and did nothing.
One Jewish student described her chilling encounter with the protesters the night before, on Tuesday: “When I tried to get through, they blocked me, ignored my requests to pass, and handed out masks to those obstructing me. Yale security told me they couldn’t help.”
The immediate trigger for this harassment is the invitation extended by Shabtai, a Yale Jewish society, to Itamar Ben-Gvir, an Israeli government minister. Whether one supports or opposes Ben-Gvir’s politics is beside the point. Notably, Naftali Bennett, a former Israeli prime minister, was also protested and disrupted during a separate campus event in February, underscoring a broader trend of hostility toward Israeli speakers regardless of their political affiliation.
These events signal more than isolated protests; they constitute a redux of hatred that historically escalates when met with institutional silence or indifference.
Yale’s administration, under President Maurie McInnis and Dean Pericles Lewis, has failed to adequately respond. Though Yale revoked official recognition from Yalies for Palestine, its tepid actions have not halted the dangerous slide toward overt hostility. The silence — from both the university and the Slifka Center, Yale’s center for Jewish life — is deafening.
This isn’t the first troubling instance at Yale. A year ago, similar demonstrators disrupted campus life with vitriolic anti-Israel rhetoric, silencing dialogue and fostering an atmosphere hostile to Jewish students.
Earlier this year, CAMERA on Campus documented Yale’s Slifka Center pressuring students to erase evidence of anti-Jewish harassment during a pro-Israel event, effectively whitewashing antisemitism and emboldening extremists.
As CAMERA’s Ricki Hollander has powerfully documented, the rhetoric of anti-Zionism today often revives the antisemitic patterns of the past, particularly those propagated by the Nazi regime in the 1930s. These tactics, she explains, echo Nazi-era propaganda that portrayed Jews as subhuman, sinister, and uniquely malevolent — a narrative used to justify marginalization and, ultimately, genocide.
These dynamics — scapegoating, dehumanizing, and ostracizing Jews under the guise of “anti-Zionism” — are not relics of history. They are alive and active across elite American campuses. And now, unmistakably, they have taken root at Yale.
McInnis must break the silence and condemn the open harassment and assault of Jewish students. She must also hold the perpetrators of the heinous actions and those responsible for the safety of students accountable for their inaction.
This week has revealed a grave failure of moral and institutional duty on many fronts. When law enforcement stands by as Jewish students face intimidation and assault, it sends a chilling message: their safety matters less.
We must demand a full investigation and real accountability. Condemnations of antisemitism are not enough. Policies must be changed to ensure Jewish students and organizations can freely exercise their right to free expression without being subject to harassment and assault. Anything less would betray Yale’s stated values — and the promise of “never again.”
Douglas Sandoval is the Managing Director for CAMERA on Campus.
The post Yale’s Silence Is Allowing Blatant Campus Antisemitism — and Betraying the Promise of ‘Never Again’ first appeared on Algemeiner.com.
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Russia to Fund New Nuclear Power Plant in Iran as Bilateral Ties Deepen Amid US Talks
Iran’s Oil Minister Mohsen Paknejad met with Russia’s Deputy Prime Minister Alexander Novak in Moscow on April 24, 2025. Photo: Screenshot
Russia has pledged to fund the construction of a new nuclear power plant in Iran as part of a broader energy agreement that also includes a major gas deal between the two countries, as relations between Moscow and Tehran continue to deepen.
On Friday, Iranian Oil Minister Mohsen Paknejad traveled to Moscow to meet with his Russian counterpart, Sergei Tsivilev, as part of the 18th Joint Economic Cooperation Commission.
Paknejad announced that Moscow and Tehran are strengthening their bilateral ties in what he described as “peaceful” nuclear energy, with the construction of a new nuclear power plant in Iran, to be financed through Russian funding.
“Iran and Russia will continue their cooperation in the peaceful use of nuclear energy and the construction of new nuclear energy facilities and the completion of phases two and three of the Bushehr power plant using Moscow’s credit line,” the Iranian minister said during the closing ceremony of the commission.
According to Iranian state media, the two countries also agreed to a 55 billion cubic meters gas transfer deal.
Despite holding the world’s second-largest gas reserves after Russia, Iran continues to import gas due to severe under-investment in its energy sector, caused by mounting US sanctions targeting Tehran’s oil industry under President Donald Trump’s “maximum pressure” campaign, which aims to cut the country’s crude exports to zero and prevent it from obtaining a nuclear weapon.
As part of the energy agreement, Paknejad also announced that Iran will sign a $4 billion deal with Russian companies to develop seven oil fields across the country.
“Multilateral cooperation between Iran and Russia through membership in the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, BRICS, the Gas Exporting Countries Forum, and OPEC+ has led to the provision of common interests, peace, stability, and international security, and I am confident that this cooperation will deepen,” the Iranian minister said during his speech.
Tehran became a member of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) — a Eurasian security and political group — in 2023 and also joined the BRICS group in 2024 — a bloc of Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa that positions itself as an alternative to economic institutions like the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund.
These energy deals and expanding nuclear cooperation between Russia and Iran come as the Iranian regime prepares for a third round of nuclear talks with the US in Oman this weekend.
Tehran has previously rejected halting its uranium enrichment program, insisting that the country’s right to enrich uranium is non-negotiable, despite Washington’s threats of military action, additional sanctions, and tariffs if an agreement is not reached to curb Iran’s nuclear activities.
However, US special envoy Steve Witkoff said that any deal with Iran must require the complete dismantling of its “nuclear enrichment and weaponization program.” Witkoff’s comments came after he received criticism for suggesting the Islamic Republic would be allowed to maintain its nuclear program in a limited capacity.
With both Iran and Russia under Western sanctions and Russia’s oil and gas exports to Europe sharply reduced since the start of the war in Ukraine, the two nations have increasingly strengthened their bilateral ties.
Earlier this week, Russian President Vladimir Putin signed a law officially ratifying a 20-year strategic partnership agreement with Tehran, further deepening their military cooperation.
As an increasingly close partner of Iran, Moscow’s diplomatic role in the ongoing US-Iran nuclear talks could be significant in facilitating a potential agreement between the two adversaries. Russia can leverage its position as a veto-wielding member of the UN Security Council and a signatory to a now-defunct 2015 nuclear deal that imposed temporary limits on the Iranian nuclear program in exchange for sanctions relief.
Russia could reportedly be considered a potential destination for Iran’s stockpile of enriched uranium and a possible mediator in any future nuclear deal, particularly in the event of breaches to the agreement.
This option would allow Russia to “return the handed-over stockpile of highly enriched uranium to Tehran” if Washington were to violate the deal, ensuring that Iran would not be penalized for American non-compliance.
Some experts and lawmakers in the US have expressed concern that a deal could allow Iran to maintain a vast nuclear program while enjoying the benefits of sanctions relief.
On Thursday, Iranian Foreign Minister Abbas Araqchi expressed his willingness to engage in talks with European powers regarding Tehran’s nuclear program, indicating that the country is keeping its options open. In response, France also signaled that European nations were open to dialogue if Iran showed it was seriously engaged.
Despite Iran’s claims that its nuclear program is solely for civilian purposes rather than weapon development, Western states have said there is no “credible civilian justification” for the country’s recent nuclear activity, arguing it “gives Iran the capability to rapidly produce sufficient fissile material for multiple nuclear weapons.”
The post Russia to Fund New Nuclear Power Plant in Iran as Bilateral Ties Deepen Amid US Talks first appeared on Algemeiner.com.
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Rescued Hamas Hostage Noa Argamani References Coachella While Urging Public to Visit Nova Exhibit
Noa Argamani attends the TIME100 gala, celebrating the magazine’s annual list of the 100 Most Influential People in the World, in New York City, US, April 24, 2025. Photo: REUTERS/Kylie Cooper
Noa Argamani urged the public on Thursday night to visit the Nova Festival exhibit commemorating the Hamas terrorist attack at the music event on Oct. 7, 2o23, while also calling for the release of the remaining hostages being held captive by Hamas in the Gaza Strip.
The 27-year-old, who is featured in the 2025 TIME100 list of the 100 most influential people in the world, attended the 19th annual TIME100 Gala on Thursday night in New York City. During a red carpet interview with TIME, she spoke about her emotional visit to the exhibit “Nova: Oct. 7 6:29 AM, The Moment Music Stood Still” months earlier when it was open in New York City. The large-scale traveling exhibit about the Nova attack recently opened in Toronto after successful runs in Tel Aviv, New York, Los Angeles, and Miami.
Argamani was abducted by Hamas terrorists during their deadly rampage at the Nova Music Festival in Re’im, Israel, on Oct. 7, 2023. She was held captive in Gaza for 245 days until she was rescued by the Israel Defense Forces during a heroic operation in June 2024.
“Because I was at the Nova music festival and a lot of my friends were murdered, it was really difficult for me to come [to the exhibit] and see what happened to them,” Argamani said. “Because I carry a lot. I know my story and the story of my friends who have been murdered in captivity. It was too much to handle. Too much to carry.”
Nevertheless, she encouraged every person to visit the exhibit, before mentioning another major music event – the recent Coachella Valley Music and Arts Festival. She said about the exhibit: “I think it’s something everybody should [visit] because, as you saw what happened now in Coachella, these kids, I’m part of them, I come to the Nova music festival just to have fun, to dance, to enjoy my life … it’s definitely a pure situation. A party for peace and love.”
During the second weekend of Coachella earlier this month, the Irish rap trio Kneecap performed and at the end of their set, they projected three screens that featured anti-Israel messages. “Israel is committing genocide against the Palestinian people,” said one such message, followed by, “It is being enabled by the US government who arm and fund Israel despite their war crimes.” A third screen displayed the text: “F–k Israel. Free Palestine.” Also during the performance, band member Mo Chara talked about Palestinians being “bombed from the … skies with nowhere to go.” The band additionally led the audience to chant, “Free, free Palestine.”
On Thursday night, Argamani suggested that music festivals, like Coachella and Nova, should not get political. She said, “It’s important for people to come visit the exhibition and see that we just want to have fun. We’re not armed, we’re not political. We don’t get right [wing] or left [wing], we all just want to have fun. That’s the main idea of those festivals.”
When asked how she is dealing with the trauma of the Oct. 7 attack and her captivity, Argamani said, “It’s really hard for me because my partner is still in captivity.” Argamani’s boyfriend, Avinatan Or, was also taken hostage at the Nova music festival by Hamas terrorists. He recently turned 32, his second birthday in captivity, and is one of 24 Hamas hostages whom Israel believes is still alive.
“I never saw him in captivity,” Argamani said about Or. “I asked about him everywhere I went, but they didn’t tell me nothing. I didn’t know if he’s alive or just kidnapped … I didn’t want to know the answer because it was too much for me.”
“But until Avinatan will come home, and all those 59 [remaining] hostages will come back, I will not heal,” she concluded. “I will push forward, and I will fight as much as I can so everybody will come back home.”
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