Connect with us

Uncategorized

Long-delayed Pittsburgh synagogue shooting trial to begin Monday, igniting pain, fear and hopes for closure

(JTA) — Every Thursday, Brad Orsini gets on a conference call with dozens of other security specialists who, like him, focus on preventing threats to American Jews. But in a few days, and for the coming months, the conference call won’t just address the dangers of the present and future. It will also deal with events that occurred more than four years ago. 

That’s because next week marks the beginning of the trial of the gunman who is accused of killing 11 worshippers in a Pittsburgh synagogue in October 2018. 

Orsini, who oversaw the city’s Jewish communal security on the day of the attack in the neighborhood of Squirrel Hill, hopes to find a sense of closure in the alleged shooter’s prosecution. But he also knows that the trial threatens to broadcast the white supremacist ideas that lay behind the attack, and continue to pose risks for Jewish communities. And he worries that, in addition to providing a possible pathway for survivors and victims’ families to move into the future, it could also thrust them back into a painful past. 

“It’s long overdue,” Orsini said. “This has been looming large over the Pittsburgh community and, quite honestly, the Jewish community in the nation. We’re all looking toward finishing this trial and prosecuting this actor for what he did.”

At the same time, he added, “This trial is going to reopen wounds that this community has suffered for almost five years now, and it’s going to have the ability to retraumatize many people in the community. And we have to be concerned about that.”

Beginning on Monday, those countervailing emotions and expectations will come to bear as the deadliest antisemitic attack in American Jewish history is litigated in court. The trial, which will begin with jury selection, is expected to last about three months. Few doubt the guilt of the accused shooter, Robert Bowers, whose name is hardly uttered by Jewish residents of Squirrel Hill. But what remains unclear is what the trial will mean for American Jews — and for the families most directly affected by the attack.

Some hope for the defendant to get the death penalty — even though that will mean prolonging the legal ordeal — while others have advocated against it. Some hope for the trial to shed light on the threat of white supremacy, even as renewed attention on the attack could inspire other violent extremists. And some hope the trial will help them move past the tragedy, even as they know it will be difficult to hear the details of the shooting laid out in court.

“The country is going to have to undergo this unprecedented trial of the country’s worst mass killer of Jews,” said Jonathan Greenblatt, CEO of the Anti-Defamation League. “It’s going to be really hard, so I think our community is really going to have to buckle down and brace ourselves.”

The attack on Saturday morning, Oct. 27, 2018, killed 11 people from three congregations, all of which met at the same building, and injured six others, including four police officers. The defendant faces 63 criminal charges, including hate crimes and murder charges. He has pleaded not guilty. The prosecution is seeking the death penalty — a choice some relatives of victims are vocally supporting. Previously, leaders of two of the three congregations that suffered the attack had opposed the death penalty in this case.

“This massacre was not just a mass murder of innocent citizens during a service in a house of worship,” Diane Rosenthal, sister of David and Cecil Rosethal, who died in the attack, told local journalists, according to reporting by the Pittsburgh Union Progress. “The death penalty must apply to vindicate justice and to offer some measure of deterrence from horrific hate crimes happening again and again.”

For the survivors and families of victims, the trial will likely be especially painful. Some told the Pittsburgh Jewish Chronicle that they intend to take time off work, delay a vacation or be away from family for an extended period of time to be present at the proceedings. 

“I want to see justice happen, but at the same time, I hate to think about the families having to potentially see images of what happened and things of that sort,” Steve Weiss, who survived the attack, told the weekly Jewish newspaper. “I’m sure they have mental images, but to have to actually see photos of victims and things of that sort I think can really be difficult for them.”

One thing few people question is the shooter’s guilt, despite his plea of not guilty. He offered to plead guilty in 2019 in exchange for taking the death penalty off the table, but prosecutors, determined to pursue capital punishment for the crime, rejected the plea. 

It was the same thing that had happened in the case of the man charged with killing nine Black worshippers in a Charleston, South Carolina, church in 2015. But there, despite the rejected guilty plea, the trial took place a year and a half after the attack, and the shooter was sentenced to death. (In an illustration of the length of death penalty cases, his latest court proceeding happened in October, and he has not yet been executed.)

In contrast, the Pittsburgh trial is not starting until four and a half years after the shooting there. Part of the reason for the delay stems from the work of the defense team, which has pushed back the trial through various court filings. The alleged shooter’s lead attorney, Judy Clarke, has defended a series of high-profile attackers: the Unabomber, the attacker in the 1996 Atlanta Summer Olympics bombing and the Boston Marathon bomber, among others. According to Pittsburgh’s local CBS affiliate, her singular goal is to avoid the death penalty for her client.

But in many other ways, the parallels between the Charleston trial and this one are clear. Both concern shootings by alleged white supremacists in houses of worship, tragedies that have become gruesome symbols of a national rise in bigotry. In both, the culpability of the defendant was assumed before the trial began. Like the Pittsburgh defendant, the Charleston shooter has been lionized by white supremacists, including some who cited him as an inspiration for their own violent acts. 

And in both cases, there is an understanding that a conviction does not heal the wounds opened by the shooter.

“This trial has produced no winners, only losers,” said the judge in the Charleston shooter’s trial, Richard Gergel, according to the New Yorker. “This proceeding cannot give the families what they truly want, the return of their loved ones.” 

Still, some who are watching the Pittsburgh trial closely hope that it will bring new facts and connections to light. Amy Spitalnick, the executive director of Integrity First for America, a nonprofit that spearheaded a multimillion-dollar victory in a civil trial against the organizers of the 2017 far-right rally in Charlottesville, Virginia, hopes that the Pittsburgh trial illustrates the links among different white supremacist shootings — such as the attacks in El Paso, Texas; Christchurch, New Zealand; and at a synagogue in Poway, California. 

Those attackers spouted similar conspiracy theories and referenced other recent violent attacks in their manifestos. Spitalnick said that the accused Pittsburgh shooter allegedly communicated with the organizers of the Charlottesville rally on the social network Gab, which is known as a haven for right-wing extremists. 

“Trials like this can really be illustrative of how deep the poison of white supremacy and antisemitism goes,” she said. In the Charlottesville trial, she said, “The reams and reams of evidence… really helped pull back the curtain on what motivated the defendants, how they operated, the tools and the tactics of the movement, the conspiracy theories at its core.”

There’s also the possibility that, with the attack resurfacing the shooter’s motivations, and putting him back in the spotlight, it will act as an inspiration for other white supremacists. In the years following the synagogue shooting, Pittsburgh became a kind of pilgrimage site for the defendant’s admirers — leading to continued harassment of local Jews. 

“We’re giving a platform to an individual who is a Jew hater, who wanted to kill all Jews,” Orsini said. “What does that spark in other like-minded people? We need to be very cognizant throughout this trial on what kind of chatter is going to be out there on the deep dark web, or even in open portals.”

In the face of concerns about retraumatization, Greenblatt said the ADL is preparing resources on how to discuss the trial with students and amid the Jewish community. 

“To relive the horrors of, the grief of, the event — this thing being constantly in the news — it’s going to be hard to avoid, it’s going to be difficult and it could be grisly and upsetting,” Greenblatt said. “I would much prefer this trial didn’t happen — I would much prefer this crime never happened, I would much prefer that those people were all still with us today — but this is where we are.”

He added, “If there might be some ability to raise awareness among the non-Jewish population of what we’re facing, [that] would be of value.” 

One potential challenge for American Jews as a whole, Spitalnick said, is that federal prosecutors don’t necessarily share the needs of Jews who will be following the proceedings. While the trial will conjure a mix of emotions for Jews locally and beyond, she said, prosecutors will be more focused on the nuts and bolts of what happened that day and the details of the accused attacker’s actions and motives. 

“We’re going to probably spend a lot of time hearing from the prosecution about what motivated him, but it’s not through the lens of what we as Jews think about when we think about Jewish safety,” she said. “It’s through the lens of making the case that this guy did what he did motivated by this extremism and hate… It’s going to be very deliberate and tactical and precise, versus where we as American Jews have been thinking about this from a deeply personal, communal safety perspective.” 

The deliberate and detailed work of prosecutors, however, may not be at cross purposes with the emotional needs of Jews, Orsini said. When the trial ends, he said, the establishment of Bowers’ guilt may itself prove to be transformative for how Jews relate to the tragedy, in Pittsburgh and beyond. 

“The fact that this individual has not been fully brought to justice… and is not convicted yet of this mass shooting — in some way, yes, that closure and finality will be done at the end of this trial,” he said. “The community can kind of regroup and truly become resilient once this phase is over with.” 

—
The post Long-delayed Pittsburgh synagogue shooting trial to begin Monday, igniting pain, fear and hopes for closure appeared first on Jewish Telegraphic Agency.

Continue Reading
Click to comment

Leave a Reply

Your email address will not be published. Required fields are marked *

Uncategorized

Progressive US Jews call for Israel’s opposition bloc to welcome Arab parties

(JTA) — Liberal U.S. Jewish leaders are urging Israel’s opposition parties to abandon their campaign promises and join hands with Arab parties in order to oust Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu.

Following Tuesday’s vote, Netanyahu’s bloc was projected to win 53 seats in the Knesset, Israel’s legislature, while the camp of his main rival, Gadi Eisenkot, is projected to win 48 seats. That means both fall short of the 61 votes required to form a new majority governing coalition.

One of the most significant shifts in electoral politics coming out of Tuesday’s results was the success of Israel’s two Arab parties, the Joint List and Ra’am, which nearly doubled their representation to 19 seats.

Those gains would be enough to give the Netanyahu or Eisenkot blocs the necessary seats to form a coalition, but neither has publicly indicated a willingness to include Arab-led parties in their coalitions. The idea is also anathema to much of the Jewish Israeli electorate after the Hamas attacks of Oct. 7, 2023.

Nonetheless, U.S. Jewish voices urged Eisenkot and his allies – collectively known as the “change” bloc – to welcome the Arab-Israeli parties as partners for implementing that change.

Jeremy Ben-Ami, president of the liberal Zionist lobby J Street, hailed the “extraordinarily high voter turnout,” estimated at nearly 78% of eligible voters, and praised “the historic participation of Arab citizens of Israel,” saying that “their voices and votes are a vital part of Israel’s democratic fabric.”

“This is a moment for the Jewish opposition parties to demonstrate genuine leadership by reaching out to the Arab parties and working together to form an alternative government,” Ben-Ami continued. “Israel cannot build a stronger, more inclusive democracy while treating the political representatives of one-fifth of its population as illegitimate governing partners.”

Dan Shapiro, former U.S. ambassador to Israel during the Obama administration, commended the voters for creating an “important opportunity for change.” That change, he added, could occur if Eisenkot’s bloc worked with Arab parties.

Shapiro added in a follow-up post that “in almost no scenario” would far-right ministers Itamar Ben-Gvir and Bezalel Smotrich “continue to have the influence they currently enjoy.”

“Ensuring that is the case is an important incentive to the opposition bloc to avoid going to new elections, which would extend the damaging tenure of these extremist ministers,” Shapiro said.

Gabriel Epstein, a senior policy associate at the Israel Policy Forum, encouraged Eisenkot and his partners not to shy away from taking the historic step of joining with Ra’am and Joint List, both of whose support they would need to come to power.

Epstein said in a post on X that there were benefits beyond politics: “Greater integration of the Arab community into Israeli society is also key for political and democratic legitimacy.”

Israelis for Peace NYC, a self-described group of “anti-occupation activists,” praised Palestinian citizens of Israel for voting in unprecedented numbers and delivering “a victory to the anti-Netanyahu bloc” by dislodging the current ruling coalition. At the same time, however, the group slammed the change bloc for “refusing to accept this gift, out of no other reason but deep-rooted, unexamined and systemic racism.”

Describing the current choice as “a shared future or no future at all,” Israelis for Peace warned that a fifth of the population is “being completely and shamelessly disregarded,” referring to the approximately 20% of Israel that is Arab.

“But this isn’t over,” the group added. “The liberal majority in Israel can hit the streets in mass demonstrations, like it has done so well against Netanyahu for four years, and pressure Eisenkot and other opposition leaders to sit with the Arab parties.”

But Jacob Stoil, a research professor of Middle East Security Studies at the U.S. Army War College, told the Jewish Telegraphic Agency that “there are some real challenges to putting together a coalition that includes the Arab parties,” given the political positions they take and the campaign promises made by Eisenkot’s partners.

Although one party, the Islamist Ra’am, previously served in a coalition and has expressed willingness to do so again, multiple members of Eisenkot’s bloc have pledged not to sit with an Arab party. Meanwhile, the second party, the Joint List, rejects the definition of Israel as a Jewish state and therefore refuses to serve in a Zionist-led government.

One plausible option could be “a minority government with the Arab parties essentially voting to keep the government in office and protecting it,” according to Stoil, who said his comments did not reflect the views of the U.S. Army or the U.S. government. But he warned that such a minority government could “create a lot of challenges in passing legislation.”

“There is a realistic pathway,” Stoil said, noting, however, that this pathway toward partnership with Arab parties can only be determined once the full results of the election are tallied.

At this point, he explained, there are still many things that can change. For example, Israel’s Central Elections Committee has yet to tally ballots cast by soldiers, prisoners and diplomats stationed abroad, which will reportedly add another 430,000-480,000 votes to the mix.

The Jewish Federations of North America, meanwhile, released a neutral statement after the election, applauding “the shared values that bind Israelis and North American Jews, including a deep commitment to democratic principles and civic participation.” The organization said it would continue working “with leaders across the political spectrum.”

The American Israel Public Affairs Committee, the pro-Israel lobbying group whose influence has played a sizable role in November’s U.S. midterm elections, offered similar accolades to Israelis for showing “their commitment to democracy through free and fair elections.”

The massive voter turnout among multiple religious groups “underscores Israel’s diversity and steadfast commitment to the democratic process – a value shared and cherished in America,” an AIPAC statement added.

This article originally appeared on JTA.org.

The post Progressive US Jews call for Israel’s opposition bloc to welcome Arab parties appeared first on The Forward.

Continue Reading

Uncategorized

Jewish Floridians chew over the pros and cons of Democratic Senate nominee Angie Nixon

(JTA) — BOCA RATON, Fla. – Over a bagel with cream cheese and lox, Ron, a Jewish South Florida attorney, admitted that he hasn’t quite figured out his ballot.

Seated at Flakowitz Bagel Inn, a New York-style Jewish deli nestled in a Boca Raton parking lot, Ron — who declined to share his last name to protect his privacy — said he tends to go with moderate Democrats.

And that’s making the U.S. Senate race a real puzzler.

“I’m really torn,” said Ron, a Boynton Beach resident.

He has no intention of voting for Ashley Moody, the Donald Trump-backed Republican who was appointed by Gov. Ron DeSantis to replace Marco Rubio last year when Rubio became secretary of state. But he also is unsettled by some of the stances taken by Angie Nixon, the left-wing challenger who hopes to be Florida’s first Democratic U.S. senator in eight years.

“For example, Israel is important for me, and I suspect that she’s not in that direction. So that’s a problem for me,” Ron said between bites. He added that he is considering not voting in the race at all, but conceded that “not voting is as much as giving a vote.”

Nixon, who was first elected to the Florida House in 2020, accuses Israel of committing a genocide in Gaza and has said that she opposes sending U.S. military aid or selling weapons to Israel “at this moment.” In November 2023, she introduced a statewide bill advocating for “de-escalation and cease-fire in the state of Israel and occupied Palestine,” which was defeated 104-2 in the Florida House.

In August she soundly won the Democratic nomination with a progressive platform focused on universal healthcare and free childcare.

Next week, Nixon — who is trailing between 4 and 6 percentage points in the latest polls — finds out whether her Israel stance affects her performance among the state’s substantial Jewish minority. (A 2021 study found that there are approximately 665,000 Jewish adults in Florida, the third-largest Jewish electorate nationally.)

Some attendees at a recent Boca Raton congressional candidates’ forum, which featured Democratic Rep. Jared Moskowitz and GOP challenger Scott Singer, expressed reservations about Nixon, who was not endorsed by the Democratic Socialists of America but became a member of the left-wing political organization earlier this year.

In the Senate race, “I’m going to vote Republican,” said Peter Davidson, a sales rep and a member of Congregation B’nai Israel, the Reform temple in Boca Raton that hosted the forum. He said that he is an independent who sometimes votes for Democrats, such as the staunchly pro-Israel Moskowitz. But he added, “Right now, the Democrats are not friends of the Jewish people in general. Jared Moskowitz is an exception.”

Democratic Rep. Jared Moskowitz (right) speaks during a candidates forum with Republican challenger Scott Singer (left), moderated by journalist Anthony Man (center), at Congregation B’nai Israel, Boca Raton, Florida, Oct. 20, 2026. (Joseph Strauss/JTA)

Marsha SanFilippo said she plans to vote for Nixon because she is “not comfortable with Ashley Moody.” She added, however, that Nixon “would not necessarily have been my choice of candidate because I don’t know if she is going to be able to win” in a Florida general election.

Leaders in the Florida Democratic Party’s Jewish Caucus, which had endorsed Nixon’s opponent in the primary, Alex Vindman, have started to come around on Nixon. Vindman, who is Jewish and pro-Israel, has endorsed Nixon.

Former state legislator Rick Stark, president of the Jewish caucus, told the Jewish Telegraphic Agency that he will “probably close my eyes and vote for her.”

“I can’t do the alternative unfortunately,” he said, saying he is counting on Democrats to flip Congress and the U.S. Senate.

Mitchell Mallett, president of the Sarasota-Manatee Democratic Party Jewish Caucus, wrote in the Times of Israel last week that Nixon “will be a friend to both the Jewish community and the State of Israel,” and noted that she has “largely stopped making Israel an issue in her campaign” since the primary. He also referred to a meeting between Nixon and about 70 people at a private home, during which she spoke about the historical relationship between Black and Jewish Americans, and said he felt they had “found common ground in the shared experiences of our ancestors.” Nixon would be Florida’s first ever Black U.S. Senator, if elected.

The race between Nixon and Moody is a special election, meaning another election will be held in 2028 for a full, six-year term.

“If Angie Nixon turns on Israel, we can do what the DSA does: we can primary Angie,” Mallett wrote.

Meanwhile, a number of progressive Jewish Floridians have pointed to Nixon’s Israel stance as one of their reasons for supporting her.

Donna Nevel, a member leader of the anti-Zionist group Jewish Voice for Peace’s South Florida chapter, told JTA that Nixon “cares deeply” about the Jewish and Muslim communities and combating all forms of hate.

“What I love is that it’s not just rhetoric for her, it’s like — that’s who she is,” Nevel said, adding that Nixon speaks to Jewish constituents “from so many different perspectives” and is able to connect with voters despite disagreements they may have over Israel. Nevel said she witnessed at least one voter tell Nixon that she won her over, despite differences on Israel, following a private event at a Coral Gables home that also featured Vermont Rep. Becca Balint, who is Jewish.

According to Stark, the former state legislator, Nixon’s outreach to the Jewish community has been “very good” since the primary. His assessment came two months after Vindman’s election night event in August, where Stark said that Nixon’s “outreach to the Jewish community has not been good.”

Vermont Sen. Bernie Sanders campaigns with Nixon, Oct. 17, 2026, Tampa, Florida. (Joe Raedle/Getty Images)

Stark told JTA that he and a handful of others in the Florida Democratic Party Jewish Caucus met with her privately in September, which he described as a positive interaction. He said that they were “upfront” with Nixon about her Israel stance and wanted to “see what we can do to moderate” some of her positions to win more of the Jewish vote.

“If she had moved over just a little bit of an iota and was stronger on Israel’s right to exist, and refrained from the rhetoric about genocide, apartheid, I think she would do a lot better,” he said.

Nixon’s coalition of supporters now includes former President Barack Obama and a number of high-profile progressives in Congress. Vermont Sen. Bernie Sanders traveled to Florida for a series of campaign rallies with her in October.

James Fishback, the far-right politician who lost the Republican gubernatorial primary, made headlines when he said he would be attending one of those rallies and was photographed with Nixon supporters there. Nixon said that Fishback was welcome to attend but “just can’t be bigoted.” Afterwards, Fishback wrote that he disagrees with much of Nixon’s platform, but that “her opposition to data centers, private equity buying homes, and taxpayer money to Israel is popular and sound.”

At Flakowitz, however, Nixon’s stance on Israel seemed to be a sticking point for lunchgoers, who mostly shared their thoughts anonymously.

“It’s terrible,” said one woman about the state of politics writ large, adding that she feels the only politician she can trust is Moskowitz.

Boca resident Don DePaola, who is of Italian descent and not Jewish, said that he loves Israel and the city’s Jewish community. As for how he’s voting: “Republican, down the line.”

For Ron, the decision was not so easy.

“I just don’t know what I’m going to do about that race yet,” he said.

This article originally appeared on JTA.org.

The post Jewish Floridians chew over the pros and cons of Democratic Senate nominee Angie Nixon appeared first on The Forward.

Continue Reading

Uncategorized

Could a foie gras ban remove chopped liver from the deli menu? 

Could an effort to defend ducks and curb the cruelty that some believe creates foie gras accidentally outlaw a favorite staple in Jewish delis? One Jewish resident of Washington D.C. fears that could be the case.

A measure on the ballot in Washington next Tuesday would bar the sale or distribution of “any fattened bird liver product within the District of Columbia.”

Activists say the legislation aims to ban the sale of any product resulting from force-feeding a bird, including foie gras. But the D.C. ordinance defines “fattened bird liver product” as “any food product or by-product made from the livers of birds fattened through any method or practice … regardless of marketing terminology.” It includes foie gras, pâtés, spreads, and processed meat products derived from the livers of “ducks, geese, chickens, turkeys, guineas, or squabs.”

“I am a fan of all things liver,” said Jordan Weissmann, an editor at the Progressive Policy Institute, who calls himself a libertarian when it comes to gastronomic matters. “I grew up eating chopped liver. I’m a fan of schmaltz and all pâtés, but there are much bigger issues facing Washington D.C. right now. So I was not going to get too fired up about this.”

Then a friend suggested he look at the language of the ordinance. Its lack of specificity, leaving enforcement up to interpretation, ruffled his feathers.

“My eyes popped out of my head,” he told the Forward. “It sounds like a sweeping ban. I immediately fired off a tweet.” That post and the conversation it generated has since gone viral, garnering thousands of views and hundreds of comments.

Pro-Animal DC, the campaign that drafted the ban, insists that’s not the intention. The law simply seeks to end the torture of farm-raised fowl.

“When laws are enforced this would not affect Jewish delis or chopped chicken liver,” said Natalie Fulton, media and content lead for Pro-Animal DC. She said when regulators enforce laws, they look at their entirety. They don’t look at “a sentence taken out of context.”

In addition to ending the sale of poultry products, the proposed ordinance also makes force-feeding birds illegal within the District. It doesn’t regulate possession of force-fed products or affect what Bubbe puts in the blender.

Fulton acknowledges that the definition of poultry, including chickens, is quite broad.

“We basically put that in there to make sure foie gras producers wouldn’t just shift to chickens. I’m not even sure it’s possible biologically. It safeguards if someone tries to get around the law that way.” If the initiative passes, she said, the City Council can clarify the language to prevent any confusion.

French for “fatty liver,” foie gras is the liver of a duck or goose that has been deliberately fattened by force-feeding, a process the industry calls gavage.

Workers insert a tube down the bird’s esophagus to pump in grain and fat, causing the liver to swell with fat until it is many times its normal size. The organ is then harvested, deveined, and seasoned in a variety of ways before it is baked in a terrine or pan-seared.

Mark Caro, author of The Foie Gras Wars, a book about a local war between Chicago chefs that escalated into a nationwide and international debate and a citywide ban of foie gras that lasted two years before it was repealed, writes that chopped liver is in fact a direct descendant of foie gras, which was once central to Jewish cuisine.

“The most-repeated theory is that foie gras survived thanks to Jews who had learned of force-feeding practices while under Roman rule and carried the tradition around Europe as they kept getting kicked out of countries,” Caro wrote. It even became the topic of a Talmudic commentary on animal cruelty by 11th Century French rabbi Rashi, as Judaic law prohibits tza’ar ba’alei chayim, or the suffering of animals.

But there were practical reasons to force feed geese at the time, Caro wrote. In the Mediterranean, Jews could cook with olive oil. In Babylonia, they could use sesame oil. But as Jews migrated north and west across Europe, they needed something besides pork fat, beef fat and butter to conduct heat in their skillets. The chosen alternative was poultry fat, or schmaltz, extracted from fattened goose livers.

In his book, Caro also includes the story of Holocaust survivor and third-generation Hungarian goose farmer Moshe Friedman, who in 1948 began producing fat goose livers on a kibbutz in the new Jewish state, and made it one of Israel’s first exports.

Israel is now one of 20 countries that bans foie gras produced by force feeding. California, New York City, Pittsburgh, Portland, Ore., and Brookline, Mass. all prohibit stores and restaurants from selling products from force-fed ducks and geese. A similar measure is on the ballot this fall in Denver.

Weissmann just hopes the Denver ordinance is more precise.

“You’d have to be an overzealous vegan to throw all the pâté out of Whole Foods,” he said. “You never know.”

The post Could a foie gras ban remove chopped liver from the deli menu?  appeared first on The Forward.

Continue Reading

Copyright © 2017 - 2023 Jewish Post & News