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Queer Jews fought to join the Celebrate Israel Parade. This year, I marched in drag.
(JTA) — “Look mom, he’s a beautiful butterfly,” a child shouted, pointing at me, as I marched up Fifth Avenue in drag on June 4 at the Celebrate Israel Parade.
I could only imagine how meaningful it would have been for me as a kid to see drag included as part of this annual Jewish communal celebration on Fifth Avenue. I didn’t know that boys were allowed to be beautiful. Worse, I thought that there was something shameful about my own longing to embrace my femininity. Certainly, growing up, there were many who seemed only too happy to reinforce that shame. Now, strutting proudly in the parade in a fabulous pink sundress and 9-inch heels is my way of creating a Jewish world where one’s whole self belongs.
Drag helps me find joy in not fitting neatly into boxes or binaries. As a queer Jew who grew up in an Orthodox family, non-binary identity is not just a helpful framing for my gender, it also best captures my approach to religion and my relationship with Israel. Not quite a man and not quite Orthodox, I am equally not quite a woman and kind of Orthodox. While I may not label myself a Zionist, I most certainly celebrate Israel and consider the nation central to my Judaism.
For me, these internal conflicts create the tension that energizes my art. The ability to hold seemingly opposing identities at once provides an authenticity that is both thrilling and freeing. Perhaps this is why I am so drawn to drag. What better art form to express the full spectrum of identity with all its contradictions, complications, and kaleidoscopic colors? I find drag the most exciting and self-actualizing way to fully show up in a parade that celebrates the complexity of Jewish heritage and homeland.
My drag also pays homage to the unapologetic fighting spirit that allowed queer Jews into the parade in the first place. Today, the Jewish Community Relations Council-NY (the parade’s producers) fully embraces the LGBTQ marching cluster and makes us feel like valued members of the Jewish community. But queer organizations were not always welcome at this event. When New York’s gay synagogue attempted to March in the early 1990s, its invitation was rescinded when Orthodox day schools (which still appear to make up the majority of marching schools) threatened to pull out from a parade with an LGTBQ contingent.
As a closeted teen in yeshiva, I remember feeling crushed when I read about the parade’s gay ban. The internalized message was clear: I’m not wanted and there is no place for me in this Jewish community. I recall feeling angry that it seemed like queer Jewish organizations just gave up and gave in to homophobia without a fight. This fury became a drive that helped create JQY (Jewish Queer Youth), the organization I co-founded whose mission is to support LGBTQ youth from Orthodox homes.
It was not until years later, in 2012, when a 16-year-old JQY member named Jon asked if we could march in the Celebrate Israel parade, that I knew it was time to reopen the fight for queer inclusion. That year JQY organized a cluster of queer Jewish organizations and applied to march as an official LGBTQ contingent. At first there was little resistance and our application was accepted. But two weeks before the parade, I was contacted by the parade’s director, informing me that the banner for our marching group must have “no reference to a LGBT or Gay and Lesbian community.” Apparently, once again Orthodox schools were threatening to boycott the parade if queers were to be allowed to march under an LGBT banner.
This time, however, JQY would not back down. I made it clear to the parade director that his request to erase our community identity is unacceptable and that we intended to show up on parade Sunday ready to march with a banner that read “Gay, Lesbian, Bi, Trans Jewish Community.” I told the director that he was welcome to call the police and deal with the optics of arresting queer Jews attempting to celebrate Israel.
Soon after, I began getting phone calls from leaders of the largest queer Jewish organizations. To my surprise, instead of being encouraging, they pressured me to stand down and compromise. Their concern was that my position made queer Jews seem “divisive.” I nearly gave in to these calls for appeasement until I spoke with Larry Kramer, the gay activist, playwright and personal hero of mine. Larry’s words still ring true today. “They were wrong then and they are wrong now,” he said. “The pressure to not be divisive is just a convenient and cowardly device for professionals to hang their internalized homophobia [on].”
The JQY team devised a plan. Prior to the parade’s pushback, we had already received an invitation to a pre-parade wine-and-cheese reception hosted by Fox TV, which was televising the parade that year. I would attend the event with Jon, the JQY member who inspired this parade advocacy, and we would speak to every journalist in the room, letting them know how excited and thankful we were that, for the first time ever, there would be an LGBTQ marching cluster.
When we approached the parade director who was flanked by Fox TV execs, we shook his hand and loudly congratulated him on the incredible milestone for queer inclusion. Cornered and in the spotlight, his response could not have been more perfect. “Yes, we are so proud to have an LGBTQ cluster this year,” he said. We had won.
(Noam Gilboord, the chief operating officer of JCRC-NY, confirmed this account. He said he had not been aware of the pushback against JQY at the time and noted that a highlight of his parade experience this year was handing an Israeli flag to a friend’s trans daughter, who was marching with her community.)
That Sunday our LGBTQ Community cluster had more than 100 marching participants made up of queer Jews of all ages and denominations, as well as friends, family, and allies. We received an overwhelmingly supportive reaction from the crowd, made up of mostly Orthodox Jews. We felt like we were healing old wounds and breaking new ground. Most importantly, we demonstrated that Jewish unity means including the LGBTQ Jewish community by name.
The organizers of the parade were so impressed with our contingent that they awarded us the Most Enthusiastic Participation Award. With subsequent yearly participation, our LGBTQ cluster has become a parade staple and highlight for onlookers. It is one of JQY’s proudest accomplishments.
JQY leads the first-ever LGBTQ contingent in the Celebrate Israel parade in 2012. (Robert Saferstein)
I believe that it is precisely JQY’s focus on uplifting complex identities that made our case to join the parade so strong. For most of our teens, celebrating Israel is part of what it means to both be Jewish and part of the Jewish community (the nation of Israel). Participation in the parade for them is about belonging, not support for any political structure or agenda. It makes sense that Jewish queer youth want to experience communal belonging in an LGBTQ-affirming way. Yet there are still those on the extreme political right and left who refuse to see this nuance and put our participants at risk.
In 2017 our LGBTQ contingent was targeted, infiltrated and sabotaged by members of Jewish Voice for Peace, an anti-Israel activist group. The protesters physically pushed, surrounded and blocked terrified queer Jewish minors who were bravely marching in front of their Orthodox families. Little did our teens know that it was bigotry from the left that would come for them that day.
This year we were particularly wary of marching among a predominantly Orthodox crowd — not because the Orthodox community has gotten more religious or pious, but because of reports that the Orthodox community has become more influenced by a political right that increasingly targets the LGBTQ community. One of the most influential public figures on the right is Ben Shapiro, an Orthodox Jew who, besides being fixated on canceling companies that work with trans people, recently published an article blaming LGBTQ acceptance for the “failure of modern Orthodox Judaism.”
Our contingent this year was mostly met with smiles, cheers and applause. However, it was difficult to ignore the handful of people on nearly every block who covered their children’s faces, displayed angry thumbs down signs and even shouted homophobic or transphobic slurs as we passed. Over the last few years I have noticed an uptick in these kinds of negative responses. It would be negligent not to connect this change to the recent nation-wide scapegoating of trans youth, drag artists, and LGBTQ acceptance.
This week, for the first time ever, the Human Rights Campaign declared an LGBTQ state of emergency in the United States, after lawmakers in 45 states proposed anti-trans bills in 2023. Of those, 24 have proposed “Don’t Say Gay” laws that criminalize discussion of LGBTQ issues in public schools, and lawmakers in 14 states have proposed anti-drag laws. Politicians and pundits with huge platforms are openly describing queer advocates as “groomers,” conveying that there is a pedophilic sexual agenda to the call for LGBTQ human rights and dignity.
This is the environment that LGBTQ Jewish youth live in today and experienced while marching in front of the Jewish community at this year’s parade. This is why I chose to march in drag. Marching is an exercise in building resilience and self-esteem in the face of adversity. My message is to not be afraid, to never back down and to be as magnificent as possible. These principles are the foundations of drag.
Drag is a queer art form that empowers us to express ourselves with every color imaginable. Drag elicits joy and entertainment by subverting expectations and turning gender expression into theatrical performance. It is an artistic genre that can be innocent or scandalous. The form ranges from family-friendly fun like “Mrs. Doubtfire” and Drag Queen Story Hours, to hit TV shows like “RuPaul’s Drag Race” and the more adult fare found in late night bars.
At the Celebrate Israel parade, drag is as natural an aesthetic for queer marchers as Bukharan music and garb are to the Russian-speaking Jewish community cluster. For many LGBTQ Jews, drag is as much a part of our culture and heritage as the celebration of Israel. This year, I was the first participant to march in drag. Next year, I hope many more will follow. Because let’s face it, nothing lights up a parade quite like a fabulous drag queen.
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The post Queer Jews fought to join the Celebrate Israel Parade. This year, I marched in drag. appeared first on Jewish Telegraphic Agency.
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Poetry in drama: Sutzkever’s stories come alive on the stage
יעדע פּיעסע איז נישט נאָר אַן אױפֿפֿירונג פֿון אַ סקריפּט, נאָר אױך אַן אינטערפּרעטאַציע דערפֿון. דאָס איז נאָך מער שײך אַ פּיעסע װאָס איז אַן אינסצענירונג פֿון די שאַפֿונגען פֿון אַ פּאָעט.
די פֿאָרשטעלונג „נאַכט־מעשׂיות“, װאָס שפּילט אין מאַנהעטן ביזן 11טן יאַנואַר, איז כּדאַי צו זען נישט נאָר צוליב די געניטע, פּרעציזע אַקטיאָרן װאָס שפּילן אין איר (שײן בייקער און מרים־חיה סגל), און נישט נאָר צוליב דער מוזיקאַלישער באַגלײטונג פֿון אורי שרעטער, נאָר אױך, און לױט מײַן מײנונג אפֿשר דער עיקר, צוליב די געלונגענע פֿאַרשטאַנדן פֿון אַבֿרהם סוצקעװערס װערק װאָס דער רעזשיסאָר משה יאַסור שטעלט אַרױס אױף דער בינע.
די דאָזיקע „מעשׂיות“ זײַנען באַזירט אױף פֿיר קורצע שאַפֿונגען פֿון פּאָעטישער פּראָזע, אַן אָפּקלײַב פֿון אַ צאָל אַזעלכע װאָס סוצקעװער האָט אַלײן גערופֿן „באַשרײַבונגען.“ די דאָזיקע טעקסטן זײַנען נישט קײן געװײנטלעכע קורצע דערצײלונגען. עס פֿעלט אָפֿט מאָל אַ קלאָרער נאַראַטיװ, און דערצו איז די אידענטיטעט פֿון נאַראַטאָר נישט קײן קלאָרע. די אמתע שװעריקײט, בײַם לײענער, שטעקט אָפֿט מאָל אינעם לשון אַלײן. דער װאָקאַבולאַר ניצט אױס די גאַנצע פּאַליטרע פֿון אַ צאָל תּחומען פֿון קונסט, װילנער קאָלאָריט, ייִדישן לעבן, און דער אונטערװעלט. ס׳איז אַ ליטעראַרישער מאָדערניזם װאָס שרעקט זיך נישט פֿאַר קײן טעמע. אױך די זאַצן זײַנען נישט אַלע מאָל גרינג צו דעשיפֿרירן.
מע דאַרף אױך דערמאָנען אַז די מעשׂיות קומען פֿאָר אין אַ װעלט װאָס איז פֿאַרשאָטנט מיטן ייִדישן חורבן, אין אַ מין גרענעץ־זאָנע צװישן דער איצטיקײט פֿון טראַװמאַטיזירטן זכּרון, דעם היסטאָרישן אַמאָל, און די נאָך־װײענישן פֿון אומקום, פֿון די ערשטע יאָרצענדליקער נאָכן חורבן, װען דער מחבר האָט באַשאַפֿן אָט די פּראָזעװערק.
די קאָמפּליצירטקײט פֿון טעקסט, און דער דוחק פֿון אַ קלאָרן סיפּור־המעשׂה, שטעלט צו צװײ געלעגנהײטן, אָדער מע קען זאָגן — שוועריקייטן: ערשטנס, אַז די אַקטיאָרן אַלײן זאָלן באַהערשן יעדן פּרט פֿון דער שפּראַך, און אַרײַנהױכן אין די װערטער די עמאָציעס און זשעסטן װאָס זאָלן העלפֿן אָריענטירן דעם צוקוקער (בפֿרט די װאָס פֿאַרלאָזן זיך אױף די ענגלישע אײבערטיטלען) דורכן טונקעלן װאַלד פֿון האַלב־פֿאַנטאַזירטן, האַלב־היסטאָרישן אומקום.
דער צװײטער ציל בײַם פֿאַרשטיין די פּיעסע איז אַ דראַמאַטישע: װי אַזױ קען דער רעזשיסאָר אינסצענירן די פּאָעטישע טעקסטן אױף דער בינע? יאַסור ספּראַװעט זיך דערמיט מיט קלאָרע באַשלוסן. זײַן טענדענץ איז צו זײַן מינימאַליסטיש. ער פּרוּװט נישט קאָנקרעט שילדערן די מאָדנע אימאַזשן און געשעענישן װאָס שװעבן דורך סוצקעװערס מעשׂיות. דער גראַפֿישער דיזײַן, און די מוזיק, דינען גיכער ווי אַ ציל פֿון סוגעסטיע, דמיונדיקע רמזים. צום קלערסטן קומט דאָס צום אױסדרוקן אין דער ערשטער מעשׂה „קינדערשע הענטלעך,“ װוּ בלױז אַ בילד פֿון אַזעלכע האַנטדרוקן זײַנען מרמז אױף דער גאַנצער סצענע.
אין „לופּוס,“ אַ דיאַלאָג צװישן אַן איזאָלירטן אַלכעמיסטישן פּאַרשױן (אין סוצקעװערס לשון, אַן „איבערכעמיקער“), און אַ באַשעפֿעניש װאָס לעבט אױף פֿונעם שאָטן פֿון אַ מת, איז יאַסורס צוגאַנג אַ געראָטענער: דאָס ליכט װאָס באַלײַכט דעם העלדס עקספּערימענטאַלער אַרבעט װאַרפֿט אַ שאָטן אױף אַ װאַנט, װאָס װערט אַלײן, דורך בייקערס קונציקע תּנועות און באַװעגונגען, דער פּאַרטנער אין דעם שמועס. בכלל לאָזט זיך אױס, דורך יאַסורס רעזשי, אַז לופּוס איז מחיה־המתים — זיך אַלײן. זיכער איז דאָס נישט דער אײנציקער אופֿן צו פֿאַרשטײן די דאָזיקע מעשׂה, נאָר מע װערט דערפֿון איבערצײַגט, און נתפּעל.
דער צװײטער צוגאַנג װאָס וואַרפֿט זיך אין די אױגן, װידער אױף אַ הצלחהדיקן אופֿן, האָט געהאַט צו טאָן מיט דער פּראָבלעם פֿון נאַראַטאָר אין סוצקעװערס מעשׂיות. אָפֿט מאָל רעדט דער נאַראַטאָר אין ערשטן פּערזאָן, און, װי געזאָגט, איז נישט אַלע מאָל קלאָר בײַם לײענער װער דאָס איז – אַ מאַן, אַ פֿרױ, אַ מת, אַ שד…? דערצו שטעלט זיך אַ פּראַקטישע פֿראַגע פֿון אינסצענירונג: נישט אַלע מאָל איז אינטערעסאַנט פֿאַרן עולם, אַז אײן קול, אָדער אײן אַקטיאָר, זאָל אױסשפּילן אַ גאַנצע דערציילונג װי אַן אײנצלנע דאָמינאַנטע פֿיגור.
איז אַ גליק אַז יאַסור, און די דאָזיקע אַקטיאָרן, שאַפֿן צוזאַמען אַ קלײנע געזעלשאַפֿט מיט בלױז צװײ פֿיגורן אױף דער בינע. אין „דאָרט, װוּ עס נעכטיקן די שטערן“, װערן די צװײ אַ פּאָרל װאָס שטעלט זיך אַרױס פֿונעם קעצישן, אָדער גאָר פֿאַרפֿירערישן זכּרון, פֿון אַ פֿרױ װעמענס אידענטיטעט איז אַלײן נישט קלאָר. די גוטמוטיקע גרײטקײט פֿון בייקער איז דערגאַנצט געוואָרן פֿון דער יענװעלטיקער צעדרײטקײט פֿון סגלס שדיכע־געשטאַלט.
אין דער לעצטער מעשׂה, „פּאָרטרעט אין בלױען סװעטער,“ בײַטן זיך אױס די רעפּליקעס פֿון די צװײ אַקטיאָרן, עלעהײ זײ לײענען בײדע פֿונעם נאַראַטאָרס זכרונות. אַזױ באַקומט זיך אַ פּיעסע בתּוך אַ פּיעסע, בשעת די צװײ אַקטיאָרן שפּילן אױס מעשׂיות איבערגעגעבן פֿון דער מעשׂהס נאַראַטאָר. ס׳איז כּדאַי צו באַמערקן, אַז יאַסור, און די אַקטיאָרן, שפּילן זיך פֿרײַ מיט פֿאַרשײדענע השׂגות פֿון מין (דזשענדער), אױף אַן אופֿן װאָס איז גאַנץ פֿאַרשפּרײט אין טעאַטער בכלל און אינעם ייִדישן טעאַטער בפֿרט. אױך אין דער דאָזיקער מעשׂה האָט מען אַרױסגעהױבן די אַנדערשקײטן פֿונעם װילנער נאַראַטאָר, אין פֿאַרגלײַך מיטן לשון פֿון װאַרשע װוּ דער אײגנטימער פֿון „סװעטער“ זוכט זײַן (צי איר) מזל. אַ „לוטװאַק“, ווי באַקאַנט, װערט נישט אַלע מאָל רעספּעקטירט פֿון די װאַרשעװער….
בײַם אױפֿנעמען די אַפּלאָדיסמענטן פֿונעם דאַנקבאַרן עולם, האָט בייקער באַמערקט מיט אַנטױשונג אַז נישט אַלע זיצפּלעצער זײַנען פֿאַרנומען געװאָרן, כאָטש ס׳איז דער אָװנט פֿון ערבֿ־ניטל, װען מע װאָלט געדאַרפֿט זײַן פֿרײַ פֿון דער אַרבעט און גערן שטיצן אַ ייִדישע פֿאָרשטעלונג. לאָמיר נעמען די געלעגנהײט אַרױסצוהײבן די הויכע קװאַליטעט און אַמביציעס פֿון דער דאָזיקער אױפֿפֿירונג, אױסגעצײכנט געשפּילט און שאַפֿעריש רעזשיסירט, און מוטיקן אונדזערע לײענערס אָנצופֿילן די ערטער.
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Explosion at Alawite Mosque in Syria’s Homs Kills Eight
Syrian President Ahmed al-Sharaa speaks during a joint press conference with French President Emmanuel Macron after a meeting at the Elysee Palace in Paris, France, May 7, 2025. Photo: REUTERS/Stephanie Lecocq/Pool
Eight people were killed in an explosion at a mosque of the Alawite minority sect in the Syrian city of Homs on Friday, Syrian state news agency SANA said.
SANA cited Syrian Health Ministry official Najib al-Naasan as saying 18 others were wounded and that the figures were not final, indicating they could rise.
The city’s press office said an explosive device had detonated inside the Imam Ali bin Abi Talib mosque and that security forces had cordoned off the area. A local security official told SANA that the identity of the perpetrator and any affiliation to violent groups were still unknown.
Local official Issam Naameh told Reuters the blast occurred during Friday noon prayers.
Syria‘s foreign ministry condemned the blast as a “terrorist crime.” Regional countries including Saudi Arabia, Lebanon, and Qatar also condemned the attack.
Syrian state media SANA published footage of rescuers and security forces examining debris splayed across the mosque’s green carpet.
Syria has been rocked by several episodes of sectarian violence since longtime leader Bashar al-Assad, an Alawite, was ousted by a rebel offensive last year and replaced by a government led by members of the Sunni Muslim majority.
Earlier this month, two American soldiers and a civilian interpreter were killed in central Syria by an attacker described by the authorities as a suspected member of the Islamic State, a violent Sunni Muslim group.
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Southern Yemeni Separatists Dismiss Saudi Call to Withdraw From Eastern Provinces
A drone view shows people attending a rally organized by Yemen’s main separatist group, the Southern Transitional Council (STC), in Aden, Yemen, Dec. 21, 2025. Photo: REUTERS/Fawaz Salman
Yemen’s main southern separatist group rejected on Friday a Saudi call for its forces to withdraw from areas it seized earlier in December, saying it will continue securing the eastern provinces of Hadramout and Mahra.
Saudi Arabia said on Thursday it remains hopeful the Southern Transitional Council (STC) will end an escalation and withdraw its forces from the provinces, after the group claimed broad control of the south and pushed the Saudi-backed, internationally recognized government from its headquarters in Aden.
The group said in a statement posted on its account on X that its military operations in the two provinces were to combat security threats, including cutting supplies to the Iran-backed Houthi terrorists who control the north of the country.
Situated between Saudi Arabia and an important shipping route on the Red Sea, Yemen was split into northern and southern states until 1990.
AIRSTRIKES IN HADRAMOUT
In Hadramout, an escalation of fighting on Thursday killed two people from the STC’s Hadhrami Elite Forces, the group said in its statement.
Armed groups had ambushed STC forces in the Ghail bin Yamin area in the east of the province, but the forces managed to regain control of the area, a source from the group – speaking on condition of anonymity – told Reuters.
Saudi airstrikes followed early on Friday, targeting the STC forces in the area, the source added.
The STC said the “surprising” airstrikes will not “serve any path to an understanding, nor will they deter the people of southern Yemen from continuing their struggle to restore their full rights.”
Saudi Arabia did not confirm the strikes.
The kingdom said in its Thursday statement that a joint Saudi-Emirati military delegation was sent to Aden on Dec. 12 to make “the necessary arrangements” to ensure the return of STC forces to their previous positions outside the two provinces, adding that the efforts were still in progress.
The STC said on Friday that the group was open to any “coordination or arrangements based on guaranteeing the security, unity, and integrity of the south, and ensuring that security threats do not recur.”
The group added that any arrangements should “fulfil the aspirations and will of the people of south of Yemen,” as well as “the shared interests” with Saudi Arabia.
UAE WELCOMES SAUDI EFFORTS
The United Arab Emirates, which supports the STC, welcomed on Friday Saudi Arabian efforts to support security and stability in Yemen, and said it remains committed to backing stability in the country.
“The UAE reaffirmed its steadfast commitment to supporting all endeavours aimed at strengthening stability and development in Yemen,” the foreign ministry said in a statement.
The STC was initially part of the Sunni Muslim Saudi-led alliance that intervened in Yemen in 2015 against the Houthis. But the group has turned on the government and sought self-rule in the south.
Yemen has already been marred by a civil war since 2014, with the Houthis controlling the northern part of the country, including the capital Sanaa, after forcing the Saudi-backed government to flee south.