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The JTA Q&A with Zohran Mamdani: ‘I don’t begrudge folks who are skeptical of me’
With days before the election in which he is favored to become New York City’s next mayor, Zohran Mamdani tells Jewish New Yorkers that he understands why some might be skeptical of him — and that he would work as mayor to protect and celebrate them nonetheless.
“I don’t begrudge folks who are skeptical of me, especially with tens of millions of dollars having been spent against me with the intent to do just that, but I hope to prove that I am someone to build a relationship with, not one to fear,” Mamdani tells the Jewish Telegraphic Agency.
Related: What Zohran Mamdani has actually said about Jews, Israel and antisemitism
The comment was included in Mamdani’s written responses to questions submitted by JTA and the New York Jewish Week to his campaign this week. The full Q&A, covering Mamdani’s relationships with Jewish New Yorkers, his policies and principles as a vocal pro-Palestinian advocate, his favorite Hanukkah movie and more, is below.
JTA’s Andrew Cuomo Q&A | JTA’s Curtis Sliwa Q&A
You have consistently assured Jewish New Yorkers that you will make sure their synagogues are safe on the High Holidays. What is your vision for synagogue security when it is not a major holiday, and would your vision for the Department of Community Safety play a role?
The first step is acknowledging the terrifying rise in antisemitism in our city. As hate crimes overall decreased from 2023 to 2024, antisemitic ones increased. There were 345 antisemitic hate crimes last year, making up more than half of all hate crimes recorded. Many Jewish New Yorkers no longer feel safe to be who they are in this city. Our relationship with houses of worship must be one of collaboration and partnership, and the process for getting NYPD presence should be one that is simple, not one that requires faith leaders to have the mayor on speed dial. I’ve proposed a public safety plan that keeps Jewish New Yorkers safe: Our Department of Community Safety (DCS) will increase funding to combat and prevent hate crimes by 800% with an emphasis on preventing antisemitic hate crimes. My administration will protect Jewish New Yorkers on the street, on the subway, and in their synagogues.
The head of a liberal pro-Israel group at Bowdoin said that you declined to meet with him as SJP’s president because of your group’s policy of “anti-normalization.” How do you view this philosophy today, and how would it inform your interactions with Jewish organizations and Jewish leaders who support Israel and reject your condemnations of Israel, including claims that it committed genocide?
I’ve been honored to meet with countless Jewish leaders and organizations, including many who have different views on Israel and Zionism than my own. I am looking to be a mayor for all New Yorkers and look forward to meeting with anyone who cares about making the most expensive city in America affordable to all who call it home.
You’ve mentioned several times gaining a new awareness of Jewish New Yorkers’ fears about the phrase “globalize the intifada” after speaking with a rabbi. What else have you learned in your conversations with Jewish leaders? What has been most surprising to you? How have your views or plans changed as a result?
While there are countless New Yorkers who have strong feelings on what happens in Israel and Palestine — myself included — I’ve learned that our areas of agreement far outweigh where we disagree. We all have a shared commitment to not only combating antisemitism and hatred in all its forms, but also to celebrating our communities, to making our city more affordable, and to a vision of a world where every human being is created equal.
We have spoken to a number of Jewish leaders who say they have met with you but will not share the content of their conversation. Why do you think it benefits New Yorkers for their contents to remain off the record?
It’s been beautiful to see the depth and the breadth of the Jewish community in our city. We’ve had honest dialogue—which has been overwhelmingly positive. I’m glad to have had the opportunity to introduce myself as I actually am, because many New Yorkers have only known me as a caricature. And I know that some feel that it can be easier to have productive conversations when both sides can be candid in the knowledge that what is said will remain in that room.
You’ve said you intend not to reinvest city funds in Israel bonds, in keeping with Brad Lander’s decision as comptroller. Would you advocate for divesting the city’s pension funds from Israeli securities entirely, as they did from Russian securities in 2022? Are there other ways that you would seek to advance the cause of BDS as mayor?
My priority as mayor will be to deliver on the affordability agenda I ran on: freezing the rent, universal childcare, and fast and free buses. That will always be the core of my administration. I support the approach of the current comptroller, Brad Lander, to end the practice of purchasing Israel bonds in our pension funds, which we do not do for any other nation.
Are there ways you would seek to boycott or sanction local Jewish not-for-profits for supporting Israel and Israelis that support the settlement movement, as you did with your Not On Our Dime bill? In your view, should such efforts apply to Jerusalem as well as the West Bank? Should they extend to organizations that supply humanitarian support to Israelis in the relevant areas?
Charities and nonprofits that receive a taxpayer subsidy should not support the violation of international law, and that’s what the right-wing Israeli settlement project is doing—an effort that goes against the stated foreign policy of our own government, going back several decades.
A handful of your Jewish mentors and friends have emerged through reporting about your history, and all of them openly share your views about Israel and Palestine. Can you tell us about any longstanding relationship you may have with a Jewish New Yorker who differs in that respect?
Of course — many. I moved to this city when I was 7 years old, and one of the joys of growing up in this city was learning about Jewish religion, identity, and culture through so many of my friends and their families — all of whom had a wide variety of politics on Israel and Palestine. Yet it was not the politics that I recall as much as the invitations to be a part of so many special moments — whether being invited over for Hanukkah to a friend’s home, watching “Eight Crazy Nights” as a kid, and going to b’nai mitzvot throughout my young years. I always understood these examples as part of what it means to be a New Yorker and part of what it means to love this city. Growing up on 118th and Riverside, there were so many times where I would be interacting with Jewish culture not even realizing that I was — I just thought it was the city around me.
Patrick Gaspard, a former Obama administration official and DNC chair, told the New Yorker that you were “a prototype for a new generation of American politicians, forged in the Palestinian-rights movement.” What does that mean to you? What do you hope it means for the Democratic Party’s future position on Israel?
My politics, at its core, is fundamentally one of both humanity and consistency. And I think of Dr. King’s words delivered at Riverside Church in Manhattan, when he said: “If America’s soul becomes totally poisoned, part of the autopsy must read: Vietnam. It can never be saved so long as it destroys the deepest hopes of men the world over.” For so many today, myself included, the struggle for Palestinian human rights is also the struggle to save our collective soul. The Democratic Party, if we hope to retain our claim to being the party of dignity and decency, must be a party of consistency and one that stands up for the human rights of all people, without exception.
You have said you support Israel only as a state with equal rights for all – i.e. not a state that privileges adherents of a single religion — and have never marched in the Israel Day parade. How do you square skipping that parade and joining, say, the Pakistan Day Mela, another event celebrating the independence of a foreign nation that embeds religion into governance and has perpetual conflict with its neighbor?
I look forward to joining —and hosting — many community events celebrating Jewish life in New York and the rich Jewish history and culture of our city. While I will not be attending the Israel Day Parade, my lack of attendance should not be mistaken for a refusal to provide security or the necessary permits for its safety. I’ve been very clear: I believe in equal rights for all people—everywhere. That principle guides me consistently.
As mayor, you would control the city’s public school system. You’ve said you would introduce a curriculum that teaches “about the beauty and breadth of the Jewish experience.” Can you explain more about the vision for this curriculum, including who should create it, what grades should experience it, and how Israel would be addressed in it?
The Hidden Voices program is an existing curriculum that was launched in 2018 as an initiative to help students learn about the many “hidden” New Yorkers — including Jewish New Yorkers and others—who have helped shape the fabric of our city and what it has become. I will be a mayor who ensures that these New Yorkers are no longer hidden, and are taught in our schools. Additionally, our Department of Community Safety will invest in data-backed approaches that prevent violence through education and community-building.
Over the past week, 1,100-plus rabbis have signed a letter against the “political normalization” of anti-Zionism and expressing concerns that your criticism of Israel will make some Jewish New Yorkers less safe. How do you view their response to your campaign? Do you think anti-Zionist rhetoric could, in fact, have that effect on Jewish safety?
I’ve appreciated meeting with Jewish New Yorkers all around this city, talking about what we can do to build bridges, and I look forward to continuing to engage in productive dialogue. I hope they know that, whether or not they support or agree with me, I will always be a mayor who protects them and their communities. I don’t begrudge folks who are skeptical of me, especially with tens of millions of dollars having been spent against me with the intent to do just that, but I hope to prove that I am someone to build a relationship with, not one to fear.
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The post The JTA Q&A with Zohran Mamdani: ‘I don’t begrudge folks who are skeptical of me’ appeared first on Jewish Telegraphic Agency.
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The call of this Hanukkah moment remains simple and urgent: Light candles everywhere. Even when we’re under attack.
The massacre in Sydney has left Jews around the world shaken and grieving. This act is far more than a heinous crime: It is a regression to darker times, when Jewish visibility itself carried mortal risk.
The commandment of Hanukkah is not simply to light candles, but to light them publicly – pirsumei nisa, the publicizing of the miracle. The point is not private consolation, but shared visibility. Jewish survival, the tradition teaches, is not meant to occur behind closed doors, but in full view.
Historically, however, it rarely did. In exile, Jews learned caution. The Talmud records how, in times of danger, the candles are to be moved indoors – lit discreetly, shielded from hostile eyes. This was not a theological revision but a concession to reality: When the public sphere is unsafe, Jewish life retreats into the private domain. For most of our history, this was our reality.
Modern democracies promised something different. Jews would no longer have to choose between safety and visibility. We could light openly again – on windowsills, in public squares, in front of city halls – because the surrounding society would protect us not merely by law, but by norm. Antisemitism would not just be illegal, it would be unthinkable.
The Sydney massacre, alongside countless incidents in societies Jews have long trusted, forces us to ask whether that promise is still being kept.
Jewish safety in the diaspora does not rest primarily on police presence or intelligence services – necessary though they are. It rests on something more fragile and more fundamental: a public culture in which Jews are not merely tolerated but embraced; in which antisemitism is not merely condemned after the fact but rejected instinctively and unequivocally as a violation of the moral order.
When Jews are attacked for being Jews, and the response is muted, conditional, or delayed, the message is unmistakable. Jews may still live here, but only quietly.
That is why the response to Sydney must not be withdrawal, but the exact opposite. We cannot and will not retreat into hiding our light. The call of this moment is simple and urgent: Light candles everywhere.
Jewish communities and organizations must orchestrate public Hanukkah candle lightings in the central squares of democratic cities across Europe, across the English-speaking world, wherever Jews live under the protection of free societies. Not hidden ceremonies. Not fenced-off gatherings on the margins. But civic events, hosted openly and proudly, with the participation of local and national leaders – and of fellow non-Jewish citizens.
This is not unprecedented. Every year, a Hanukkah menorah is lit at the White House. The symbolism is powerful precisely because it is mundane: Jewish light belongs at the heart of the civic space, not as an exception, not as an act of charity, but as a matter of course. That model should now be replicated widely.
Israeli diplomatic missions, together with local Jewish organizations, should work actively with municipalities and governments to make these public lightings happen – not merely as acts of Jewish resilience, but as declarations of democratic commitment. Because this is not only a Jewish question.
A society in which Jews feel compelled to hide their symbols is a society already retreating from its own values. Antisemitism is never a stand-alone phenomenon; it is the canary in the democratic coal mine. Where Jews are unsafe, pluralism is already fraying.
Lighting candles in public squares will not undo the horror of Sydney. But it will answer it – not with fear, and not with silence, but with a refusal to normalize xenophobia, antisemitism, and Jewish invisibility.
The ancient question of Hanukkah – where we light – has returned as a modern moral test of democratic societies and leaders worldwide. Where Jewish light is extinguished, democracy itself is cast into shadow. If it can still be lit openly, with the full backing of the societies Jews call home, then the promise of democratic life remains alive.
Our light must not hide. Not now. Never again.
The post The call of this Hanukkah moment remains simple and urgent: Light candles everywhere. Even when we’re under attack. appeared first on The Forward.
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Australia shooting terrifies Jews worldwide — and strengthens the case for Israel
If the shooters who targeted Jews on a beach in Australia while they were celebrating Hanukkah thought their cowardly act would turn the world against Israel, they were exactly wrong: Randomly killing people at a holiday festival in Sydney makes the case for Israel.
The world wants Jews to disown Israel over Gaza, but bad actors keep proving why Jews worldwide feel such an intense need to have a Jewish state.
Think about it. The vast majority of Jews who settled in Israel went there because they felt they had nowhere else to go. To call the modern state “the ingathering of exiles” softpedals reality and tells only half the story. The ingathering was a result of an outpouring of hate and violence.
Attacking Jews is the best way to rationalize Zionism.
Judaism’s holidays are often (humorously) summarized as, “They tried to kill us, they failed, let’s eat.” Zionism is simply, “They tried to kill us, they failed, let’s move.”
Theodor Herzl, the founder of modern Zionism, didn’t have a religious or even a tribal bone in his body. He would have been happy to stay in Vienna writing light plays and eating sacher torte. But bearing witness to the rise of antisemitism, he saw the Land of Israel as the European Jew’s best option.
The Eastern European pogroms, the Holocaust, the massacre of Jews in Iraq in 1941 — seven years before the State of Israel was founded — the attacks on Jews throughout the Middle East after Israel’s founding, the oppression of Jews in the former Soviet Union — these were what sent Jews to Israel.
How many Australians are thinking the same way this dark morning?
There’s a lot to worry about in Israel. It is, statistically, more dangerous to be Jewish there than anywhere else in the world. But most Jews would rather take their chances on a state created to protect them, instead of one that just keeps promising it will – especially when the government turns a blind eye to antisemitic incitement and refuses to crack down on violent protests, as Australia has.
“For over a year we have seen racist mobs impeding on the rights and freedoms of ordinary Australians. We have been locked out of parts of our cities because the police could not ensure our safety. Students have been told to stay away from campuses. We have been locked down in synagogues,” Alex Ryvchin, the co-CEO of the Executive Council of Australian Jewry, wrote a year ago, after the firebombing attack on a Melbourne synagogue.
Since then a childcare centre in Sydney’s east was set alight by vandals, cars were firebombed, two Australian nurses threatened to kill Jewish patients, to name a few antisemitic incidents. There were 1,654 antisemitic incidents logged in Australia from October 2024 to September 2025 — in a country with about 117,000 Jews.
“The most dangerous thing about terrorism is the over-reaction to it,” the philosopher Yuval Noah Harari said. He was talking about the invasion of Iraq after 9/11, the crackdown on civil liberties and legitimate protest. But surely it’s equally dangerous to underreact to terrorism and terrorist rhetoric.
Israel’s destruction of Gaza following the Hamas attack of Oct. 7, 2023 led to worldwide protests, which is understandable, if not central to why tensions have escalated.
But condemning civilian casualties and calling for Palestinian self-determination — something many Jews support — too often crosses into calls for destroying Israel, demonizing Israelis and their Jews. That’s how Jews heard the phrase “globalize the intifada” — as a justification for the indiscriminate violence against civilians.
When they took issue with protesters cosplaying as Hamas and justifying the Oct. 7 massacre, that’s what they meant. And look at what happened in Bondi Beach, they weren’t wrong. Violence leads to violence, and so does support for violence.
Chabad, which hosted the Hanukkah celebration in Sydney, has always leaned toward a more open door policy with less apparent security than other Jewish institutions. But one of the reasons it has been so effective at outreach has also made it an easy target.
As a result of the Bondi shooting, Chabad will likely increase security, as will synagogues around the world. Jewish institutions will think hard about publicly advertising their events. Law enforcement and public officials will, thankfully, step up protection, at least for a while. These are all the predictable result of an attack that, given the unchecked antisemitic rhetoric and weak responses to previous antisemitic incidents, was all but inevitable.
It’s not inevitable that Australian Jews would now move to Israel, no more than it would have been for Pittsburgh’s Jewish community to uproot itself and move to Tel Aviv after the 2018 Tree of Life massacre. That didn’t happen, because ultimately the risk still doesn’t justify it.
But these shootings, and the constant drip of violent rhetoric, vandalism and confrontation raise a question: If you want to kill Jews in Israel, and you kill them outside Israel, where, exactly, are we supposed to go?
The post Australia shooting terrifies Jews worldwide — and strengthens the case for Israel appeared first on The Forward.
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These are the victims of the Bondi Beach Hanukkah celebration shooting in Sydney
(JTA) — A local rabbi, a Holocaust survivor and a 12-year-old girl are among those killed during the shooting attack Sunday on a Hanukkah celebration in Sydney, Australia.
Here’s what we know about the 11 people murdered in the attack, which took place at a popular beachside playground where more than 1,000 people had congregated to celebrate the first night of the holiday, as well as about those injured.
This story will be updated.
Eli Schlanger, rabbi and father of five
Schlanger was the Chabad emissary in charge of Chabad of Bondi, which had organized the event. He had grown up in England but moved to Sydney 18 years ago, where he was raising his five children with his wife Chaya. Their youngest was born just two months ago.
In addition to leading community events through Chabad of Bondi, Schlanger worked with Jewish prisoners in Australian prisons. “He flew all around the state, to go visit different people in jail, literally at his own expense,” Mendy Litzman, a Sydney Jew who responded as a medic to the attack, told the Jewish Telegraphic Agency.
Last year, amid a surge in antisemitic incidents in Australia, Schlanger posted a video of himself dancing and celebrating Hanukkah, promoting lighting menorahs as “the best response to antisemitism.”
The best response to antisemitism. Happy Chanukah! pic.twitter.com/33RSGYzhUY
— Rabbi Eli Schlanger (@SchlangerEli) December 17, 2024
Two months before his murder, he published an open letter to Australian Prime Minister Anthony Albanese urging him to rescind his “act of betrayal” of the Jewish people. The letter was published on Facebook the same day, Sept. 21, that Albanese announced he would unilaterally recognize an independent Palestinian state.
Alex Kleytman, Holocaust survivor originally from Ukraine
Kleytman had come to the Bondi Beach Hanukkah celebration annually for years, his wife Larisa told The Australian. She said he was protecting her when he was shot. The couple, married for six decades, has two children and 11 grandchildren.
The Australia reported that Kleytman was a Holocaust survivor who had passed World War II living with his family in Siberia.
12-year-old girl
Alex Ryvchin, co-CEO of the Executive Council of Australian Jewry, told CNN that a friend “lost his 12-year-old daughter, who succumbed to her wounds in hospital.” The girl’s name was not immediately released.
Dozens of people were injured
- Yossi Lazaroff, the Chabad rabbi at Texas A&M University, said his son had been shot while running the event for Chabad of Bondi. “Please say Psalms 20 & 21 for my son, Rabbi Leibel Lazaroff, יהודה לייב בן מאניא who was shot in a terrorist attack at a Chanukah event he was running for Chabad of Bondi in Sydney, Australia,” he tweeted.
- Yaakov “Yanky” Super, 24, was on duty for Hatzalah at the event when he was shot in the back, Litzman said. “He started screaming on his radio that he needs back up, he was shot. I heard it and I responded to the scene. I was the closest backup. I was one of the first medical people on the scene,” Litzman said. He added, “We just went into action and saved a lot of lives, including one of our own.”
The post These are the victims of the Bondi Beach Hanukkah celebration shooting in Sydney appeared first on The Forward.
