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US soldiers stationed in Kiryat Gat turn sleepy Israeli city into an unexpected hotspot
(JTA) — At one of Kiryat Gat’s main shopping complexes, U.S. Army camouflage does everything but blend in.
American troops in fatigues move between shawarma stands and sports-shoe stores, a new presence in the southern industrial city, part of a multinational civil-military coordination center set up to monitor the Gaza ceasefire. The center, housed in a converted logistics building about 15 miles from the Gaza border, opened last week with roughly 200 American personnel as well as smaller contingents from at least eight other countries.
By the weekend, the sight of Americans in uniform had become routine. “Big guys, all in perfect formation,” one shopkeeper at the BIG mall told the Walla news site, “like they came out of a Hollywood movie.”
Cafes, restaurants, and food delivery services have been “working around the clock” to accommodate the city’s new foreign guests. On social media, commenters called the deployment “a new world order,” noting that Kiryat Gat was trending for the first time in years — and not because of pop star Ninet Tayeb, still the city’s most famous export.
City officials have leaned into the moment. Mayor Kfir Swisa publicly welcomed the deployment, telling residents the personnel were “received with open arms,” framing the center as both a security asset and an unexpected local boon. Senior U.S. officials have visited the site in quick succession, including Vice President JD Vance and Secretary of State Marco Rubio, who said U.S. ambassador to Yemen Steven Fagin would oversee the civilian side of operations, while U..S Central Command’s Adm. Brad Cooper would handle the military track, including Hamas’s disarmament.
During an interview on Channel 12’s current-affairs program, host Avri Gilad asked Swisa whether the arrival of the Americans had changed life in the city. Swisa replied that it “puts Kiryat Gat on the map,” adding that “now the Americans have also realized what many young Israelis already know” — that the city’s location near the cross-country Highway 6, its rail link, and its “rich cultural and sports scene” make it an appealing place to be.
Gilad cut in, “They didn’t come here for the sports life.” He went on to ask if there had been “any new love interests,” echoing online chatter about whether romances might bloom between U.S. soldiers and local women, before inquiring how many McDonald’s branches Kiryat Gat has.
“They haven’t asked for a hamburger yet,” Swisa said. “They’re enjoying the local Kiryat Gat food.”
The BIG shopping complex where the American soldiers have been spotted is in Carmei Gat, a neighborhood whose rapid growth prompted one mainstream Israeli newspaper to dub Kiryat Gat as the new capital of the Negev, overtaking Beersheba as the region’s commercial hub. A new housing agreement set to be signed later this week in the presence of Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu will add 21,000 apartments in Carmei Gat, doubling Kiryat Gat’s size and making it one of the 10 largest cities in Israel.
The neighborhood is also home to evacuees from Nir Oz, the Gaza envelope kibbutz that was relocated there after being attacked on Oct. 7. One convenience store owner, Shai Avisror, himself displaced from Kibbutz Zikim, said anyone arriving in uniform gets a free coffee or cold drink.
“Soldiers are the holy of holies,” he told one reporter, though it’s unclear if the same rule applies to the Americans.
Not everyone shared Swisa’s enthusiasm, with some residents warning that the American presence would endanger the city. “Until now it was relatively quiet here, and now we have become a strategic target,” one commenter wrote. Another wrote that the deployment would give “Hamas, Iran and the Houthis a reason to launch missiles” at the city, and advised homeowners to start selling apartments quickly because “Kiryat Gat is about to become Ofakim” — a reference to the Gaza envelope town that was attacked on Oct. 7. A third commented that while the city now boasted “a U.S. command center,” it still lacked “a cinema, a vehicle-testing station, a pub or even one good restaurant open on weekends.”
He added, “Thank God we are on Highway 6 and can get away fast.”
One commenter went further, alleging that the Americans were “FEMA soldiers” forming a multinational force that would eventually replace the IDF and police “in preparation for a single world government,” a conspiracy theory tied to claims about “Agenda 2030.”
Much of the commentary reflected a broader unease over who is now directing events in Gaza. One user warned that “the Americans are only the beginning,” predicting “an airlift of Turkish and Indonesian soldiers soon and God knows who else they’ve sold us to.” Referring to Netanyahu as “Trump’s prime minister,” one commenter tied the moment to the dispute over the haredi draft, writing that with ultra-Orthodox men refusing to enlist, “there’s no choice now but to bring in American reinforcements.”
Netanyahu has said he would not allow the deployment of Turkish troops in Gaza and insisted that Israel remains fully sovereign, telling his cabinet that it “does not seek anyone’s approval” for actions carried out there.
Critics say the Kiryat Gat command center reflects a mismatch between its stated purpose and Israel’s main security priorities, focusing on humanitarian coordination and ceasefire maintenance rather than disarmament and anti-smuggling operations. Meir Ben Shabbat, head of the Misgav Institute for National Security and Zionist Strategy and a former national security adviser, wrote in the Israel Hayom daily that Israel “must eliminate the vagueness concerning headquarters and mediation and coordination entities” and explain what the center will actually contribute toward achieving Israel’s objectives in Gaza.
But for now, the relationship between the U.S. soldiers and their newly adopted city is still in a honeymoon period. An AI-generated video circulating on social media and shared by the city showed an American soldier speaking fluent Hebrew and praising Kiryat Gat’s “falafel, with tahina and amba — just delicious.”
The post US soldiers stationed in Kiryat Gat turn sleepy Israeli city into an unexpected hotspot appeared first on The Forward.
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How Judeo-languages helped transmit knowledge to the Jewish masses
זינט אוראַלטע צײַטן האָבן זיך ייִדן באַנוצט מיט פֿרעמדע שפּראַכן כּדי צו באַקענען פֿאַרשײדענע ייִדישע ייִשובֿים מיט קאַנאָנישע טעקסטן פֿון תּנ״ך, גמרא און תּפֿילות. דער דאָזיקער טעמע זײַנען געװידמעט קאַפּיטלען אינעם נײַעם זאַמלבאַנד „בריקן פֿון קענטעניש: ייִדישע שפּראַכן אינעם קולטורעלן קאָנטעקסט“, רעדאַקטירט דורך די פּראָפֿעסאָרן זשאַן באַומגאַרטען (סאָרבאָן־אוניװערסיטעט, פּאַריז), רות פֿאָן בערנוט (אוניװערסיטעט פֿון צפֿון־קאַראָלײַנע) און משה לבֿיא (אוניװערסיטעט פֿון חיפֿה).
הײַנט זײַנען ייִדיש און לאַדינאָ די צװײ סאַמע פֿאַרשפּרײטע און באַקאַנטע ייִדישע שפּראַכן, אָבער די סאַמע אַלטע פֿרעמדע שפּראַך, װאָס ייִדן האָבן „פֿאַרייִדישט“, איז געװען אַראַמיש, דער תּרגום־ און גמרא־לשון. אין מיטל־עלטער האָט דער ייִדישער דיאַלעקט פֿון אַראַביש אויך געשפּילט אַ װיכטיקע ראָלע אין אָפּהיטן און פֿאַרשפּרײטן ייִדישע קענטענישן אױף די ברײטע שטחים צװישן בבֿל און שפּאַניען.
חוץ דעם האָבן ייִדן אין פֿאַרשײדענע לענדער און תּקופֿות גענוצט אײגענע נוסחאָות פֿון איטאַליעניש, גריכיש, אַלט־פֿראַנצױזיש, פֿאַרסי, טאָטעריש, טשעכיש וכּדומה. דער בולטסטער חילוק צװישן דעם ייִדישן און ניט־ייִדישן נוסח פֿון אַ שפּראַך זײַנען ניט די װערטער, נאָר דער אַלף־בית: ייִדן האָבן פֿאַרשריבן זײערע טעקסטן מיט ייִדישע אותיות.
פֿינעף פֿון די פֿערצן קאַפּיטלען אינעם זאַמלבוך באַהאַנדלען אַלט־ייִדיש. איבערטײַטשונגען פֿון לשון־קודשדיקע מקורים זײַנען געװען דער יסוד פֿון דער אַלט־ייִדישער ליטעראַטור. מען האָט איבערגעטײַטשט ניט נאָר דעם תּנ״ך, נאָר אױך די אַפּאָקריפֿן („ספֿרים חיצונים“ אױף העברעיִש), דאָס הײסט ספֿרים פֿון דער תּקופֿה פֿונעם תּנ״ך, װעלכע זײַנען ניט אַרײַן אינעם ייִדישן קאַנאָן אָבער האָבן זיך אָפּגעהיט אין דער קריסטלעכער טראַדיציע.
אַ ספּעציעלן אָרט צװישן די דאָזיקע ביכער פֿאַרנעמט דער ספֿר „חכמת בן־סירא“, שרײַבט פֿאָן בערנוט. ביז הײַנט האָבן זיך אָפּגעהיט פֿיר פֿאַרשײדענע ייִדישע נוסחאָות פֿונעם דאָזיקן ספֿר — אַ סימן, אַז דאָס איז געװען אַ פּאָפּולערע לעקטור. דער מקור פֿאַר די ייִדישע איבערטײַטשונגען איז געװען מאַרטין לוטערס דײַטשישע איבערזעצונג פֿון דער ביבל, װאָס האָט כּולל געװען די אַפּאָקריפֿן, איבערגעזעצט פֿון לאַטײַניש און גריכיש.
די ערשטע ייִדישע אױסגאַבע פֿון בן סיראס משלים איז אַרױס אין קראָקע אַרום 1539, איבערגעטײַטשט דורך דעם משומד יאָהאַנעס העליטש. פֿאַר זײַן שמד האָט ער געהײסן אליקום. בשותּפֿות מיט זײַנע צװײ ברידער האָט ער פֿאַרמאָגט די ערשטע ייִדישע דרוקערײַ אין קוזמאַרק, דער ייִדישער פֿאָרשטאָט פֿון קראָקע.
אָבער דער געשעפֿט איז ניט געגאַנגען גוט, און כּדי פּטור צו װערן פֿון די שװערע חובֿות, האָבן זיך די דרײַ ברידער געשמדט. פֿאַר דעם האָט דער פּױלישער קעניג סיגיזמונד דער ערשטער בטל געמאַכט זײערע חובֿות און געגעבן זײ אַ חזקה אױף דרוקן און פֿאַרקױפֿן אַלע ייִדישע ספֿרים אין פּױלן.
װען ייִדן האָבן זיך אָפּגעזאָגט צו קױפֿן ספֿרים בײַ די ברידער־משומדים, האָט דער קעניג געצװוּנגען ייִדישע קהילות אָפּצוקױפֿן דעם גאַנצן זאַפּאַס פֿון כּמעט 4,000 ביכער. דערנאָך האָט די העליטש־דרוקערײַ אױפֿגעהערט צו דרוקן ייִדישע ביכער בכלל און זיך גענומען פֿאַר קריסטלעכע. צװישן די פֿאַרקױפֿטע ייִדישע ביכער איז מסתּמא אױך געװען דער ספֿר פֿון בן סירא, האַלט פֿאָן בערנוט. מיר װײסן אָבער ניט, צי ייִדן האָבן טאַקע געלײענט די דאָזיקע „טרײפֿענע“ אױסגאַבע.
דער צװײטער ייִדישער נוסח פֿון „בן סירא“ שטאַמט פֿון אַרום דעם יאָר 1600 און האָט זיך אָפּגעהיט בלױז אינעם כּתבֿ־יד. אָבער די צװײ אַנדערע אױסגאַבעס, װאָס זײַנען אַרױס מיט העכער װי 100 יאָר שפּעטער, זײַנען טאַקע געװען פּאָפּולער בײַם אַשכּנזישן עולם. אינעם יאָר 1712 האָט דער אַמסטערדאַמער דרוקער יוסף מאַרסען אַרױסגעגעבן „ספֿר יהושע בן סיראַק“ איבערגעזעצט אױף ייִדיש און העברעיִש.
אין דער הקדמה האָט ער באַשריבן דאָס בוך װי „אײן מעכטיק געטליך ספֿר פֿאַר אַלע מענטשן“, װאָס איז „שײן צו לעזען ניט אַלײן פֿאַר װײַבער“, נאָר אױך פֿאַר „באַלעבאַטים“.די צװײטע אױפֿלאַגע איז אַרױס אין יאָר 1747, אַ סימן, אַז דאָס בוך איז געװען פּאָפּולער.
נאָך אײן אױסגאַבע פֿון „בן סירא“ איז אַרױס אין אָפֿנבאַך, דײַטשלאַנד אין 1721. דער איבערזעצער, אַהרן בן שמואל פֿון הערגערסהאַוזען, איז געװען אַ ייִדישער סוחר מיט ליטעראַרישע אינטערעסן. אַזױ, פֿאַרסך־הכּלט פֿאָן בערנוט, איז די געשיכטע פֿון ייִדישע פֿאַרטײַטשונגען פֿונעם ספֿר בן־סירא אַן אינטערעסאַנטער בײַשפּיל פֿון דעם, װי ייִדן האָבן צוריקגעװוּנען זײער קולטור-ירושה פֿונעם קריסטלעכן רשות.
אַ װיכטיקער מקור פֿאַר ייִדישע איבערטײַטשונגען איז געװען די קבלה. ביזן 17טן יאָרהונדערט איז זי פֿאַרבליבן אַ געהײמע תּורה, װאָס מען האָט געלערנט בלױז צװישן געצײלטע יחידי־סגולה. אָבער מיט דער אַנטװיקלונג פֿון ייִדישן ביכערדרוק איז קבלה געװאָרן פּאָפּולער בײַ מאַסן־לײענער, שרײַבט זשאַן באַומגאַרטען.
אָפֿט מאָל האָט מען אַרײַנגענומען פֿראַגמענטן פֿון קבליסטישע חבורים, אַזעלכע װי ספֿר הזוהר, אין ייִדישע ביכער װעגן מנהגים, אין מעשׂה־ביכער און תּחינות פֿאַר פֿרױען. מען האָט פֿאַרטײַטשט קאָמפּליצירטע מיסטישע השׂגות אױף אַ פּראָסטן לשון, װאָס איז געװען פֿאַרשטענדלעך פֿאַר פֿרױען און נישט־געלערנטע מענער. דערבײַ האָט מען כּסדר ניט דערמאָנט קײן מקור. אַנשטאָט דעם האָט מען פּשוט געזאָגט „המקובלים שרײַבן“. אַזױ זײַנען די מיסטישע באַגריפֿן און אימאַזשן אַרײַן אינעם טאָגטעגלעכן שטײגער פֿון אַשכּנזים.
די נײַע טעכנאָלאָגיע פֿון ביכערדרוק האָט דערמעגלעכט צוצוגעבן ייִדישע טײַטשן אין סידורים און מחזורים. זײ האָבן געהאָלפֿן בעסער צו פֿאַרשטײן די האַרבע עבֿרי פֿון תּפֿילות, אָבער עס זײַנען ניטאָ קײן ראַיות, אַז מען האָט טאַקע געדאַװנט אָדער געלײענט תּורה אױף טײַטש, שרײַבט פּראָפֿעסאָר אורן כּהן רומן (אוניװערסיטעט פֿון חיפֿה).
אין דעם זין זײַנען אַשכּנזים אַנדערש פֿון אַנדערע עדות. די תּימנער האָבן אַ מאָל געלײענט די פּרשה קודם אױף לשון־קודש און דערנאָך אין דער אַראַבישער איבערזעצונג פֿון ר׳ סעדיה גאון. אין אײניקע ספֿרדישע שילן חזרט מען איבער אײניקע פּיוטים אױף יום־כּפּור טאַקע אױף לאַדינאָ.
גאָר אַן אַנדערער זשאַנער זײַנען באַריכטן פֿון ייִדישע נסיעה־שרײַבער, װאָס האָבן דערצײלט װעגן װײַטע מקומות. אײנע פֿון די פּאָפּולערסטע מוסטערן איז „גלילות ארץ ישׂראל“ (געגנטן פֿון ארץ־ישׂראל) פֿון גרשון בן אליעזר סעגאַל פֿון פּראָג, װאָס באַשרײַבט מיטל־מזרחדיקע לענדער. דאָס דאָזיקע בוך האָט געהאַט צען אױפֿלאַגעס צװישן דעם 17טן און דעם 20סטן יאָרהונדערט. אין דער אמתן אָבער איז דאָס ניט קײן אָריגינעלע רײַזע־באַשרײַבונג, נאָר אַ זאַמלונג פֿריִערדיקע העברעיִשע מקורים.
אָבער דאָס הײסט ניט, אַז „גלילות ארץ ישׂראל“ האָט ניט קײן װערט, שרײַבט אסנת שרון־פּינטו (העברעיִשער אוניװערסיטעט אין ירושלים). אױפֿן סמך פֿון אַ פּרטימדיקן אַנאַליז פֿון די מקורים קומט זי צום אױספֿיר, אַז דער מחבר האָט אױסגעקליבן די סאַמע טשיקאַװע מעשׂיות און געגעבן דעם ייִדישן מאַסן־לײענער אַ פֿאַרכאַפּנדיקע לעקטור װעגן כּלערלײ עקזאָטישע װײַטע מקומות. צװישן זײ — רעאַלע בילדער פֿון ארץ־ישׂראל און פֿאַנטאַסטישע מעשׂיות װעגן דעם טײַך סמבטיון און דעם מלכות פֿון צען שבֿטים. דאָס איז אַ מין בוך װאָס װאָלט אױפֿגערעגט דעם כּוח־הדמיון בײַ בנימין, דעם העלד פֿון מענדעלע מוכר־ספֿרימס ראָמאַן „מסעות בנימין השלישי“.
די קאַפּיטלען אינעם זאַמלבאַנד „בריקן פֿון קענטעניש“ ברענגען צונױף טעקסטן פֿון פֿאַרשײדענע לענדער, תּקופֿות און זשאַנערס, װאָס זײ אַלע האָבן געדינט אײן צװעק: צו פֿאַרגרינגערן דעם אױסטױש צװישן פֿאַרשײדענע צװײַגן פֿון דער ייִדישער קולטור דורך איבערזעצן אָדער איבערטײַטשן זײ פֿון אײן לשון אױף אַן אַנדערן.
אַ שאָד נאָר, װאָס די מחברים האָבן זיך באַגרענעצט כראָנאָליגיש און ניט גענומען אין באַטראַכט די מאָדערנע תּקופֿה. אַלטע טעקסטן האָבן װײַטער געלעבט, שעפֿעריש איבערגעאַרבעט, אין די װערק פֿון ייִדישע און העברעיִשע מחברים פֿונעם 19טן און 20טן יאָרהונדערט, אַזעלכע װי מענדעלע מוכר־ספֿרים, איציק מאַנגער, יצחק באַשעװיס און אַנדערע.
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Neo-Nazis raise money for Georgia man wearing Nazi uniform who allegedly assaulted UGA student
A Georgia man wearing a Nazi uniform was arrested last week after allegedly assaulting a University of Georgia student outside a bar, in an incident that has gone viral on social media.
A noted white supremacist is taking credit for helping the alleged assailant, Kenneth Leland Morgan, make bail after several days.
The altercation, which took place outside Cutter’s Pub in downtown Athens, began after the assailant was allegedly denied entry to the bar and asked to leave, according to UGA student newspaper Red and Black.
Morgan, who was born in 1992, was then confronted by two women outside of the bar, one of whom was Jewish, and the group got into a “yelling match” over his Nazi uniform, the victim, Grace Lang, told the Red and Black.
Lang, a 23-year old UGA student, attempted to intervene in the confrontation and reached to rip off Morgan’s red swastika armband, after which he hit her in the face with a glass pitcher, according to video of the assault circulating on social media.
“His blatant attempt to instill fear and create outrage in the community was what sparked the issue,” Lang told the Red and Black. “I grabbed the armband, not him, to remove a hate symbol. The bar we were at doesn’t even have glass pitchers, and I have no clue where he brought it from. I didn’t see it in his hand, but he was clearly ready to use it against anyone.”
Lang sustained a broken nose and a black eye from the assault, and told the Red and Black she received four stitches on her nose bridge in the emergency room.
“We are horrified by the actions of an individual who, while in downtown Athens wearing a Nazi uniform, assaulted a female University of Georgia student. The man is not a student and is not affiliated with the University,” the university said in a statement. “Members of UGA’s Student Care and Outreach team are in contact with our student who was assaulted in this off-campus incident, as well as other students who witnessed this heinous antisemitic behavior.”
Local Jewish leaders denounced the incident. “The Nazi symbol is the symbol of absolute evil. It’s the symbol of hate,” Rabbi Michoel Refson, co-director of Chabad-UGA, told local media, noting that his grandmother survived Auschwitz. “It’s painful, it’s upsetting, it’s hurtful.”
Morgan was later apprehended by police and booked on suspicion of two misdemeanor counts of simple battery and one felony count of aggravated assault. The Athens-Clarke County Police Department did not immediately respond to an inquiry by the Jewish Telegraphic Agency about the incident.
There are signs that Morgan is becoming a cause célèbre for neo-Nazis in the United States. The white supremacist Paul Miller, who gained notoriety for making hate-filled videos while wearing Nazi garb, said on social media that he was working to secure Morgan’s release and directed followers to a crowdfunding campaign that he said was from Morgan directly.
“I am in contact with @GasChambers,” Miller tweeted on Sunday, referring to an X account that says it has raised money for . “We are going to pay the bail for Kenneth in the next few days he will be free. Gaschamber was very kind and gracious.We just spoke on the phone.We are going to get kenneth out very soon.”
On Monday morning, Morgan was held in the Clarke County Jail on $1,500 bond, but by Monday evening, he had been removed from the jail’s online registry of inmates.
Miller said the donation campaign was needed because Morgan had lost his job over the incident. The crowdfunding campaign, on a site that bills itself as a Christian alternative to GoFundMe and is reportedly popular among extremists, has raised more than $5,000 so far, with donors listed as “White Power,” “Joseph Goebbels” and “H3il H1tler.”
The incident is not the only recent Nazi controversy to roil the UGA campus. In January, UGA students staged a protest against the reinstatement of a professor in the engineering college, George Raymond Haynie III, who was placed on leave after allegedly hosting a neo-Nazi event on his property.
In April, after the school established an advisory committee on Jewish student life, it was awarded an “A” grade by the Anti-Defamation League for its efforts to combat campus antisemitism.
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Why Jewish teens aren’t speaking out about the NYC mayoral election, despite their strong feelings
This article was produced as part of the New York Jewish Week’s Teen Journalism Fellowship, a program that works with Jewish teens around New York City to report on issues that affect their lives.
As a teen reporter I work hard to amplify the voices of young people on issues that affect them. That’s why I was excited about my assignment from the New York Jewish Week to gather teens’ reactions to the upcoming New York City mayoral election. While many of these teens aren’t old enough to vote, I hoped to present a range of opinions from young people who care about their city and its future.
But when I started to report on the issue, I kept hitting the same wall: None of the teens I tried to interview would go on the record with their names or their political beliefs. All eight said they didn’t want that type of exposure in such a politically divisive time.
The teens I met aren’t the only ones who feel this way, and it isn’t just the mayoral election that’s keeping young adults quiet. According to Education Week, “young people are reluctant to discuss politics, especially without a space to safely navigate those discussions in such a polarized environment.” The article found that teens often worry that if they speak up in school, their voices will be dismissed, criticized or misunderstood. A lack of confidence could play a role, too: A 2023 study by CIRCLE, Tufts University’s research organization focused on youth civic engagement, found that only 40% of students feel “well-qualified” to participate in political conversations.
Nonetheless, in private conversations, the New York City teens I talked with shared fascinating insights about the mayoral race. The discussions broadly fell into two camps: Teens felt conflicted over the morality and beliefs of the candidates, and they also feared that if they said the wrong thing, their opinions would follow them for the rest of their lives.
Zohran Mamdani, the frontrunner, is a progressive and a staunch critic of Israel who won the Democratic nomination. His closest challenger, former New York Gov. Andrew Cuomo, is seeking a political comeback after resigning as governor in 2021 amid a barrage of sexual harassment allegations. Trailing the pack is Republican Curtis Sliwa, the red beret-wearing founder and CEO of the Guardian Angels.
To Jewish teens, none of these candidates seem suitable to run their beloved city — something my sources were eager to express, albeit anonymously.
“On the one hand, it feels morally wrong to consider electing Andrew Cuomo, given the numerous allegation of sexual harassment. As a woman, I believe elected officials should embody the values of respect and integrity,” one Jewish teen living on the Upper West Side told me. “On the other hand, while Zohran Mamdani’s policies often sound compelling, in theory, I consistently find myself questioning what a sharply critical view of Israel might mean for a city with the largest Jewish population outside of Israel.”
Another Upper West Side teen, a senior at a private high school, echoed a similar sentiment: “This election has been so frustrating because it feels like I have to give up one set of values to protect another.”
The teens I spoke to had strong beliefs. Why had they declined to attach their names to their statements?
Well, according to a junior at a Manhattan public high school, “although I am not yet old enough to vote, I’ve found this mayoral race both confusing and frustrating. I don’t want my name attached to either one of these candidates.”
“I do not want my name to be linked to a political figure,” explained one Upper East Side teen, “because it can follow me into the future and change how others automatically view me when they meet me for the first time.”
This last quote, in particular, touched a nerve with me, as it highlights just how aware teens are of growing up in a society that increasingly lives online. Teens applying for colleges and thinking about their future career path start thinking at a young age. The last thing we want is for a future employer to find — and disagree with — something we said about a politician when we were 16.
As a teen reporter, my job is to give teens an opportunity to be seen and heard. My editor, who has worked with teen journalists for over 30 years, told me that she’s seen more and more young sources ask for anonymity over the past five years. As our lives become inextricably tied to the internet, it’s easy to see why: Doxxing — the malicious release of private information — has become a “mainstream public safety concern,” according to Safe Home, which conducts yearly research on doxxing. According to their report, 57% of Americans say they avoid sharing political views online out of fear of being targeted.
Doxxing over perspectives related to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict has been common in recent years, with both pro-Israel and pro-Palestinian voices experiencing the practice.
So as a 17-year-old who is constantly on social media and always with my friends, I understand why my peers are worried about sharing too much. But this also means my role as a reporter who focuses on teen issues has become significantly more difficult. I worry that as the city becomes more polarized by politics, teens and young adults will feel less and less comfortable sharing their views and, as a result, news articles can’t reflect the community fully and policies can’t be responsive to young people’s needs. When that happens, we all lose.
Compounding the reluctance of young people to speak publicly about politics is the hesitancy of politicians and media to seek their opinions. Meira Levinson, a professor of education and society at Harvard University, writes about the “civic empowerment gap.” She describes how young people, especially those still in school, are often encouraged to care about politics but are rarely given the opportunity to express their views in a meaningful way. Candidates almost never make the effort to integrate teen concerns into their campaign.
Our communal politics need to create a safe space for young people to share their opinions. And candidates should solicit teens’ views if they want to make New York City a safe and inclusive city for all.
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