Wikipedia describes itself as “a free online encyclopedia that anyone can edit,” guided by a “neutral point of view” and built on “verifiable, reliable sources.”

It aspires to collect and disseminate “the sum of all human knowledge.” That promise — open, collaborative, neutral — is what gives it authority. It is also what makes the erosion of that neutrality so consequential.

In many fields, Wikipedia muddles along imperfectly but credibly.

On Israel and Jewish history — and other politically charged flashpoints — the claim of neutrality collapses under scrutiny.

The problem is not criticism. Democratic states invite criticism. The problem is structural asymmetry: highly motivated ideological editors, operating fluently within Wikipedia’s rules, steadily tilt the terrain while insisting it remains level.

The recent episode involving Nas Daily and its creator, Nuseir Yassin, offered a public glimpse into how this works.

In a Facebook video, Yassin — who has more than 70 million followers — described how a small group of anonymous editors reshaped his Wikipedia biography after he became more vocal in condemning Hamas and advocating peace with Israel.

Because he is an Israeli Arab increasingly viewed as “too positive on Israel,” edits were inserted reframing an otherwise positive biography in a sharply negative light. Attempts to revise what he characterized as inaccuracies were reverted. The page was eventually locked with the disputed edits intact. What prevailed was not neutral adjudication but persistence — who could marshal citations that satisfied Wikipedia’s sourcing hierarchy and outlast opponents in procedural trench warfare?

If a globally recognized public figure can watch his biography bend in real time, what chance does a small state with barely one-tenth of one percent of the world’s population have when the same machinery turns against it?

Spend time on major entries — Zionism, Israeli–Palestinian conflict, Apartheid, Gaza genocide accusation — and a pattern emerges.

Zionism, the modern national movement of the Jewish people, is framed primarily through the lens of European settler colonialism, despite the historical record that Jewish religious, linguistic, cultural, and legal traditions originated in the Land of Israel and that Jewish communities maintained a continuous presence there for millennia. The indigenous dimension is acknowledged but subordinated to colonial terminology as the dominant interpretive frame. 

The term “apartheid” appears not simply as an allegation advanced by bitterly biased activists, but in ways that blur the line between advocacy and adjudicated legal finding — even though no international court has determined that Israel constitutes an apartheid state, and the application of the 1973 Apartheid Convention remains disputed.

Strikingly, Wikipedia rarely situates the term within a regional context where gender-based legal discrimination, religious supremacy, and criminalization of apostasy are codified in the laws of multiple Arab states

Across much of the Middle East, women inherit half of what men inherit under formal legal systems, religious minorities face structural discrimination, and conversion away from Islam can carry legal penalties. In Wikipedia, this entrenched hierarchy seldom anchors discussions of “apartheid.” The label is reserved almost exclusively for the region’s lone Jewish state.

Most jarring is the treatment of “genocide.” The 1948 Genocide Convention defines genocide as acts committed with intent to destroy, in whole or in part, a national, ethnic, racial, or religious group as such.

That specific intent requirement is central. Allegations that Israel’s war against Hamas constitutes genocide hinge on proving an intent to destroy Palestinian Arabs as a group. Israel’s conduct during the war — including advance warnings to civilians, establishment of humanitarian corridors, facilitation of aid deliveries, and coordination of a 2024 polio vaccination campaign reaching more than one million Gazans — certainly complicates (really, eviscerates) any claim of group-destruction intent. Yet across Wikipedia entries, “genocide” often appears less as a contested legal allegation and more as an emerging consensus. The definitional threshold recedes, activist language advances.

Other examples are more granular but telling. On the Zionism page, the movement’s 19th-century articulation by Theodor Herzl as Jewish self-determination in a historic homeland is juxtaposed with colonial analogies implying foreign implantation, despite the First Zionist Congress (1897) explicitly defining its aim as establishing a home for the Jewish people in Eretz-Israel.

On the Hamas Charter entry, the organization’s 1988 covenant — which calls for Israel’s destruction and invokes many antisemitic conspiracy tropes — is summarized, but its eliminationist doctrine is softened by emphasis on a 2017 political document that did not recognize Israel’s legitimacy and that Hamas leaders have not treated as superseding their foundational objective.

This is not accidental drift. Research on Wikipedia governance shows how a relatively small number of highly active editors can dominate contentious areas. Policies emphasizing consensus and “reliable sourcing” can be navigated — and exploited — by organized activists. Advocacy NGOs are cited as authoritative. Broader context is dismissed as “undue weight.” Editors who resist face procedural attrition. Over time, ideological stamina begins to resemble institutional authority.

Conflicts are fought with narratives as much as weapons.

On Wikipedia, narrative compression is visible. A Mideast century shaped by Ottoman collapse, British administration, the 1937 Peel Commission proposal, the 1947 UN Partition Plan and its rejection by Arab leadership, and multiple interstate wars is flattened into a morality tale with a single Jewish aggressor.

Meanwhile, uncomfortable chapters of Palestinian Arab political history receive less narrative gravity.

Haj Amin al-Husseini, the Grand Mufti of Jerusalem, met Adolf Hitler in Berlin in November 1941, lived in Germany during the war, broadcast pro-Nazi propaganda in Arabic, and recruited Muslims for Waffen-SS units in the Balkans. These ideological crosscurrents between European fascism and segments of Arab nationalist and later Islamist movements are historical facts. They are acknowledged on Wikipedia. But they are rarely treated as structurally significant.

Similarly, Hamas’ founding charter invokes hadiths about killing Jews and frames its struggle in explicitly religious and eliminationist terms. Those elements are central to understanding the conflict. Yet they occupy less narrative weight than allegations leveled against Israel.

Wikipedia’s defenders argue that it merely reflects “reliable sources.” But source designation itself is political.

Wikipedia considers outlets like Al Jazeera — funded by the Qatari state — generally reliable for news reporting, while treating some US outlets, including Fox News, as generally unreliable for factual claims outside opinion content. When advocacy organizations are elevated and contextual scholarship is marginalized, neutrality becomes branding rather than practice. Wikipedia does not invent accusations; it curates them. Curation is power.

The consequences extend far beyond one website. Wikipedia is often the first stop for students, journalists, diplomats, and policymakers. Artificial intelligence systems ingest its summaries as baseline knowledge. When framing tilts there, the tilt does not dissipate; it amplifies. 

History offers reminders. Medieval blood libels were recorded as fact before they became pretexts for violence. The Protocols of the Elders of Zion circulated as documentary evidence before it was exposed as fabrication. Both were dressed in the language of scholarship. Both hardened into assumed truth before they cracked.

Racist distortion rarely arrives announcing itself. It condenses quietly.

This is not a plea to shield Israel from criticism. It is a warning about structural asymmetry — and a call to stop treating Wikipedia as a neutral authority until it confronts and corrects its institutional failures. When Jewish indigeneity is minimized, when eliminationist ideologies are relegated to footnotes, and when grave legal terms are repurposed as political weapons, neutrality has already been compromised.

Neutrality is not a branding exercise. It is a discipline that requires enforcement, transparency, and accountability. If Wikipedia cannot uphold that discipline in politically charged domains, then universities, media outlets, policymakers, technology companies, and researchers should stop defaulting to it as an authoritative source.

Conventional wisdom is formed in real time on its pages. If those who value intellectual integrity continue to outsource their baseline knowledge to a system structurally vulnerable to ideological capture, they become complicit in the distortion. Wikipedia reform must precede Wikipedia reliance.

Micha Danzig is an attorney, former IDF soldier, and former NYPD officer. He writes widely on Israel, Zionism, antisemitism, and Jewish history. He serves on the board of Herut North America.