Uncategorized
Douglas Murray: A Champion of Israel
By JEREMY ROSEN Among Israel’s most articulate or fearless non-Jewish supporters is the British journalist, author, and commentator, Douglas Murray. He has been a clarion call for the justice, morality, and human rights that Israel represents — as opposed to the violent, terroristic, and anti-Western positions of Hamas.
More than most people outside of our community, Douglas has helped keep our spirits high and reassured us that all is not lost to the ignorant, venal voices that have all but overwhelmed us these past 10 months.
Murray is currently an associate editor of the conservative British political and cultural magazine, The Spectator — one of the last bastions of objectivity and honesty in the media today. Of course, I am biased, because he supports Israel in its battle for survival against terrorists and murderers. Just watch him on YouTube if nowhere else — I challenge you not to be impressed by his manner, his style, and his content. His opponents try their best to disparage and delegitimize him, and he stands his ground magnificently.
Murray was born in London in 1979, and won scholarships to Eton College and Cambridge University. At 19, Murray published Bosie: A Biography of Lord Alfred Douglas that won him an award and launched his career as a gay journalist followed by a play, Nightfall, about the Swedish diplomat Raoul Wallenberg.
In 2017, Murray wrote The Strange Death of Europe; Immigration, Identity, Islam. It spent almost 20 weeks on The Sunday Times bestseller list in non-fiction. Murray has also written controversially about identity politics. In 2022, Murray published The War on the West: How to Prevail in the Age of Unreason.
Bernard-Henri Levy has said of Murray, “Whether one agrees with him or not,” he is “one of the most important public intellectuals today.” People like Ayaan Hirsi Ali and columnist Sohrab Ahmari, have praised Murray’s work.
Murray has said, “If you don’t believe that Israel has the right to stop a group that has proposed repeatedly since its existence that it wants to annihilate Israel, if you believe that Israel doesn’t have the right to try and stop this enemy, then of course you don’t believe Israel has the right to live. You believe Israel has the right to die.”
He spent around six months in Israel following the Oct. 7 attacks, visiting conflict zones and writing in defense of Israel’s actions. Murray has criticized anti-Israel protests and rhetoric in Western countries as being largely motivated by antisemitism and support for terrorism rather than genuine concern for Palestinians. He has described some protests as “terrorist marches.”
Murray has argued that much of the criticism of Israel stems from either explicit antisemitism, anti-Western ideology, or ignorance about the realities of the conflict, all exploited by malicious actors. He has criticized the use of the term Zionism as a slur. He has also criticized the international media for being “focused not on the atrocities Hamas committed against Israel but on the response of Israel to the terrorists of Hamas,” and not showing sympathy to Israeli victims.
In April 2024, he received an honorary award from Israeli President Isaac Herzog for being a “friend to the Jewish people and fighting the resurgence of antisemitism” due to his coverage of the recent attacks and massacre of civilians by Hamas, which was fomented and aided by Iranian financing. Murray has traveled to Israel and to Gaza multiple times, and has reported firsthand instead of relying on subjective secondhand sources.
Of course, none of this implies that Israel has not made mistakes, whether military, politically, or ideologically. But the overwhelming weight of one-sided criticism only makes a peaceful resolution to the conflict less likely.
What kind of person has the courage and the individuality to take such an unpopular stand? Only someone who knows alienation because of his difference and what it is to feel prejudice and rejection. Douglas Murray is a reminder that not everyone in the non-Jewish world is against us.
The author is a writer and rabbi, currently based in New York.
The post Douglas Murray: A Champion of Israel first appeared on Algemeiner.com.
Uncategorized
Gaza ‘Board of Peace’ to Convene at WH on Feb. 19, One Day After Trump’s Meeting with Netanyahu
US President Donald Trump speaks to the media during the 56th annual World Economic Forum (WEF) meeting in Davos, Switzerland, January 22, 2026. Photo: REUTERS/Denis Balibouse/File Photo
i24 News – A senior official from one of the member states confirms to i24NEWS that an invitation has been received for a gathering of President Trump’s Board of Peace at the White House on February 19, just one day after the president’s planned meeting with Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu.
The meeting comes amid efforts to advance the implementation of the second phase of the Gaza ceasefire, following the limited reopening of the Rafah crossing, the expected announcement on the composition and mandate of the International Stabilization Force, and anticipation of a Trump declaration setting a deadline for Hamas to disarm.
In Israel officials assess that the announcement is expected very soon but has been delayed in part due to ongoing talks with the Americans over Israel’s demands for the demilitarization of the Gaza Strip. Trump reiterated on Thursday his promise that Hamas will indeed be disarmed.
Uncategorized
If US Attacks, Iran Says It Will Strike US Bases in the Region
FILE PHOTO: Iranian Foreign Minister Abbas Araqchi meets with Omani Foreign Minister Sayyid Badr Albusaidi in Muscat, Oman, February 6, 2026. Photo: Omani Ministry of Foreign Affairs/ Handout via REUTERS/File Photo
Iran will strike US bases in the Middle East if it is attacked by US forces that have massed in the region, its foreign minister said on Saturday, insisting that this should not be seen as an attack on the countries hosting them.
Foreign Minister Abbas Araqchi spoke to Qatari Al Jazeera TV a day after Tehran and Washington pledged to continue indirect nuclear talks following what both sides described as positive discussions on Friday in Oman.
While Araqchi said no date had yet been set for the next round of negotiations, US President Donald Trump said they could take place early next week. “We and Washington believe it should be held soon,” Araqchi said.
Trump has threatened to strike Iran after a US naval buildup in the region, demanding that it renounce uranium enrichment, a possible pathway to nuclear bombs, as well as stopping ballistic missile development and support for armed groups around the region. Tehran has long denied any intent to weaponize nuclear fuel production.
While both sides have indicated readiness to revive diplomacy over Tehran’s long-running nuclear dispute with the West, Araqchi balked at widening the talks out.
“Any dialogue requires refraining from threats and pressure. (Tehran) only discusses its nuclear issue … We do not discuss any other issue with the US,” he said.
Last June, the US bombed Iranian nuclear facilities, joining in the final stages of a 12-day Israeli bombing campaign. Tehran has since said it has halted uranium enrichment activity.
Its response at the time included a missile attack on a US base in Qatar, which maintains good relations with both Tehran and Washington.
In the event of a new US attack, Araqchi said the consequences could be similar.
“It would not be possible to attack American soil, but we will target their bases in the region,” he said.
“We will not attack neighboring countries; rather, we will target US bases stationed in them. There is a big difference between the two.”
Iran says it wants recognition of its right to enrich uranium, and that putting its missile program on the negotiating table would leave it vulnerable to Israeli attacks.
Uncategorized
My university wants me to sign a loyalty oath — am I in America or Vichy France?
As a historian of modern France, I have rarely seen a connection between my everyday life in my adopted state of Texas and my work on my adopted specialization: the period we call Vichy France. Apart from the Texan boast that the Lone Star Republic is bigger than the French Republic, and the small town of Paris, Texas, which boasts its own Eiffel Tower, I had no reason to compare the two places where I have spent more than half of my life.
Until now.
Last week, professors and instructors at the University of Houston received an unsettling memo from the administration, which asked us to sign a statement that we teach rather than “indoctrinate” our students.
Though the administration did not define “indoctrinate,” it hardly takes a PhD in English to read between the lines. Indoctrination is precisely what our state government has already forbidden us from doing in our classes. There must not be the slightest sign in our courses and curricula of references to diversity, identity and inclusion. The catch-all word used is “ideology,” a term Governor Greg Abbott recently invoked when he warned that “Texas is targeting professors who are more focused on pushing leftist ideologies rather than preparing students to lead our nation. We must end indoctrination.”
This is not the first time in the past several months that I have been reminded of what occurred in France during the four years that it was ruled by its German occupiers and Vichy collaborators.
Very briefly, with Germany’s rapid and complete defeat of France in 1940, an authoritarian, antisemitic and collaborationist regime assumed power. Among its first acts was to purge French Jews from all the professions, including high school and university faculties, and to impose an “oath of loyalty” to the person of Marshal Philippe Pétain, the elderly but ramrod straight and clear-headed hero of World War I.
The purpose of the oath was simple and straightforward: By demanding the fealty of all state employees to the person of Pétain, it also demanded their hostility to the secular and democratic values of the French republican tradition. Nevertheless, an overwhelming majority of teachers signed the oath —even the novelist and feminist Simone de Beauvoir, who needed her salary as a lycée teacher, as did the writer Jean Guéhenno, a visceral anti-Pétainist who continued to teach at the prestigious Paris lycée Henri IV until he was fired in 1943.
Vichy’s ministers of education understood the vital importance that schools and universities played in shaping citizens. Determined to replace the revolutionary values of liberty, equality and fraternity with the reactionary goals of family, work and homeland, they sought to eliminate “godless schools” and instill a “moral order” based on submission to state and church authorities. This radical experiment, powered by a reactionary ideology, to return France to the golden age of kings, cardinals and social castes came to an inglorious end with the Allied liberation of the country and collapse of Vichy scarcely four years after it had begun.
The French Jewish historian Marc Bloch — who joined the Resistance and sacrificed his life on behalf of a very different ideology we can call humanism — always insisted on the importance of comparative history. But comparison was important not because it identified similarities but because it illuminated differences. Clearly, the situation of professors at UH is very different from that of their French peers in Vichy France. We are not risking our jobs, much less our lives, by resisting this ham-handed effort to demand our loyalty to an anti-indoctrination memo.
But the two situations are not entirely dissimilar, either. Historians of fascism like Robert Paxton remind us that such movements begin slowly, then suddenly assume terrifying proportions. This was certainly the case in interwar France, where highly polarized politics, frequent political violence and a long history of antisemitism and anti-republicanism prepared the ground for Vichy. In France, Paxton writes, this slow, then sudden transformation “changed the practice of citizenship from the enjoyment of constitutional rights and duties to participation in mass ceremonies of affirmation and conformity.”
As an historian of France, I always thought its lurch into authoritarianism was shocking, but not surprising. After all, many of the elements for this change had existed well before 1940. But as a citizen of America, I am not just shocked, but also surprised by official demands for affirmation and conformity. One day I will find the time to think hard about my naiveté. But the time is now to think about how we should respond to these demands.
The post My university wants me to sign a loyalty oath — am I in America or Vichy France? appeared first on The Forward.