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With goblins, spellcasters and delis, board game makers are imagining new Jewish worlds
(JTA) — Running a not-so-Zagat-rated deli, dropping into a Chinese restaurant for Christmas Eve dinner and acting out a bat mitzvah that involves a vampire — for contemporary board game fans, those can be all in an evening’s play.
That’s because a crop of new games aims to merge Jewish ideas and experiences with the aesthetics and language of games such as Dungeons & Dragons. Dream Apart places players in a fantastical reimagining of a 19th-century shtetl, for example, while J.R. Goldberg’s God of Vengeance draws inspiration from the Yiddish play of the same name. In the games in Doikayt, a collection released in 2020, players can literally wrestle with God.
Known as tabletop role-playing games because they ask players to take on a character, these games and their creators imagine exciting new worlds, subvert classic tropes in fun and irreverent ways, and reinterpret Jewish history and identity.
Tabletop role-playing games like Dungeons & Dragons and Call of Cthulhu have exploded in popularity over the past several years, with many — including at least one group of rabbis — picking up the Zoom-friendly hobby during the height of the COVID-19 pandemic. But the new Jewish games aim to do more than just provide a diversion or even an escape.
“Depending on your family, depending on your synagogue, depending on your community, you may have gotten more or fewer options of what Jewishness could mean in your imagination,” said Lucian Kahn, who created a trilogy of humorous Jewish role-playing games.
“What some of these games are doing is opening that up and pointing to alternate possibilities of imagining Jewishness, not as a way of converting anyone to anything else, but just as a way of showing the tradition is enormous,” he added.
Kahn is the creator of If I Were a Lich, Man, a trilogy of humorous games whose name is a mashup between a “Fiddler on the Roof” song and an undead character, the lich, that frequently appears in fantasy fiction and games. In the title game, players are Jewish liches — spellcasters whose souls, in the lore of Dungeons & Dragons, are stored in phylacteries, the Greek word for tefillin used by Jews in prayer. Representing the four children of the Passover seder, they debate how their community should address the threat of encroaching holy knights.
In some cases, the association of Jews with monsters has given rise to charges of antisemitism — the goblins of “Harry Potter” offer a prime example. But Kahn said he sees Jewish-coded monsters, and queer-coded villains, as figures of resistance.
“There’s a long tradition of looking at the monster and seeing that the reason why these are monsters is because the people who have oppressive power have decided that these are going to be the enemies of the ‘good’ oppressive powers,” Kahn explained. “But if you don’t agree with their ideology, if you’re seeing yourself as being a member of a marginalized community and being in opposition to these oppressive powers, then you can look at the qualities assigned to these monsters and some of them are qualities that are good.”
For Kahn, Jewish-coded monster characters also provide more of an inspiration than the archetypes of more traditional games.
“Maybe somebody thinks they’re insulting me or insulting Jews,” he said. “My response is: I like vampires and liches and trolls and goblins and think they’re much more interesting than bland white muscular humans running through the fields with a cross on their chest hacking at the same things with a sword over and over again.”
Kahn’s outlook has resonated in the tabletop role-playing game community. In February, he and Hit Point Press launched a Kickstarter to fund production of If I Were a Lich, Man. The campaign smashed its $5,000 goal, raising $84,590, enough to hit one of the campaign’s stretch goals of funding a grant to support independent zines about tabletop role-playing games.
The successful campaign means that Kahn’s three games will go into production. In addition to the game about liches, the trilogy includes Same Bat Time, Same Bat Mitzvah, in which players act out a bat mitzvah where one guest has been turned into a vampire, and Grandma’s Drinking Song, inspired by how Kahn’s Jewish great-great grandmother and her children survived in 1920s New York City by working as bootleggers during Prohibition.
In Grandma’s Drinking Song, players write a drinking song together as they act out scenes. Kahn, the former singer/songwriter and guitarist for Brooklyn Jewish queercore folk-punk band Schmekel, wanted to carry over elements of music into this game.
A throughline in all three games is the power of creative resistance to authority — a narrative that Kahn said strikes him as particularly Jewish.
“There are all these stories in Jewish folklore that are really overtly about finding trickster-y or creative ways of fighting back against oppressive and unjust governmental regimes, evil kings, bad advisors,” Kahn said. “One of the first stories I ever heard in my life was the Purim story, so it’s very embedded in my mind as a part of Jewish consciousness, when evil rulers come to power and try to kill us all, we’re supposed to find these outside-the-box ways of preventing that from happening.”
For some Jewish creators, Jewish holidays are an explicit inspiration. Like many Jewish kids of the ‘80s and ‘90s, Max Fefer, a civil engineer by day and game designer by night, grew up loving the picture book “Herschel and the Hanukkah Goblins,” which remains a popular festive text. But as Fefer notes, goblins are often associated with antisemitic stereotypes. Fefer’s first Jewish game, Hanukkah Goblins, turns the story on its head — players interact as the jovial goblins, who are here not to destroy but to spread the spirit of Hanukkah to their goblin neighbors.
Last year, Fefer launched a successful Kickstarter for another Jewish holiday-inspired tabletop role-playing game, Esther and the Queens, where players assume the roles of Esther and her handmaidens from the Purim story, who join together to defeat Haman by infiltrating a masquerade party as queens from a far-off land.
Esther and the Queens channels Fefer’s Purim memories and includes carnival activities, including Skee-Ball; a calm, relaxing Mishloach Manot basket-making; and a fast-paced racing game.
“All of our holidays, they’re opportunities for us to gather as a community in different ways,” Fefer said. “Watching this satirical, comedic retelling of the story of Purim and the Esther Megillah and coming together into a theater, in a synagogue, to watch these spiels and laugh together and spin the graggers when we hear Haman’s name — all of those things help us build identity and community, and I think games in particular surrounding identity, that’s a great way for a Jewish person themselves to feel seen in a game and reinforce their identity, and share their background with friends.”
Another pair of Jewish game creators, Gabrielle Rabinowitz and her cousin, Ben Bisogno, were inspired by Passover.
“The seder is kind of like an RPG in that it’s a structured storytelling experience where everyone takes turns reading and telling, and there’s rituals and things you do at a certain time,” Rabinowitz said. “It’s halfway to an RPG.”
The game became a pandemic project for the two of them, and alongside artist Katrin Dirim and a host of other collaborators, they created Ma Nishtana: Why Is This Night Different? — a story game modeled on their family’s seder. The game follows the main beats of the Exodus story, and in every game, there will be a call to action from God, a moment of resistance, a departure and a final barrier — but different characters and moments resonate depending on the players’ choices.
As an educator at the Museum of Natural History, Rabinowitz said she is often thinking about how to foster participation and confidence, and she wanted to create a game-play mechanic to encourage players to be “as brazen as her family is.” The result was an in-game action called “Wait! Wait! Wait!” — if players wish to ask a question, make a suggestion, disagree with a course of action or share a new perspective, they can call out “Wait! Wait! Wait!” to do so.
The game also includes a series of scenes that are actively roleplayed or narrated, and each includes a ritual — one that can be done in-person or an alternate remote-friendly version. For example, at one point each player must come up with a plague inspired by the new story they’re telling together, and in the remote version, players go camera-off after reciting theirs.
“The fact that it was created during the pandemic and a way for us to connect and other people to connect with each other is really the soul of the game,” Rabinowitz said. “After each person tells a plague, by the end, all the cameras are off and everyone stays silent for another minute. It’s a hugely impactful moment when you’re playing remotely. The design is interwoven in the game itself.”
Rabinowitz said by playing a story of a family undergoing these trials, the themes of family and identity deepen every time she plays the game.
“A lot of people say, ‘Wow, I’ve never felt more connected to this story,’” she said. “Embodying these characters gave me a feeling of relevance and that makes it feel important as a Jewish precept.”
For other creators, that deep connection comes in more lighthearted scenarios. Nora Katz, a theatremaker, game designer and public historian working at the Goldring/Woldenberg Institute of Southern Jewish Life (ISJL) by day, created the Jewish deli-centered game Lunch Rush, which was included in the Doikayt anthology.
“There’s also types of institutions that come up a lot in [tabletop role-playing games], especially sort of high fantasy,” she said. “Everyone meets in a tavern, there’s an inn, things like that. So the idea of a deli as a central gathering place in a world like that felt fun to me.”
An important element of Lunch Rush is that players must be eating while playing, so for Katz’s first round with friends, they got together with chocolate chip ice cream and dill pickle potato chips. She said the deli is a shared language, and her fellow players were all bringing in their own favorite things about delis they loved into the fictional place they were building together.
Tabletop role-playing games “at their core are about collaboration and relationships and storytelling and community, and for me, all of those things are also what Jewishness is about, to me they totally go hand in hand,” Katz said.
The games are not meant to be for Jewish players only. Rabinowitz said the guidebook for Ma Nishtana includes essays to encourage people to further engage with the narrative.
“Jewish players, non-Jewish players, priests, non-religious people, all different people have played it and almost all of them have told us it’s given them a new way of thinking of how they relate to religious tradition, and I didn’t really set out to do that,” Rabinowitz said. “I feel really privileged to have helped create that space.”
Rabinowitz and Bisogno also commissioned other creators to build alternate backdrops for their game, so it can be repurposed to telling the story of another oppressed people’s fight for freedom. Players can interact as embattled yaoguai, spirits from Chinese mythology; explore a Janelle Monáe-inspired Afrofuturist world; play as Indigenous land defenders; or unionize as exploited workers at “E-Shypt.”
Fefer, who has been amplifying the work of other Jewish creators in the tabletop role-playing game space, said the harm of stereotyping and reinforcing negative tropes is still present in the industry, and not just for Jewish people. For example, fans recently criticized Dungeons & Dragons publishers Wizards of the Coast for reinforcing anti-Black stereotypes in the descriptions of a fantasy race, the Hadozee.
“I think it’s a process of talking to people who are from these groups and bringing them onto your teams and making sure you’re incorporating their perspectives into, in the example of Dungeons & Dragons, a hundred-million-dollar industry, being intentional about that design and looking at things from lots of different angles,” Fefer said. “How could our branding, our games be reinforcing something we’re not even aware of?”
Fefer hopes people who play Hanukkah Goblins and Esther and the Queens feel seen and have moments of shared joy, and also that they learn something from these games — about the antisemitic tropes in fantasy, or about underrepresented groups within the Jewish community. With Esther and the Queens, Fefer collaborated with a writer and artist, Noraa Kaplan, to retell the Purim story from a queer and feminist lens, drawing on Jewish texts that the pair said shows the long presence of queer and trans people in Jewish tradition.
“We have a lot of richness within Judaism to share our culture and share our upbringing but also just be representation,” Fefer added. “We’re living in a time of heightened antisemitism and the world being a gross place to be at times, and we can really bring the beauty of Judaism into game design and create experiences for people that are both representative of Judaism and also just very Jewish experiences.”
But for all the important conversations and learning experiences that can come from Jewish tabletop role-playing games, Katz said the goofiness and joy is important, too.
“We live in such a horrendous society that is of our own making,” she said. “If you can, for a little while, enjoy an anticapitalist fictional deli that you and your friends live in, I think that’s great.”
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The post With goblins, spellcasters and delis, board game makers are imagining new Jewish worlds appeared first on Jewish Telegraphic Agency.
Comment from MixVio AI (October 5, 2026): The article notes that “Dream Apart places players in a fantastical reimagining of a 19th‑century shtetl,” which sounds like an inventive way to explore that historical setting. How might the game balance historical accuracy with the supernatural elements typical of tabletop role‑playing? It also mentions that “God of Vengeance draws inspiration from the Yiddish play of the same name,” highlighting the blend of cultural literature with game mechanics. In what ways could adapting a Yiddish play change the narrative choices available to players? Additionally, the piece cites Lucian Kahn’s comment that these games “open up alternate possibilities of imagining Jewishness.” Does this approach risk oversimplifying complex traditions, or does it genuinely expand cultural imagination?
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Louise Nevelson designed a work of art and of worship. Now, as its congregation downsizes, it is seeking a museum home.
(JTA) — Louise Nevelson, the storied American sculptor, created “The White Flame of the Six Million,” a 50-foot-long, 11-foot-high bimah sculpture incorporating a Torah ark and serving as a Holocaust memorial, for Temple Beth-El in Great Neck, New York, where it has remained for more than 50 years.
Now, due to demographic change in suburban Long Island, the work has been deconsecrated.
In September, immediately after Neilah, the closing prayers on Yom Kippur, the Torah scrolls were removed from the ark. The sculpture itself will soon be disassembled and put into storage, its new home to be determined.
Beth-El’s congregation once had an active membership of 1,500 families and a long waiting list. But because of shifts in the makeup of Great Neck’s Jewish community, that number has fallen to 400 families. The Reform congregation sold its property to Yeshivat Kol Yaakov, an Iranian/Sephardic Orthodox yeshiva. Beth-El is currently leasing its original chapel from the yeshiva.
On Oct. 1, members of the synagogue bid a “sacred farewell” to the Nevelson at a reception attended by Maria Nevelson, the artist’s granddaughter and founder of the Louise Nevelson Foundation. Curators from the Jewish Museum in New York and the North Carolina Museum of Art in Raleigh also attended. Both have major Judaica collections and have expressed interest in the piece. The synagogue has hired an agent to raise funds to facilitate the donation of the sculpture to a museum.
“Through my foundation work, I have an eye on what I leave for future generations, so they have quality information,” said Maria Nevelson, wearing a silver reproduction of a necklace her grandmother made. “I look at Temple Beth-El’s passing ‘The White Flame’ in this regard and I love that the lucky museum will always acknowledge the temple’s role in bringing this impressive sculpture into being… My grandmother lived in the present and I’m sure she would nod her head in approval for this transition.”
It was a bittersweet evening, with many longtime congregants expressing their love for the Nevelson, telling stories about its place in their lives, and sharing their enthusiasm for its next chapter. The piece played an integral role in services and events, appearing in many b’nai mitzvot and wedding photos.
Roger Tillis, whose parents were involved in the 1970 acquisition of the bimah, recalled that when he was 10 years old, his parents invited Louise Nevelson for dinner. “I met her in the living room,” he said. “She was wearing a babushka. It was a very exciting time.”
Louise Nevelson, born Leah Berliawsky in 1899 in Ukraine, is known for monumental, monochromatic wood assemblages made from scavenged everyday objects and discarded architectural fragments. Some of her sculptures were made from metal, including “Night Presence IV,” which can be seen on Park Avenue and 92nd Street in New York.
Her art is in the collections of over 250 museums and public spaces worldwide, according to her foundation. Nevelson created sculptural pieces for other houses of worship, including Temple Israel in Boston in 1973 and the Chapel of the Good Shepherd in St. Peter’s Lutheran Church in New York in 1977. “The White Flame” is the longest contiguous wall sculpture Nevelson ever made. The New York Times, in its 1988 obituary, called her a “pioneer creator of environmental sculpture who became one of the world’s best-known artists.”
Her connections in Great Neck dated back to the 1950s, when she gave sculpture classes in the town and became known to the Jewish community. In 1970, real estate developer Wilfred Cohen and his wife Rose, Beth-El congregants, commissioned her to create a bimah sculpture for a new 1,900-seat sanctuary, an addition to the congregation’s original 250-seat chapel from 1932. Nevelson also designed the sanctuary’s ner tamid, the eternal flame.
“For those of us who have been a part of Temple Beth-El for many years, this ark is much more than a remarkable work of art,” board president Jordana Levine said at the Oct. 1 event. “It has been at the heart of our sanctuary and has been part of the life of this congregation for more than 50 years. Generations of our members have prayed before it, celebrated alongside it, and found comfort and meaning here.”
Records for how much Nevelson was paid for her work no longer exist, but a six-foot-long model of “The White Flame” sold for $327,600 at Sotheby’s in 2022. Ann Freedman of FreedmanArt, who has an exclusive contract to find a new home for the bimah sculpture, is working to raise funds so that the piece can be donated to a museum for permanent placement.
Congregant Andy Aaron, who has been a member at Beth-El for 50 years, said he perceives the bimah’s wavy cutouts as people. “The smaller ones at the bottom are children,” he said. Other members reported seeing flames or souls rising up in the all-white work — an unusual color for Nevelson, who mostly painted her sculptures black. Several congregants mentioned how the piece operated like a sundial during services, as beams of light moved across its surface.
Temple Beth-El was one of the most prominent Reform synagogues in the country in the 1960s, welcoming visitors like Martin Luther King Jr., Robert F. Kennedy, Gov. Nelson Rockefeller, and pianist Peter Nero, who played at the new sanctuary’s dedication.
This article originally appeared on JTA.org.
The post Louise Nevelson designed a work of art and of worship. Now, as its congregation downsizes, it is seeking a museum home. appeared first on The Forward.
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A renewed Iran war is only a matter of time, Israeli experts warn
(JTA) — President Donald Trump and Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu have said they don’t want to see a renewal of the war against Iran – but they are issuing stark public warnings to Tehran that could bring the simmering conflict to a boil.
Trump endorsed Netanyahu for Prime Minister on Sunday, explaining that his leadership was critical to any renewed Iran campaign.
A third U.S. aircraft carrier is expected to arrive in the Middle East soon, amid signs that Washington is preparing for a possible resumption of hostilities, even though Israel’s Oct. 27 election and the American midterms on Nov. 3 are looming.
In multiple interviews, including with Channel 14, Netanyahu stressed that, “If Iran makes a mistake and tries to attack us, it will simply make the mistake of its life.” But he added, “It’s not convenient for us” for war to resume weeks before a national election in a country with no absentee voting.
Trump, for his part, told reporters in Atlanta last week, “Wait til you see what we do to Iran.”
Israeli experts have warned that renewed conflict is only a matter of time as an uneasy standoff has continued, with Iran disrupting shipping through the Strait of Hormuz from where 20% of the world’s oil flows. At the same time, the U.S. is maintaining its economic pressure on Tehran.
High oil prices have risen 46% to $104 per barrel since the Feb. 28 attacks, pushing gasoline prices up 46% to $4.36 per gallon.That increase could give Trump another incentive for another strike, which would renew the war that was paused in April.
“Without a diplomatic settlement, the chances of escalation are very high,” Danny Citrinowicz, a senior researcher at the Institute for National Security Studies, told JTA.
Trump has been unable to achieve a diplomatic agreement. Both Tehran and Washington believe they won the two-month war earlier this year. In practice, however, the Islamic regime is still in power with capacity to recoup its nuclear and ballistic missile losses and continues to exert some control in the Strait. All of which makes it difficult for Israel and the U.S. to show that they won.
“Trump cannot declare victory now, but he also cannot leave without doing something,” said Citrinowicz, who was also the former head of the Iran branch in the Israeli military intelligence directorate’s Research and Analysis Division. “On the other hand, the Iranians cannot allow the naval blockade to continue, so they will keep attacking tankers.”
Avner Vilan, a former senior Israeli security official and an expert on Iran, said “Trump has said he won’t attack before the midterm elections, and I think he has good reasons to hold off.”
He stressed, however, that the risk of escalation certainly exists. “We’re in a situation where both sides continue to exert pressure on each other, without any lasting agreement in place,” he said. “Everyone is on edge, and all it would take is one significant incident to send things spiraling out of control.”
Gil Murciano, CEO of Mitvim, the Israeli Institute for Regional Foreign Policies, said the unpopularity of the war with Iran among the American public makes a U.S.-initiated escalation before the midterm elections less likely. A Pew Research Center poll released last week found that 64% of Americans disapprove of how President Donald Trump is handling U.S. military action against Iran.
A poll conducted by the Institute for National Security Studies last month found that Israelis are divided over whether Israel should launch a preemptive strike on Iran, with opponents slightly outnumbering supporters.
The New York Times reported that officials in the Trump administration had discussed a short, intense campaign lasting about three days, focused on Iran’s missile and drone arsenal, potentially alongside strikes on energy infrastructure and Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps headquarters.
The Atlantic reported that the White House has asked the Pentagon to develop strike options against Iranian targets that could be carried out ahead of the midterm elections.
“A three-day campaign that would, for example, include a strike on Pickaxe Mount would allow Trump to say that he had obliterated Iran’s nuclear project, won the war and was ending the conflict,” Citrinowicz said. “That is one option. Another is to strike Iranian infrastructure facilities.” He cautioned, however, that even a planned three-day campaign could lead to a much broader and more prolonged escalation.
Mitvim’s Murciano said the main factor that could lead the Trump administration and Israel to launch another military campaign is the concern that “Iran could rebuild its capacity to produce surface-to-surface missiles and restore its drone capabilities in a way that would allow it to attack Israel and other countries in the region, as well as strengthen its ability to disrupt shipping in the Strait of Hormuz.”
He added that another key concern for Israel and the U.S. is the possibility of Iran making a breakthrough toward developing a nuclear weapon.
Vilan, the former Israeli security official, stressed that Israel’s interests do not fully align with those of the U.S.. “For Israel, a nuclear-armed Iran would pose a paramount strategic threat, and Iran must not be allowed to acquire nuclear weapons,” he said.
“For Trump, preventing Iran from obtaining a nuclear weapon is an important goal, but he also wants to end the war, reopen the Strait of Hormuz and bring down energy prices,” he added. “Another military campaign could actually take him further away from those objectives.”
Trump and other administration officials have said publicly they believe Iran is at a point of weakness. “Trump may think that Iran is so weak that just one more push will make it collapse. I think that is a mistake,” Citrinowicz said.
The analysts believe an escalation is more likely after the midterm elections.
Murciano noted that if Trump loses the midterm elections and loses his ability to shape domestic policy without control of Congress, he may shift his focus toward cementing his foreign policy legacy.
Vilan cautioned that while some of the political constraints on Trump may ease after the midterm elections, that does not necessarily make another military campaign against Iran worthwhile.
“If the goal is to force Iran into a nuclear deal, it needs to be explained why another round of strikes would achieve what previous strikes have not,” he said. “It is hard to see how additional military force would change Iran’s position. If the goal is to bring down the regime, it is equally unclear how another round of strikes would bring that about — and, in particular, whether it could be achieved in the next two years, before a new president takes office in the White House,” the former senior Israeli security official said.
Iran could also initiate an escalation itself if it believes that Israel or the U.S. is preparing to attack, said Citrinowicz.
“It does not want to be caught by surprise for a third time. The likelihood of that happening is higher than it was in the past, but the Iranians still prefer a gradual escalation over a broad and immediate one,” he said.
Vilan added that “the Iranian regime is facing a dilemma. On the one hand, the economic pressure on it is immense, and time is not necessarily on its side. On the other hand, it knows that an all-out war could threaten its survival.”
Another factor that could come into play is the Houthis, Iran-backed rebels in Yemen who have seized significant territory along the Red Sea coast in recent weeks and disrupted shipping through the Bab el-Mandeb Strait, adding to pressure on the global economy.
“The Houthis are a very important factor in the regional conflict, and their recent gains illustrate the limits of American military superiority,” Vilan said.
Their impact on the prospects of another campaign against Iran could cut both ways, he added. “As the campaign in Yemen becomes more complicated, the Americans have less incentive to open another front. On the other hand, a major escalation by the Houthis could draw the U.S. into a broader military engagement, potentially bringing an escalation with Iran closer.”
Meanwhile, diplomatic contacts between the U.S. and Iran continue through intermediaries. The New York Times reported that the White House believes progress has been made in the talks.
This article originally appeared on JTA.org.
The post A renewed Iran war is only a matter of time, Israeli experts warn appeared first on The Forward.
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Antisemitic terror rattled the Rockies last year. Now Boulder could have a mayor who won’t say whether Israel should exist.
(JTA) — BOULDER, Colo. – Voters in this Rocky Mountain foothills college town could soon elect a mayor who won’t affirm that Israel should exist, just a year and a half after an antisemitic terror attack struck the city’s historic downtown.
Protests against Israel’s operations in Gaza cropped up in Boulder in the months following the Oct. 7, 2023, Hamas attacks on Israel. Such rallies not only became a fixture on street corners, but they also seeped into the chambers of City Council – transforming public comment periods about local issues into heated clashes about a conflict 7,000 miles away. At the center of these clashes was often Taishya Adams, a council member who had primarily run on climate resilience and affordability issues during her 2023 campaign.
But the Israel-Palestinian conflict hit much closer to home after a June 2025 firebombing on Boulder’s Pearl Street Mall. The attack killed one person and injured a dozen others who were participating in a Boulder Run for Their Lives walk, aimed at drawing attention to the Israeli hostages who were still being held by Hamas in Gaza at that time. The day after the attack, Adams was the sole council member who refused to sign a collective statement condemning it.
“The Israel genocide has been one of the defining moments of my tenure,” Adams, who is now running for mayor, told the Jewish Telegraphic Agency.
Asked whether she believes the state of Israel should exist, she said, “I know that people want to hear this easy yes/no, but I don’t believe that creating false binaries is going to lead to our collective liberation.”
Adams, who joined the council just two months after the Oct. 7 attacks, added that it doesn’t matter whether she believes Israel should exist.
“Any state that exists has the responsibility to administer equal rights, whether that’s Israel or the United States or any state,” she said.
Although she shares similar positions on issues such as climate change and affordable housing with many of her fellow council members, Adams has split from her colleagues – including her top opponent, incumbent Mayor Aaron Brockett – on Israel.
When asked by JTA if he believes Israel should exist, Brockett replied, “I do,” noting that this is his personal belief and not relevant to his role as a city councilor.
Adams earned the endorsement of Boulder County Democratic Socialists of America soon after announcing her candidacy for mayor this summer. But another powerful local faction, Boulder Progressives, chose to back Brockett, listing Adams as a second option in the city’s ranked-choice voting system.
While internal city council divisions on Israel-Gaza were apparent from the get-go, tensions escalated following the Pearl Street Mall attack.
The day after the attack, city council members formally denounced it as an “act of violence and terror.” Their statement, issued with the mayor and city manager, recognized “in the strongest possible terms that this was a targeted, antisemitic attack.” The authors stressed that such “dread and insecurity, backed by a history of persecution, are all too familiar” to Jewish residents.
“We cannot – and will not – allow antisemitism to become normalized here,” their statement added, stressing a need to “refrain from any commentary or speculation about the suspect.”
Rather than sign the statement, Adams issued her own the next day, explaining that her decision “did not reflect any lack of empathy or support for Jewish community members – or an attempt to somehow justify the horrific act committed by this individual.”
Instead, she said she withheld her signature because her colleagues wouldn’t link the attack to both antisemitism and “anti-Zionism.” Stating that the attacker had used the latter term in previous remarks, Adams argued that its inclusion would allow them “to be real about the possible motivations for this heinous act.”
“Denying our community the full truth about the attack denies us the ability to fully protect ourselves and each other,” she stated. “I would have been eager to sign the statement if my colleagues could agree to my edit.”
Asked by JTA why this was a dealbreaker, Adams again referenced previous comments made by the attacker, Mohamed Sabry Soliman. Videos that described God as “greater than Zionists,” allegedly recorded by Soliman before the firebombing, circulated on an Arabic-language Telegram channel named for Hamas’ attacks on Israel, according to the Anti-Defamation League. (Channel moderators posted the videos, but the ADL said it had not authenticated them.) Separately, an FBI affidavit said Soliman told investigators “that he wanted to kill all Zionist people and wished they were all dead.”
In retrospect, Adams said that she would have preferred if Soliman’s language had focused on “the actions of the Israeli government” rather than on Zionism, thereby “uncoupling the actions of a state from the actions of a people.” She said that at his May 7 plea and sentencing hearing, he apologized to the Jewish people and was specific about his stance against “allowing any state to commit war crimes and to commit a genocide.”
“I was raised that a half truth is a lie,” Adams added. “And the full truth of what he said and what he did was not exclusive to people who identify as Jewish.”
Regardless of his motivation, Adams said she condemned Soliman’s actions and stressed that “an eye for an eye is a no.” But standing with the victims, she explained, means telling them “the potential causes for the harm that was done to them.”
Brockett, who was mayor at the time, disputed his opponent’s approach, recalling how in the difficult aftermath of the attack, he and most of his colleagues wanted to “make a very strong, unequivocal statement” that condemned the incident as antisemitic.
“We were reeling from the magnitude of that and how incredibly awful it was, and how badly people were injured,” he said, noting that he was unwilling to include the term “anti-Zionist,” because he felt that this would be speculative about the attacker’s motives.
Rabbi Fred Greene, of Congregation Har Hashem, offered a similar perspective, stressing that this “turning point for our community” required moral clarity from elected officials: namely, an “unequivocal statement that antisemitism has no place in Boulder.”
“Most of the council rose to that moment,” Greene said. “But when even one member of the council cannot sign a joint condemnation without attempting to relitigate the definition of antisemitism, that sends a painful message to Jewish residents about where they stand.”
Conflict-fueled chaos seized City Council
The dispute over the condemnation statement followed about 20 months of council meetings that included contentious public comment sessions about the Gaza war.
Demonstrators began disrupting these sessions in late 2023, protesting the war and urging members to consider a ceasefire resolution. Comments at times included antisemitic hate speech, particularly against Jewish council member Tara Winer, according to Boulder Reporting Lab. Officials suspended some individuals and limited poster sizes, as they struggled to maintain both order and free speech.
Brockett said that he still could not comprehend “why people have directed so much energy at the Boulder City Council on these topics for so long, given our complete lack of influence or involvement with the Middle East.”
Rabbi Marc Soloway, of Boulder’s Congregation Bonai Shalom, expressed similar bewilderment at this phenomenon, questioning how “a so-called liberal place has become so poisoned.” He balked at the idea that people are “willing to somehow stand behind Hamas as a liberation movement and not acknowledge what’s really happened.”
Adams was one of just two council members who voted in February 2024 to consider the ceasefire resolution. The proposal did not advance. Opponents, including the mayor, cited a need to focus on local matters, while also referring to a city code that limited action on foreign issues, according to the Boulder Reporting Lab.
Then in February 2025, Adams was one of three council members who supported revisiting the city’s investment policy to consider excluding more weapons manufacturers. Some opponents viewed the proposal as a veiled attempt to push potential Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions policies against Israel. Before the informal vote, Adams cautioned against “investing in weapons,” saying she wanted “a peacemaking community” and not a “war-enabling community.”
Six months later, Adams was the only council member to support reopening the investment policy discussion. Her new request, she explained in a statement, stemmed from a U.N. Special Rapporteur report that accused certain companies, including Microsoft, of being “directly involved in Israel’s occupation and genocide.”
The U.N. report had cited findings from The Guardian alleging that Israel used Microsoft’s cloud technology and artificial intelligence during intense bombardments of Gaza. In response, Microsoft at first said internal reviews showed no evidence that its tools were “used to target or harm people.” But several months later, the company launched a formal review of new allegations regarding mass surveillance of civilians.
The U.N. report, Adams told JTA, showed that Boulder was investing in firms that “have committed war crimes,” when the city should spend its money on bolstering projects like renewable energy initiatives or regenerative agriculture.
Brockett said Boulder already had investment rules addressing social and environmental concerns, including changes adopted in 2017 while he was a council member. He opposed divesting from Microsoft, citing the ubiquity of its products and the difficulty of excluding every company whose tools might be used in ways residents opposed.
Asked if there was any further update or response to this issue, a spokesperson for Microsoft directed JTA to a September 2025 communication written by Brad Smith, the company’s vice chair and president. Smith stated that following a review, Microsoft had “ceased and disabled a set of services to a unit within the Israel Ministry of Defense,” including “specific cloud storage and AI services and technologies.”
Smith credited The Guardian for its reporting, noting that the outlet had access to external information that Microsoft did not due to its “customer privacy commitments.” He stressed that Microsoft prohibits the use of its tools for mass surveillance of civilians.
Assessing antisemitism in ‘the court of public opinion’
In the weeks following the Pearl Street attack, tensions over the Israel-Gaza war boiled over, prompting Boulder City Council members to approve new rules for open comment periods at their meetings.
The new rules, approved by all council members except Adams, included an earlier meeting start time, a shorter open comment window and an audio-only broadcast. Brockett said that just a few meetings after enacting these measures, the chaos calmed down.
“People get the same amount of time to speak as they did before,” he said, referring to a two-minute limit allocated to each speaker. “They still are allowed to say whatever they would like, within the limits of the First Amendment.”
Adams, on the other hand, expressed concern about the impact of an earlier start time on working families, as well as the lack of video during virtual testimony. Instead, she said she would have preferred the “consistent implementations” of existing rules.
A few days after the council passed the rules, Adams reportedly published multiple Instagram stories that two colleagues, Matt Benjamin and Mark Wallach, characterized as “offensive and antisemitic social media posts.” Because these posts were “stories,” they ordinarily would have disappeared after 24 hours unless saved as highlights, but Facebook users posted links to screenshots and recordings in the comments of Benjamin and Wallach’s statement.
One such story declared that “the biggest genocide in human history didn’t occur in Nazi Germany, but on American soil,” set to music from Schindler’s List. She was referring to tribal nations, stressing that “unlike Jewish people who received repatriation,” they “lost generations.” Another story accused Boulder of funding genocide.
Benjamin and Wallach said that her stories “crossed a serious line into antisemitism,” adding that “language in these posts reflects a more insidious, modern form of antisemitism, one that avoids explicit slurs but relies instead on double standards, dog whistles and coded messages.”
Adams responded to her colleagues by accusing them of releasing “misinformation” in what she described as “an attempt to distract from the real work and conversations our council has ahead of us.” She stressed that “injustice to any individual or group of people is wrong and must be followed by repair and restitution.”
“If the shoe was on the other foot and I thought they were being antisemitic, I would have put proper paperwork together and launched an investigation,” Adams told JTA, criticizing their reliance on “the court of public opinion.”
Reflecting on this dispute, Greene, the rabbi from Har Hashem, said it’s not “particularly useful to declare whether someone is or isn’t antisemitic.” He noted, however, that some of the “posts have traded in antisemitic tropes: drawing false equivalencies with the Holocaust, implying that Jewish people have received undue reparations and framing Jewish concerns as obstacles to collective liberation.”
“Whether intentional or not, those tropes cause real harm,” Greene said. “When someone in a position of public trust continues to deploy them after being told – repeatedly and directly – how hurtful they are, that matters.”
A few weeks following the social media showdown, police arrested anti-Israel activist Laura Gonzalez for shouting profanities at a Jewish resident and confronting Benjamin. She was charged with felony retaliation against an elected official, as well as verbal and physical harassment misdemeanors. While the first two charges were dropped in May, Gonzalez is expected to face trial for the physical harassment misdemeanor, to which she has pleaded non guilty.
Asked for her opinion on the Gonzalez case, Adams acknowledged a spike in aggressive incidents, but she focused on the increase in such behaviors against participants at pro-Palestine events, where she said someone was recently pushed.
“It’s important that we investigate any situation where there’s allegations of physical harm,” Adams added. “Those investigations should be equal in strength and integrity.”
‘A very toxic environment for Jewish people’
The disagreements on Israel reflect a broader dispute over just how much the city council should be involving itself in foreign affairs.
Already in February 2024, Adams told fellow council members that the city has “skin in the game,” urging them to consider the ceasefire resolution. Citing the footprint of global technology, medical and defense firms in Boulder, she warned against behaving “like we do not have implications internationally.”
Adams criticized those who support “the actions of an ethno-state,” explaining that during a May 2025 trip to the West Bank – as part of the Boulder-Nablus Sister City Project – she “saw firsthand different roads for different people.” That trip, she said, resulted in a creative project called Uprooting Qahr, an Arabic word she defined as “anger that’s caused by oppression and displacement and dispossession.”
Asked if she also visited Israel, she said that she “landed in Israel, in Tel Aviv.” She said that she had intended to spend more time in Israel after her West Bank tour, but that her plans changed after the Yemen-based Houthis fired a ballistic missile at Ben Gurion Airport. After speaking with a few Israeli Jews in the West Bank, she credited them for “some solidarity and understanding that we are one human species on one planet.”
Brockett said that he, too, has visited Nablus as part of the Sister Cities project, but that on his trip, he also visited Boulder’s Israeli sister city, Ramat HaNegev. He has long argued the council should focus on local issues rather than take up a ceasefire resolution or devote formal meeting time to foreign policy matters.
“City councils exist to serve their residents — housing, transportation, public safety, local services,” Greene, of Har Hashem, told JTA. “Those are the responsibilities Boulder voters entrust their council with.”
Greene acknowledged “that elected officials are human beings with moral convictions” who might make value statements. But he noted that the war has “consumed meeting after meeting, month after month, at the expense of local needs.” That fixation, he added, became “a vehicle for rhetoric that made Jewish residents feel targeted and unsafe.”
Soloway, from Bonai Shalom, likewise described “a very toxic environment for Jewish people,” recognizing that this feeling is “not coming directly from City Council.”
“But I would say that some of the rhetoric and the posts of Taishya Adams [have] definitely fostered that,” Soloway said.
‘Jewish identity, love for Israel, grief over Gaza’
Discussing the “compromises made for the establishment of nation states” – including the U.S. and Israel – Adams emphasized that she isn’t asking anything of others that she isn’t willing to do herself, explaining that she has been working on right-of-return policies for Indigenous people whose land was stolen in Boulder.
“I know what segregation looks like as a descendant of enslaved Africans,” she said. “I understand what apartheid looks like.”
Soloway expressed concern about such comparisons. He said that Adams “presents herself as a real student of history” but then equates the U.S. to Israel, whose “history is so utterly different.”
“The original colonizers of America were not indigenous in any way, and no one would ever claim they are,” he added. “But Jews have been indigenous to the Middle East.”
Adams discussed her recent attempts to engage with Boulder’s Jewish community, noting that over the past year, she “made a stronger effort to reach out directly and really left the ball in their court.” She said she met with some local rabbis one-on-one and also made connections through the Denver/Boulder Jewish Voice for Peace.
The JVP chapter did not respond to a request from JTA for comment.
As for her opponent, Brockett said that if he wins another term, he would “offer full support” to Jewish residents and “speak out if anything antisemitic occurs.”
“We don’t have the ability to prevent some speech like that from occurring, but we can show that it’s unacceptable and that the leadership of the city stands in solidarity with the Jewish community in Boulder,” Brockett said.
Addressing the current morale, Greene said that his congregants “feel less safe, more on edge, more vulnerable.” For example, he observed that those who have devoted their lives to “tikkun olam” – repairing the world – now “find themselves cast as complicit in something they abhor.”
Soloway, meanwhile, noted that “Jews were integral in a lot of movements that have stopped fascism, and now we’ve become the fascists in the eyes of so many.”
“It’s extraordinary how so many examples of Jewish involvement in civil rights have just somehow been conveniently erased,” he said. “We’ve just become the demons because of our connection to Israel and Zionism.”
Such unease has affected other institutions in Boulder, including parts of the school system. The Boulder Valley School District this summer settled a federal civil rights lawsuit with the Anti-Defamation League, after the parents of a Jewish middle schooler alleged that their child had endured years of bullying and antisemitic harassment.
In its settlement, the district announced plans to address antisemitic discrimination and harassment in schools, conduct training for staff, provide educational programming for students and create an advisory council to address antisemitism.
Other young Jews in Boulder, including those who attend the University of Colorado, are also struggling with a palpable uptick in hostile rhetoric. At the beginning of the school year, Boulder Students for Justice in Palestine released their “2026 Statement of Commitment,” demanding one state “from the Jordan River to the Mediterranean Sea.” And on Oct. 7, as CU Boulder Hillel hosted a memorial event, Boulder SJP held a “vigil for the martyrs of Palestine” on campus as well.
Elyana Funk, the Hillel chapter’s executive director, said she has increasingly needed to advocate for the students, but she also noted some positives amid the pain. Hillel, she explained, has “been bursting at the seams and growing,” with a 30% participation surge in the past couple years and an 80% jump in Shabbat attendance.
Funk estimated that about 2,500 to 3,000 Jewish students – out of about 32,600 total undergraduates – are enrolled at the university, but she had no records of how many students are registered to vote in this city, as opposed to in their hometowns.
But when Boulder’s Jewish voters do head to the polls in November, they will do so with the possibility of electing a mayor who won’t confirm if Israel should exist.
When considering that prospect, Greene declared that “Israel’s right to exist is not a partisan position.” People can raise concerns about Israel’s government, humanitarian issues in Gaza and rights of Palestinians while also maintaining “that Israel has a right to exist as a Jewish state,” Greene argued. An unwillingness to do so, he said, should be “disqualifying for someone seeking to lead a city with a substantial and deeply connected Jewish community.”
“Jewish identity, love for Israel, grief over Gaza, fear of antisemitism — these things can coexist in a single Jewish heart,” Greene added. “When the public discourse flattens all of that into a binary, it erases us.”
This article originally appeared on JTA.org.
The post Antisemitic terror rattled the Rockies last year. Now Boulder could have a mayor who won’t say whether Israel should exist. appeared first on The Forward.
