Features
Decision to invite former member of Nazi-aligned Ukrainian military unit to House of Commons raises questions about why he was allowed into Canada in the first place
By BERNIE BELLAN (Originally published Sept. 25 in The Jewish Post & News)
The storm that erupted over the revelation that a former member of a Ukrainian unit that fought with the Nazis during the Second World War was invited to attend the appearance by Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky when he spoke to the House of Commons on Friday, September 22, has led to a whole series of questions:
- Who is Yaroslav Hunka, the 98-year-old Ukrainian-Canadian who received a standing ovation from members of all four parties in the House of Commons on Friday, September 22, when he was introduced by House of Commons Speaker Anthony Rota prior to Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky’s speech in the House of Commons?
- What was the Wafen-SS Galicia Division (also known as the SS 14th Wafer Division)?
- How is it that many former members of the Wafen-SS Galicia Division were allowed entry into Canada following World War II?
- Why was there no vetting of Hunka by anyone prior to his having been invited to attend the House of Commons on September 22?
The fierce reaction from various Jewish Canadian groups, including the Friends of Simon Wiesenthal Centre for Holocaust Studies, B’nai Brith Canada, and the Centre for Israel and Jewish Affairs, was unrelentingly critical of the decision to invite Hunka to attend Zelensky’s appearance in the House of Commons.
Hunka’s past participation in the Wafen-SS Galicia Division was well known. As an article that appeared on Wikipedia on September 24 noted: “Yaroslav Hunka (Ukrainian: Ярослав Гунька; born c. 1925) is a veteran of the 14th Waffen Grenadier Division of the SS (1st Galician), a Nazi Germany military formation. Hunka was born in Urman, then in Poland, and volunteered for SS Galizien in 1943. He emigrated to Canada after the conclusion of World War II. In 2023, Hunka made international headlines after he received a standing ovation from the House of Commons of Canada, and was recognized by Canadian prime minister Justin Trudeau and Ukrainian president Volodymyr Zelenskyy. Later, it was revealed Hunka was affiliated with Nazis, and Canadian government officials apologized to the worldwide Jewish community. Hunka is retired and lives in North Bay, Ontario.
Biography
“Yaroslav Hunka was born in
“Yaroslav Hunka was born in Urman, Second Polish Republic (now Ukraine) c. 1925. In 1944, Hunka was deployed into combat against Red Army forces on the Eastern Front of World War II. Following the conclusion of World War II in Europe, Hunka immigrated to Canada and joined the Ukrainian-Canadian community.] As of 2022, Hunka lived in North Bay, Ontario, and travelled to Greater Sudbury to protest against that year’s Russian invasion of Ukraine.”
The question why so many former members of a Ukrainian military unit that fought for the Nazis were allowed into Canada following WWII is laced with controversy. A website that is very sympathetic to Russia lists a number of very serious allegations about Canadian complicity in allowing those individuals into the country:
“In the immediate postwar period, Canada’s then Liberal government, working in close cahoots with US and British intelligence, opened Canada’s doors to Ukrainian Nazi collaborators. These included members of the infamous 14th Grenadier Division of the Waffen SS, also known as the Galicia Division.
“The scale of the influx of Nazi collaborators only became public knowledge in the 1980s. A comprehensive study carried out by Alti Rodal on behalf of the federal government-appointed Deschênes Commission of Inquiry on War Criminals in Canada uncovered records proving that US intelligence agents in Europe had funneled Nazi collaborators from Eastern Europe through the Canadian immigration system using false papers. Rodal revealed that large numbers of identically typed applications were received by Canada’s immigration department from one address in West Germany. On closer inspection, this address turned out to be a US military base.
“The Progressive Conservative government of Brian Mulroney established the Deschênes Commission in 1985, in response to a mounting public outcry over exposures of Nazis and Nazi accomplices who had found a safe haven in Canada and tasked the inquiry with identifying Nazi war criminals residing in Canada.
“Around the same time, the Simon Wiesenthal Center estimated that upwards of 2,000 Nazis and Nazi collaborators emigrated to Canada in the years after the war. A quarter-century later, in 2011, it would give Canada an “F minus” in its annual report ranking countries on their efforts to prosecute war criminals. This placed Canada on a par with Ukraine and the former Baltic republics, i.e. countries where the right-wing, nationalist regimes that have emerged since the Stalinist bureaucracy’s dissolution of the Soviet Union openly venerate the ultranationalists who aligned with the Nazis when they invaded the USSR.
“War criminals in Canada
“A significant number of those who made their way to Canada were members of the Nazi SS’s Galicia Division, which was made up of Ukrainian nationalist volunteers who fought on the side of the Wehrmacht against the Red Army during the Nazis’ war of annihilation against the Soviet Union. This preplanned onslaught—launched in June 1941 when a 3 million-strong force comprised of German troops, their Axis allies and fascist volunteers invaded the Soviet Union—led to the deaths of 27 million Soviet citizens and the Holocaust.
“In waging war, suppressing the population, and pursuing the annihilation of the Jews, across Eastern Europe and above all in the USSR, Hitler’s Wehrmacht and SS shock troops relied on the loyal collaboration of ultraright-wing, anti-Semitic forces. Among the Ukrainian nationalists, in both occupied Poland and the USSR, the Nazis found eager collaborators. The Galicia Division was formed in 1943 out of a faction of the Stepan Bandera-led Organisation of Ukrainian Nationalists Bandera (OUN-B) and fought with the Nazis against the Red Army throughout 1944.
“Massacres perpetrated by the division against Polish and Jewish civilians have been well documented, including at Huta Pieniacka, Podkamien, and Palikrowy. At Podkamien, 100 Polish civilians were massacred in a hilltop monastery, and at least a further 500 in surrounding villages as the Red Army approached the German-occupied area in March 1944.
“Members of the Galicia Division were initially prohibited from entering Canada due to their membership in the SS. But in 1950, Britain made an appeal to the Commonwealth for volunteers to accept a total of 9,000 division members who were at that time residing in the UK after being disarmed by British troops at the war’s end.
“When Canada’s External Affairs Department, prompted by complaints from the Canadian Jewish Congress (CJC), raised concerns about the division’s ties to the Nazis and role in Nazi atrocities, the British government insisted that it had carried out background checks. “While in Italy these men were screened by Soviet and British missions and neither then nor subsequently has any evidence been brought to light which would suggest that any of them fought against the Western Allies or engaged in crimes against humanity,” claimed the British Foreign Office. “‘Their behaviour since they came to this country, added London, ‘has been good and they have never indicated in any way that they are infected with any trace of Nazi ideology.’
“With this letter serving as political cover, Prime Minister Louis St. Laurent and his cabinet declared that Galicia Division members would be permitted to immigrate to Canada unless it could be proved that they had personally committed atrocities against civilian populations based on ‘race, religion or national origins.’ Simply having been a Galicia Division member would not be considered a valid reason to prevent entry, even though after the war all Waffen-SS members had been deemed complicit in war crimes.
“The immigration of Nazi and Nazi-allied war criminals continued for more than a decade after the war and was a significant factor in Canada’s emergence during the Cold War as a political-ideological centre of far-right Ukrainian nationalism.
“Speaking to a CBS “60 Minutes” programme in 1997, Canadian historian Irving Abella, who is currently Professor for Canadian Jewish history at York University, bluntly summed up the political climate of the time. ‘One way of getting into postwar Canada,’ he said ‘was by showing the SS tattoo. This proved that you were an anti-Communist.’
“Ottawa carried out this policy in close collaboration with US authorities, who similarly permitted ex-Nazis to settle in the US and recruited hundreds to act as spies against the Soviet Union and the Soviet-allied regimes in Eastern Europe. According to investigative reporter Eric Lichtblau, up to 1,000 former Nazis were made use of by the CIA in Europe, within the US itself, the Middle East, and in Latin America.
Yet, other historians dispute the notion that Canada became a safe haven for Nazi and Nazi-allied war criminals. In a book titled , written by historian Howard Margolian, and reviewed by Urs Obrist in 2002, Obrist writes the following:
“Even though the debate on the admission of Nazi war criminals to Canada after World War II seemed to have reached its apex in the mid-1980s, with the investigation of the Jules Deschênes Commission and its inquiries on war criminals, the issue has continued to stir historical interest in the 1990s and beyond.[1] This recent publication by Howard Margolian, Unauthorized Entry, revises the widely held view that Canada has been a safe haven for Nazi war criminals. Margolian is a Canadian historian with a special interest in the history of World War II and Nazi-occupied Eastern Europe. As the author of Conduct Unbecoming, he has already shed light on the story of the murder of Canadian POWs in Normandy and the trial and fate of the SS-General Kurt Meyer.[2] In Unauthorized Entry, Margolian challenges and refutes accusations stating that the King and St. Laurent governments had been negligent in the admission of Nazi war criminals and collaborators to Canada.
“His study concludes that neither the immigration bureaucracy, nor the immigration lobby in Canada, nor the western intelligence community were as responsible for the influx of about 2000 war criminals and collaborators as has been generally assumed. Instead, he argues, the blame is to be put on the war criminals and collaborators who gained entry to Canada by forged identities or by giving false information about their wartime history. The great majority of Nazi war criminals and collaborators who settled in Canada after the Second World War were admitted not on purpose, but as a result of the absence of, or inaccessibility to, information about their wartime activities. Margolian summarizes that, in view of the benefit drawn from the immigration of the 1.5 million immigrants arriving in Canada between 1945 and 1955, it was worth taking the risk and admitting some 2000 war criminals to Canada.”
However, in his review of Margolin’s book Obrist notes that the Canadian government made exceptions for three categories of immigrants – who were not denied entry even if they might have had Nazi connections: “German scientists, Estonian refugees from Sweden and former members of the Ukrainian SS-Division ‘Galicia’.”
As for how the Speaker of the House of Commons could have completely overlooked Hunka’s past membership in a Nazi-affiliated unit during WWII, Rota released a statement late Sunday afternoon saying he recognized an individual in the gallery on Friday, and that he has “subsequently become aware of more information which causes me to regret my decision to do so.”
“I wish to make clear that no one, including fellow parliamentarians and the Ukraine delegation, was aware of my intention or of my remarks before I delivered them,” he wrote.
“I particularly want to extend my deepest apologies to Jewish communities in Canada and around the world.”
The statement does not make clear what Rota is apologizing for, and it does not name Hunka or give any details about what information Rota learned about him since Friday.
Features
13 Best Amazon PPC Management Agencies for Growing Brands
Growing brands should hire an Amazon PPC agency that optimizes daily against TACoS and contribution margin, staffs senior specialists on the account, and reports results per ASIN in plain language. The agencies that deliver consistent, profitable growth share a few verifiable traits: Amazon-specific expertise, transparent reporting, and pricing that rewards performance over ad spend. This article ranks and compares 13 Amazon PPC agencies against those signals for 2026.
Why Amazon PPC management gets harder as brands grow
Amazon advertising gets more competitive and more expensive every year. US retail media ad spend will reach $71 billion in 2026, according to a December 2025 eMarketer forecast, which means more brands are bidding on the same high-intent keywords. As a result, average Amazon cost per click rose about 35% between 2023 and early 2026, reaching $1.21.
The problem is compounded at scale. Accounts with hundreds of SKUs and five-figure monthly ad budgets tend to see ACoS creep up as campaign structures sprawl. According to 2026 Amazon PPC benchmarks, the median ACoS across US Amazon accounts in H1 2026 was 38% and the median TACoS was 15%.
TACoS, or total advertising cost of sale, measures total ad spend as a percentage of total revenue, including organic sales. TACoS matters more than ACoS at scale because it reveals whether advertising is building the brand or just paying to keep revenue flat. An account with a stable 20% ACoS can still be in trouble if TACoS is climbing each quarter.
Most brands notice the shift somewhere between $1M and $10M in annual Amazon revenue. That is the stage where manual campaign management eats too many hours, ACoS-only reporting hides margin erosion, and the cost of hiring the wrong agency becomes meaningful.
How to evaluate an Amazon PPC management agency
The right Amazon agency for a growing brand is one whose approach matches the brand’s stage, goals, and internal bandwidth. Use these criteria to separate signal from marketing noise:
- Amazon specialization. The agency focuses specifically on Amazon advertising, not general paid media with Amazon as an add-on.
- Who runs the account. Senior specialists with years of Amazon experience manage campaigns directly. Junior account managers learning on the brand’s budget is a warning sign.
- Primary optimization metric. The agency reports TACoS and contribution margin, not just ACoS or ROAS. ACoS in isolation hides whether ads are cannibalizing organic sales.
- Reporting transparency. Per-ASIN reporting in plain language, not dashboards filled with acronyms and aggregated numbers.
- Optimization frequency. Daily optimization beats weekly reviews. Amazon’s auction changes constantly.
- Pricing model. Flat retainers or hybrid models align incentives better than pure percentage-of-spend fees, which reward the agency for spending more.
- Verifiable credibility. Amazon Ads Partner status, third-party reviews (Clutch, Trustpilot), and named client results with real numbers. Self-reported “top-rated agency” claims are not credibility.
Top Amazon PPC management agencies for growing brands in 2026, at a glance
| Rank | Agency | Best for | Primary focus | Notable signal |
| 1 | Olifant Digital | Established brands wanting daily, profit-first management | Done-for-you Amazon PPC with TACoS reporting | $114M+ managed client revenue; 98% retention; named Amazon results |
| 2 | Tinuiti | Enterprise brands needing DSP and AMC | Full-funnel Amazon Ads + DSP | Amazon Ads Advanced Partner; AMC accreditation |
| 3 | Blue Wheel | Mid-to-large brands wanting ads and DSP under one roof | Omni-channel Amazon Ads + DSP | Amazon Advanced Partner; $1B+ in client revenue managed |
| 4 | Incrementum Digital | Data-driven brands wanting analytics-led management | Amazon-first performance advertising | Amazon Ads Advanced Partner; 2024 Buy With Prime Partner Award |
| 5 | Trivium Group | Brands wanting profit-focused full-service management | Amazon PPC, DSP, and account management | Inc. 5000 (#170); $24M+ annual ad spend managed |
| 6 | Amazon Growth Lab | 8- and 9-figure brands | Amazon PPC, SEO, DSP, and listing optimization | 50 Clutch reviews; clients incl. Ray-Ban, Anker |
| 7 | BellaVix | Brands needing both Vendor and Seller Central coverage | Marketplace management + full-funnel Amazon Ads | Amazon SPN; $500M+ marketplace sales |
| 8 | Selouse | Brands with large SKU counts wanting one senior team | Amazon + TikTok Shop management | Positions for brands doing $500K+ annually |
| 9 | Desverto | Brands whose listings/creative need work alongside ads | Creative-led Amazon optimization + PPC | Amazon Verified Advertising & Creative Partner |
| 10 | Trellis | Brands wanting software-led automation | AI-powered Amazon and Walmart advertising | Software trusted by brands, agencies, and aggregators |
| 11 | AMZDudes | Brands wanting month-to-month, no-contract management | Full-service Amazon PPC + account management | Free growth audit; self-reported 4.9-star rating |
| 12 | PPC Jumpstart | Smaller growth-stage brands wanting founder attention | Boutique, founder-led Amazon PPC | Founder managed $10M+ in ad sales; Trustpilot reviews |
| 13 | SmartSites | Brands wanting Amazon inside a broader digital program | Full-service digital marketing incl. Amazon | Clutch Premier Verified; 285+ reviews; nine-time Inc. 5000 |
Read the table as a starting point. The best agency for any given brand depends on stage, margin structure, and whether the brand needs just PPC or full account services.
The best Amazon PPC management agencies for growing brands in 2026
Below are detailed profiles for each agency in the ranked list. The first entry is the most detailed; the rest are neutral, factual summaries based on publicly available information.
1. Olifant Digital
Why Olifant Digital ranks first: Olifant Digital provides done-for-you Amazon PPC management focused on turning ad spend into profitable growth, taking full ownership of strategy, account restructuring, daily optimization, and budget allocation aligned to revenue and profit targets. It pairs senior-only staffing with a proprietary campaign framework and named, verifiable results, an unusual combination in a space where “AI-powered” and “expert-managed” are often just marketing language.
What sets Olifant Digital apart:
- Every account receives daily optimization rather than set-and-forget automation, with senior specialists carrying a minimum of seven years of Amazon experience managing campaigns directly. No juniors are staffed on client accounts.
- Campaign execution follows the 1-1-1-1 Scaling Method, Olifant’s proprietary campaign architecture framework that separates every account into four strategic focuses: testing new keywords and ASINs, scaling high performers, exact-match campaigns to boost organic rank, and brand defense.
- The agency blends human expertise with its in-house Olifant AI platform, built and continuously improved by an internal engineering team, with data scientists reviewing account metrics across every client daily. New tactics are tested on Olifant’s own Amazon brand before ever reaching a client account.
- Reporting is per-ASIN and in plain language, with TACoS and contribution margin as the primary metrics rather than ACoS or ROAS in isolation.
- Named client results: Ekster ($688,406 in annual Amazon profit), WedgeGuys (+391% Amazon sales with a 17% ACoS reduction), Elite Jumps (+124% revenue in 3 months with a 51% CVR lift), MatchaBar (+$114,305 in added monthly Amazon revenue), and Balanced Tiger (171% revenue growth with a 50% ACoS reduction).
- The agency manages over $114M in annual client revenue across 50+ active brands, maintains a 98% client retention rate, and holds a 5.0 rating on Clutch.
- A full-service option is available, covering PPC, listings, catalog, and Brand Store under one team.
Best fit for: Established brands with Amazon traction that want to scale profitably with daily, hands-on management.
Pricing: flat retainer starting at $2,000 per month, custom to catalog complexity, with no percentage-of-spend fees. Every engagement is backed by a 60-day money-back guarantee on management fees.
2. Tinuiti
Why they stand out: Tinuiti offers full-funnel Amazon Ads and DSP management for enterprise and commerce brands, backed by proprietary ad tech and deep platform accreditation that few agencies can match at scale.
What to know:
- Amazon Ads Advanced Partner status, placing it in the top 7% of agencies by Amazon’s own recognition program.
- AMC (Amazon Marketing Cloud) accreditation for advanced cross-channel attribution work.
- Proprietary MobiusX ad tech platform supporting campaign management and reporting.
- Named clients include illy and Poppi.
Best fit for: Larger brands that need sophisticated DSP and Amazon Marketing Cloud capabilities.
Keep in mind: Brands wanting a boutique team focused exclusively on Sponsored Products or PPC may find a smaller specialist agency a tighter fit than an enterprise, multi-channel firm.
3. Blue Wheel
Why they stand out: Blue Wheel provides omni-channel commerce services including Amazon Ads and DSP full-funnel management, built around a proprietary bidding system designed for real-time campaign control at scale.
What to know:
- Uses a proprietary “Companion” bidding system based on Search Term Isolation for real-time campaign adjustments.
- Holds Amazon Advanced Partner and SAS Core-approved status.
- Has managed $1B+ in client revenue since its founding in 2011.
Best fit for: Mid-to-large consumer brands wanting ads and DSP integrated under one roof.
Keep in mind: Brands selling exclusively through Sponsored Products with no near-term DSP need may not require the full omni-channel infrastructure Blue Wheel is built around.
4. Incrementum Digital
Why they stand out: Incrementum Digital focuses on Amazon-first performance advertising across marketplaces, differentiated by an in-house analytics platform built specifically to track blended profitability rather than platform-reported metrics alone.
What to know:
- Uses its proprietary DataOwl analytics platform to track blended profitability and TACoS.
- Holds Amazon Ads Advanced Partner, Walmart Connect Partner, and TikTok Shop Partner status.
- Won the 2024 Buy with Prime Best Merchant Activation Award.
Best fit for: Data-driven brands that prioritize analytics-led management over a purely relationship-driven engagement.
Keep in mind: Brands that want a single point of contact managing strategy end to end, rather than a dashboard-forward engagement, should confirm how much day-to-day strategic input comes from a named specialist versus the platform.
5. Trivium Group
Why they stand out: Trivium Group offers full-service Amazon PPC, DSP, and account management with a profit-first methodology that factors in COGS and daily profit rather than treating ROAS as the finish line.
What to know:
- Profit-first methodology factoring in cost of goods sold and daily profit, not just return on ad spend.
- Manages $24M+ in annual ad spend across its client roster.
- Ranked #170 on the Inc. 5000 list of fastest-growing companies.
- Clutch profile includes 40 reviews.
Best fit for: Brands wanting profit-focused full-service management rather than a narrow PPC-only engagement.
Keep in mind: With a growing client roster, confirming the specific account team and reporting cadence assigned to a given brand size is worth doing directly.
6. Amazon Growth Lab
Why they stand out: Amazon Growth Lab provides full-service Amazon PPC, SEO, DSP, and listing optimization, built around a data-density approach that goes well beyond the handful of metrics most competitors report on.
What to know:
- Analyzes 750+ ranking and conversion data fields rather than surface-level metrics alone.
- Clutch profile with 50 reviews.
- Named clients include Ray-Ban, Jacuzzi, Anker, and Brooklinen.
Best fit for: 8- and 9-figure brands with complex catalogs that need PPC, SEO, and DSP coordinated together.
Keep in mind: Smaller or earlier-stage brands may find the agency’s complexity-oriented approach more infrastructure than a leaner catalog needs.
7. BellaVix
Why they stand out: BellaVix offers marketplace management and full-funnel Amazon advertising across both Seller Central and Vendor Central, with multi-marketplace coverage that extends the relationship beyond Amazon alone.
What to know:
- Also manages Walmart and Target marketplaces under one partnership.
- Holds Amazon SPN status and is a Verified Amazon Advertising and Global Selling Partner.
- $500M+ in marketplace sales managed.
- 33 Clutch reviews.
Best fit for: Brands that need both 1P (Vendor Central) and 3P (Seller Central) coverage under one team.
Keep in mind: Brands selling only through Seller Central with no Vendor Central complexity may not need an agency built around managing both.
8. Selouse
Why they stand out: Selouse provides full-service Amazon and TikTok Shop management under one roof, with a single senior team handling PPC, listings, creative, and daily operations across the US, UK, and EU rather than splitting responsibilities across specialists.
What to know:
- A single senior team owns PPC, listings, creative, and daily operations across three regions.
- Positions itself for brands doing $500K+ in annual revenue.
- Credibility signals are self-reported rather than externally verified.
Best fit for: Brands with large SKU counts that want one senior team handling everything rather than coordinating multiple vendors.
Keep in mind: Because credibility signals here are self-reported, it’s worth requesting references or case studies directly rather than relying on site claims alone.
9. Desverto
Why they stand out: Desverto offers creative-led Amazon optimization alongside PPC management, built around the idea that ad performance and listing quality are inseparable rather than managed by separate teams.
What to know:
- Uses a creative-first model called Product Family Architecture, built around listing design feeding ad performance.
- Holds Amazon Verified Advertising & Creative Partner status and is an Amazon SPN member.
- 900+ brands served.
Best fit for: Brands whose listings and creative need improvement alongside ad management, not just campaign structure.
Keep in mind: Brands with already-strong creative and listings that only need PPC management may find the creative-led positioning adds scope they don’t need.
10. Trellis
Why they stand out: Trellis provides AI-powered Amazon and Walmart advertising plus automation software, positioning itself as a technology platform first with managed service layered on top rather than the reverse.
What to know:
- Unifies PPC automation with pricing, promotions, and content optimization, referred to as the “4Ps” of merchandising.
- Software is used by brands, agencies, and aggregators directly, not just as a white-label layer.
- Managed service options are available alongside the self-serve software.
Best fit for: Brands wanting software-led automation, with the option to add managed oversight.
Keep in mind: Brands wanting a dedicated strategist as the primary point of contact, rather than a software-first relationship, may prefer a traditional agency model.
11. AMZDudes
Why they stand out: AMZDudes offers full-service Amazon PPC and account management with a data and AI-driven approach, built around a low-commitment entry point designed to reduce the friction of switching agencies.
What to know:
- Provides a free Amazon growth audit before engagement.
- Month-to-month management with no long-term contracts.
- Site reports a 4.9-star rating from 260+ brand reviews and Amazon Ads Verified Partner status; both figures are self-reported rather than independently verified.
Best fit for: Brands that want month-to-month management without a long-term contract commitment.
Keep in mind: Because the review count and partner status are self-reported, independent verification through Clutch or a direct reference check is worth doing before signing.
12. PPC Jumpstart
Why they stand out: PPC Jumpstart is a boutique, founder-led Amazon PPC management agency built around direct founder involvement rather than a delegated account team, with pricing tied to outcomes instead of a flat fee.
What to know:
- The founder manages accounts directly rather than delegating to junior staff.
- Offers a pay-on-results, profit-first model focused on TACoS and margin.
- The founder has personally managed $10M+ in ad sales.
- Trustpilot reviews from clients back the boutique positioning.
Best fit for: Smaller growth-stage brands that want hands-on attention from an experienced operator rather than a large agency team.
Keep in mind: The founder-led model has natural capacity limits; brands should confirm current availability and account load before committing.
13. SmartSites
Why they stand out: SmartSites is a full-service digital marketing agency covering PPC, SEO, web design, email, and social media, including Amazon advertising, with review credentials that are unusually deep for a generalist shop.
What to know:
- Clutch Premier Verified with 285+ reviews averaging 4.9 stars.
- Google Premier Partner status.
- Nine-time Inc. 5000 honoree.
Best fit for: Brands that want Amazon advertising managed alongside a broader digital marketing program rather than as a standalone specialty.
Keep in mind: Brands wanting an Amazon-only specialist with campaigns as the sole focus may prefer a dedicated marketplace agency over a multi-channel generalist.
How much does Amazon PPC management cost?
Amazon PPC agencies typically charge using one of three pricing models:
- Flat monthly retainer. A fixed fee regardless of ad spend. Typical range for boutique agencies: $1,500 to $5,000 per month. Full-service agencies managing larger accounts charge higher retainers.
- Percentage of ad spend. The agency takes a percentage (often 10% to 20%) of monthly ad spend. This model rewards spending more, not performing better.
- Hybrid. A smaller base retainer plus a percentage of spend or a performance bonus tied to TACoS or revenue targets.
The incentive problem with percentage-of-spend pricing is real. An agency paid 15% of ad spend earns more when the brand spends more, regardless of whether that spend is profitable. Flat or hybrid models tied to performance align the agency’s incentive with the brand’s.
Olifant Digital uses a flat retainer model: pricing starts at $2,000 per month, custom to catalog complexity, with no percentage-of-spend fees. Every engagement is backed by a 60-day money-back guarantee on management fees.
Frequently asked questions about Amazon PPC management
What does Amazon PPC management include for growing brands?
A typical scope includes campaign strategy and architecture, daily bid optimization, keyword and search term analysis, Sponsored Products and Sponsored Brands management, budget allocation, and reporting. Full-service agencies may also cover listing optimization, A+ Content, and Brand Store design.
How much does Amazon PPC management cost?
Boutique agencies typically charge $1,500 to $5,000 per month as a flat retainer. Full-service agencies with larger account loads charge higher fees. Percentage-of-spend models (10% to 20% of ad spend) are common, though flat or hybrid pricing aligns incentives better.
When should a growing brand hire a PPC agency instead of keeping it in-house?
Most brands reach the decision point when ad spend exceeds $10,000 per month, ACoS is climbing despite more effort, or the internal team lacks the bandwidth for daily optimization. An experienced agency can often pay for itself in efficiency gains.
What is a good ACoS or TACoS for Amazon?
ACoS (advertising cost of sale) measures ad spend as a percentage of ad-attributed revenue. TACoS measures ad spend as a percentage of total revenue, including organic. In H1 2026, the median US ACoS was 38% and the median TACoS was 15%. A “good” number depends on the brand’s margin structure and growth goals.
How long until results show from a new Amazon PPC agency?
Most agencies show measurable movement in ACoS or TACoS within 30 to 60 days. Significant revenue or profit improvements typically require 90 days as the agency restructures campaigns, harvests converting search terms, and adjusts bids based on real data.
Should brands choose flat fee or percentage-of-spend pricing?
Flat fee or hybrid pricing is generally preferable because it aligns the agency’s incentive with profitable growth rather than spending more. Percentage-of-spend models reward the agency for increasing ad budgets regardless of returns.
Features
What Is Next for Israel and Hezbollah?
By HENRY SREBRNIK During Operation Rising Lion in 2025, the Iranians discovered that the proxies they had built up for years failed to provide the assistance expected of them. Hezbollah, their most important ally, refrained from opening a front against Israel.
But in the current war, Hezbollah’s Secretary-General Naim Qassem responded to pressure from Tehran and carried out his threat to open fire on Israel. It sent tens of thousands of Israelis in the Galilee into shelters several times a day. This time Hezbollah proved effective. What now?
On June 26, after a series of five bilateral meetings hosted by the United States, representatives of the Israeli, Lebanese, and U.S. governments signed the Trilateral Framework Agreement, declaring their shared “ambition to end conflict between them, ensure the sovereignty and security of both countries, and establish peaceful neighborly relations between the two countries.”
Israel and Lebanon agreed to a framework which would include the disarming of Hezbollah, the phased withdrawal of Israel from areas conquered over the last three years of war, and the deployment of the Western supported Lebanese Armed Forces (LAF) to the areas evacuated by Israel. So far, three “pilot zones” have been established, in the areas of Faroun, Srifa and Zawtar al-Gharbiya. “It’s the beginning of the beginning. There’s a lot of work ahead,” U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio said after the signing ceremony. That’s an understatement!
Lebanon’s President Joseph Aoun, a Maronite Christian, made his first ever White House visit on July 21. The Washington meeting with President Donald Trump, the first for a Lebanese president since 2009, was meant to move forward on the project to sever Lebanon from Iran’s orbit, disarm Tehran’s proxy Hezbollah, and pave a way toward Lebanon-Israel peace.
Aoun recalled that the army’s collapse in 1975 led to the emergence of militia groups, a civil war and the Palestinian takeover of the country’s south, which was used to launch attacks on Israel.
But there remain legitimate doubts about Beirut’s willingness to follow through on promises to disarm and dismantle Hezbollah. The last round of such efforts in late 2025 failed. Lebanese leaders have promised to disarm Hezbollah multiple times over the past thirty-five years, without success. The United States has sent the LAF more than $3 billion in aid since 2006. And yet two decades later, Hezbollah is still armed and still on Israel’s northern border.
“America needs to support the LAF,” Aoun told Trump. “Without the LAF,” he continued, “everything will collapse.” And as he told a group after his meeting with Trump, the aid must be “immediate and unconditional.” Could the army plausibly disarm Hezbollah? Since 2022 Washington has been paying LAF salaries directly, yet there has been no change.
The LAF is generally thought to consist of about 50 per cent Shia Lebanese among its rank and file, and around 30 per cent in its officer corps. Such a force would split along sectarian lines were it to be deployed against Hezbollah. Until Hezbollah’s control over the Shiite community weakens, it remains unclear whether the army can perform the task.
Anyhow, eliminating Hezbollah is virtually impossible, because its very existence is just part of what makes Lebanon an ongoing failed state. Hezbollah is not merely a military organization. It is the product of a particular geopolitical environment, a particular historical experience, and a particular understanding of survival.
Over the past four decades, it has evolved into a political party, social welfare provider, military force and ideological movement deeply rooted in Lebanon’s Shia communities. While military action can weaken it, the social and political foundations that sustain Hezbollah are much harder to remove.
The people who demand Hezbollah’s disarmament often begin with an idealized image of Lebanon rather than the Lebanon that exists. They imagine a state capable of protecting all its citizens equally and defending its borders independently. That is very far from reality.
Modern Lebanon was constructed around a delicate sectarian formula that sought to balance competing communities rather than forge a single national project. Lebanon’s sectarian power-sharing arrangement was formed under the National Pact of 1943 and the Taif Agreement of 1989. Different factions cultivated different external patrons, be they France, Iran, Saudi Arabia, or Syria. Political identity often became intertwined with foreign sponsorship and external alliances. The result was a state that never succeeded in creating a unified national consciousness.
For much of the country’s history, the Shia Muslims were widely regarded as the country’s most politically and economically marginalized community. They were often viewed with suspicion by the authorities and lacked the institutional recognition enjoyed by other religious communities.
So, for the Shia population, Hezbollah is not merely a political party or an armed movement. It is an insurance policy against annihilation. The Shia community in Lebanon looks around the region today and sees opponents everywhere — not just Israel, but Sunni Muslim militants ruling Syria, Turkey, Jordan, and Saudi Arabia as well – states that consider Shia Islam a heresy to be extinguished. (Lebanon’s own Sunnis also fit that description.) Under such conditions, disarmament begins to look like suicide.
President Donald Trump’s suggestion that Syria might get involved in Lebanon again is ridiculous. Any Syrian intervention under its new Sunni rulers would allow Hezbollah to claim credibly that Lebanon faces a new external threat. Whereas many Lebanese question Hezbollah’s claims that it is protecting Lebanon from Israel, there would likely be greater agreement that a Syrian incursion merits resistance. Many Lebanese would view it through the lens of Syria’s 29-year occupation of Lebanon, fuelling concerns about a return of Syrian influence over the country.
Since the fall of the Assad regime, Hezbollah has portrayed the new government in Damascus as a jihadi organization that seeks to carry out sectarian massacres against the Shias. This has actually increased Hezbollah’s legitimacy within its own support base – those who already view Hezbollah as a resistance movement that seeks to fight against any external actor.
Nonetheless, in the recent conflict Israel has significantly weakened Hezbollah. The organization since the Gaza war began has lost most of its long-range and heavy missiles, and about 8,000 of its fighters and commanders have been killed, out of roughly 30,000.
But Hezbollah has not been decisively defeated, nor will it be. The problem is that when a state is faced with an armed force on its soil that doesn’t want to disarm, the usual recourse available to the state is coercion. The Lebanese state has neither the will nor capacity to do so and is no longer sovereign, in any meaningful sense.
As long as the conditions that created Hezbollah remain intact, the expectation that it will voluntarily surrender its weapons will remain a fantasy. It is up to Israel alone to keep Hezbollah north of the Litani River, where the group’s short-distance missiles and drones cannot reach Israel’s population centres.
Henry Srebrnik is a professor emeritus of political science at the University of Prince Edward Island.
Features
WINNIPEG EMPLOYERS SHOULD USE AI TO TRAIN, NOT JUST TRIM
By Dr. GLEB TSIPURSKY Generative AI has already entered everyday Canadian work. Statistics Canada reported that 35.9% of workers used generative AI in the previous 12 months. For Winnipeg employers, the important question is no longer whether staff will use these tools. The more consequential question is what kind of workforce employers will build while they use them.
An updated Stanford University analysis found employment among workers ages 22 to 25 in AI-exposed occupations 19% below where it would be had it kept pace with less-exposed peers, with the gap widening over time. That trend should concern Winnipeg employers because the work most exposed to automation often overlaps with the work through which beginners develop professional judgment.
Entry-level employees do more than produce first drafts, conduct basic research, summarize information, prepare routine analyses, or handle standard customer questions. Those tasks are also training. Repetition teaches people what good work looks like, where common mistakes appear, when a situation is routine, and when something unusual requires escalation.
If employers simply remove that work, they may save time today while weakening the pipeline of people capable of handling harder work tomorrow. A firm can automate a junior task quickly. Rebuilding several years of missing experience later is much harder.
The better approach is to redesign entry-level work around AI-assisted apprenticeship. New employees can use AI to produce a first draft, but they should also verify the output against reliable sources. They can use AI to summarize a customer issue, but they should explain which facts matter and what remains uncertain. They can use AI to analyze routine information, but they should flag exceptions and bring consequential decisions to experienced colleagues.
That changes the role of junior employees without eliminating the learning built into the role. Instead of rewarding people for producing routine work manually, employers can reward them for checking AI output, spotting edge cases, asking better questions, and knowing when human judgment is required.
Managers also need to change how they supervise. If a junior employee submits an AI-assisted answer, the manager should ask how the employee verified it, what assumptions the system made, what could go wrong, and what would cause the employee to escalate the issue. Those questions turn AI use into a training process rather than a shortcut around learning.
Winnipeg’s small and mid-sized employers may be especially well positioned to take this approach. They often cannot afford to separate technology adoption, training, and talent development into different departments. The same manager who wants more productivity today also needs capable employees next year. That makes it practical to connect AI use directly to coaching and skill development.
Employers should also resist measuring AI adoption only by time saved or tasks completed. Those metrics matter, but they can hide whether the organization is developing stronger judgment. A more useful set of questions is whether employees are catching more errors, escalating the right exceptions, becoming more independent over time, and learning which decisions should remain human-led.
None of this requires employers to preserve every old task exactly as it was. Some routine work should disappear. The goal should be to preserve the learning function, not the old workflow. If AI removes one form of repetition, employers should deliberately replace it with another way for junior staff to practice, receive feedback, and encounter progressively harder decisions.
Winnipeg businesses can gain real productivity from AI without turning entry-level work into a dead end. The strongest employers will use AI to accelerate the development of beginners rather than treating beginners as the easiest cost to remove. That approach can improve productivity now while still producing the experienced professionals Winnipeg will need in the years ahead.
—
Adapted from: The Psychology of AI Adoption at Work: From Resistance to Results (Georgetown University Press, 2026). https://disasteravoidanceexperts.com/aibook
Dr. Gleb Tsipursky, a behavioral scientist called the “Office Whisperer” by The New York Times, helps tech-forward leaders stop overpaying for AI while boosting engagement and innovation. He serves as the CEO of the AI consultancy Disaster Avoidance Experts, and wrote eight books, including The Psychology of AI Adoption at Work: From Resistance to Results (Georgetown University Press, 2026).
