Features
A story of resistance and courage from Ukraine
By MARTIN ZEILIG In late July, I received a document from a friend, which was sent to him by someone associated with the Beamsville, Ontario-based charitable organization, Friends of the Mennonite Centre in Ukraine , (FOMCU).
The document was part one of a story written by Iryna Lynka, the mayor of Molochansk, a city in eastern Ukraine.
Lynka was captured by the Russians around March 15 after Russia’s unprovoked, illegal and genocidal invasion of Ukraine began on February 24, 2022. She was released three and a half weeks later, and is now living in the Ukrainian controlled city of Zaporozhian, Alvin Suderman, the FOMCU Chair in Steinbach, wrote in an email to me.
“It is a horrific story,” he wrote.
“Imagine being held in the prison in Tokmak listening to the screams of people being tortured.”
The report was translated into English by Oksana Druchynina, the FOMCU manager now living in Abbotsford; B.C. Ms. Druchhnina is still translating the second part of Ms. Lynka’s narrative.
Iryna’s story
The former mayor of a town in south eastern Ukraine has finally been released, after nearly four weeks in Russian captivity. What’s more, she is defiant.
“And I didn’t surrender, I was reborn from tears. I was born Ukrainian.” Those words are from a song Iryna Lynka knew before she was abducted by Russian soldiers.
Iryna was elected mayor of Molochansk in Zaporizhzhia. After Russia attacked Ukraine in February, her community was occupied in two days. She says initially, the Russians did not behave cruelly, as it seemed they believed their own propaganda that they would be welcomed. They were wrong. When the security arm of the Russian military arrived, three weeks later, the abductions began.
“On March 31, at 6 am, they came to my home. A search was conducted. My sister and my mother, who is 82-years-old, were staying overnight. I asked them not to disturb my family, and they did not. First, they asked if there were police or Ukrainian soldiers in our house. I could report that there were none.
“Then they asked why I—as a local politician— supported a pro-Ukrainian party called the “Servant of the People” rather than the pro-Russian party called OPZZH. They took away all the papers and work files. They took me outside and the home was searched by five Russian agents. I noticed that there were many fully armed men on the street. They surrounded the house.
“As they were taking me away, we passed a Russian armoured vehicle, and the driver turned to me and scornfully said: ‘Are you disappointed that this is not the Ukrainian Armed Forces!’”
WITH A BAG ON THE HEAD
“Then they put a bag on my head and put me in another car. They drove to the Tokmak police station, 12 km away. My deputy and another town worker were also brought there. I noticed through the fabric covering my face that they also had bags on their heads. Their primary goal was to lure me— as the head of the community— to their side.
They took my phone and passport and said that we know everything about you, that you have authority among the population and that you are very suitable for us. They wanted me to join their side, to make a video of me distributing their “humanitarian aid” and to talk about the advantages of the Russian Federation. I was to tell people to join the Russian side. And I immediately said “No.”
“At first, they seemed to be polite, addressing me with respect. Then later, they were very rude and disrespectful.”
“REAL BANDERA!”
Iryna says she was interrogated by young security services men who were not older than 30. They teased and threatened her.
“They opened my passport and saw my place of birth, which is the Lviv region. But I have lived almost my entire life in Eastern Ukraine, in Zaporizhzhia.
“Ah, so you are a true Bandera! “ (a pejorative term for Ukrainians, coined after the Nazi collaborator and anti-Semite Stepan Bandera), they said.
“All the interrogations took place at the police office assembly hall. I had been placed on a chair in the middle of the room, surrounded by six to eight men with machine guns pointed at me. They all wore balaclavas, but I will never forget their eyes. I think I could recognize them now.”
“I was told I had two options: to cooperate or to hope for an exchange. Of course, I wouldn’t want to go with a suitcase to an unknown place where I don’t have anywhere to live. But personally, I did not imagine how it is possible to cooperate with them. Later, the lawyers in Ukraine explained to me that if I had given my consent to cooperate, it would not have been seen as collaboration by Ukrainian authorities, since I was forced under machine guns, and it would not have been a voluntary decision. But I immediately understood that Russians are people with whom there will be no compromise, no dialogue. And if I had agreed to hand out their ‘humanitarian aid,’ then they would have had more orders, they would never stop forcing me to do what they need.”
BLACKMAIL AND THREATS
As a result of refusing to cooperate, Iryna was threatened and told her family and children (she has two adult sons) would suffer the consequences. “They said: ‘You will die and rot here. We will take you to Russia and we will put you before the court and judge you according to Russian laws. No one will find you!’ ”. She understood all this was possible.
“I was interrogated in the evening when it was already dark. They were angry… because they couldn’t get what they wanted from me, they couldn’t do anything with me. But physically they did not touch me.”
Still, Iryna says they used whatever means they could to intimidate and blackmail her. She says when she returned to her cell after the interrogations, everything felt mixed up. She had never written poetry in her life yet, while in captivity, she wrote half a dozen poems.
She did not know what would happen from one minute to the next, and whether she would ever be released.
And she recalled her friend’s song. “When I remembered these lines, I didn’t think about my troubles, but I thought of people who had it much harder than me, and especially our men and women at the front. And I had to survive through all these troubles. I only asked and prayed to God that they would not take advantage of my family, so they would not arrest and torture them.”
OUR GUYS WERE
UNGODLY TORTURED
But Iryna‘s time in her cell was excruciating. She could not bear the sounds she heard coming from men being tortured nearby.
“We, the women, were not beaten up, but what I heard… the window in the cell was opened deliberately so that I could hear what was happening there, how people screamed, how they were mocked. The boys were brutally beaten, which was not done to the women! They were moaning, and screaming, and begging… just horror. Later, one of them told me that they poured water into a bowl and passed an electric stream through his legs, and something was inserted under his nails, and he was pricked.
“And here you are, lying in the cell, no one touches you, but you are tortured by those sounds and screams of terror. I thought how can those who torture people, return to their families, how can they hug their wives and children, be gentle? They were not acting human.”
“KYIV, CHERNIGIV AND
SUMY ARE OURS!”
While in captivity, Iryna had no information from the outside. Taking advantage of this, the security services officials said that the Russians had already taken Kyiv, they had taken Chernihiv and that there would be no Ukraine.
“Somehow, I was able to receive a small package of chocolate and prunes from my sister, Svetlana. Hidden inside, was a note: ‘Kyiv, Chernihiv and Sumy are ours!’ ”
“God, how I kissed that note! I understood that they were deceiving me, that everything was not so bad. Over time I received a few more notes. How important that was. It broadened my understanding of what was happening.”
“Something I won’t forget is how afraid I was of getting sick. In April, it was very cold in the concrete cell. My feet were freezing. Medicines were sometimes given, but there were times when a doctor was deliberately not called. Once I woke up and I was shaking; I took a pill. I did not know whether my blood pressure was very low or, on the contrary, too high. I called for a doctor, but he never came. And in the evening, they called me for questioning and smiling, asked ‘Well, how are you?’ I said that everything was fine, but I thought to myself, ‘You will not get me!’ For them, all their tactics were acceptable, and I understood that one must never show weakness or fear. I’m not saying that I’m fearless and I was not afraid. No, I was afraid. I understood that anything could happen.”
HOPE FOR AN EXCHANGE
“A week later, I signed a letter of resignation, saying I was no longer mayor. I understood that according to Ukrainian laws, this would not change anything, but the security services wanted me to formally acknowledge I was not the head of the community. Together with the resignation letter, I made a written request to be included in a prisoner exchange and this was handed over to the Molochansk town council.
“Although under the Geneva Convention, civilians cannot be captured and therefore can’t be exchanged, the Russians did just that. They abducted people so they could have an ‘exchange fund’ for their side.
“My name was included on a prisoner exchange list three times. Two Russian soldiers were offered for me. However, I was taken off the list every time. I’m convinced that the man who lost the mayoralty election to me, and who now cooperates with the Russians, helped remove my name.”
MORE THREATS
“One day, a new commander was going around the cells. I asked him about a prisoner exchange. He told me it was ‘in the process.’ That’s when I realized an exchange was very possible. Soon, during another interrogation, an officer offered to record a video of me appealing to my community, with propaganda about the Russian Federation.
“I refused again. ‘Then you will die in the cell!’ And I said, ‘I will be exchanged!’ He replied that they tore up my application and flushed it down the toilet, that there would be no exchange. ‘It will happen,’ I said. ‘There is already a resolution.” He snapped: “How do you know?”I told him that I had been informed. He shouted: ‘That’s it! No more relief packages from your family.’
“I was afraid that they would search the cell and find the notes. As soon as I returned from the interrogation, I tore the notes up. These pieces of paper were so dear to me, I reread them multiple times, but I threw them into the toilet.”
RELEASED, BUT THE FEAR REMAINS
In the end, Iryna Lypka was not exchanged, but released. The Russians did not explain anything. She believes that she was saved because the men holding her captive were reassigned and a new, more compassionate team was brought in.
“I was released in the afternoon on April 23, just before Easter. When I came out, I was so dizzy, that my legs wobbled. I was not weak, but the arrest left its mark. For example, I woke up on Sunday at home, opened my eyes and got scared – why is there so much light in the room?
“Or when a dog barks on the street – I run to the window. If a tractor is driving by, I imagine that I see a tank. If I see Russian military vehicles driving by, I think they must be coming for me.
“Soon after my release, Mayor Kotelevskyi of Tokmak was killed. This is the city where I was held prisoner. Officially it was declared to be a suicide, but the people did not believe that. As the deposed mayor of Molochansk, I did not feel safe and this is when I felt I had to leave.”
In the end, together with her 82-year-old mother and her sister’s family, Iryna left for the nearest Ukrainian-controlled city of Zaporizhzhia.
“IF WE FIND BANDERA –
WE WILL SHOOT EVERYONE!”
Iryna Lypka says it is difficult for Ukrainian people to understand the Russian army.
“The Russian soldiers went from house to house and asked, ‘Do you have Bandera?’, and people laughed at them. The Russians said, ‘If we find them – we’ll shoot everyone!’
“Some Russians made themselves at home in one of the houses. The owner came in and smelled a terrible stench from dirty clothes and socks. She was indignant: ‘You could at least ventilate. They were surprised: ‘Are you saying that your windows open?’ It turns out that they had never seen double-glazed windows, yet they came to Ukraine to ‘save’ us.
“Russian soldiers are amazed that the houses are all built of brick and stone. It appears that they rob households of microwave ovens as they have never seen them before. The occupiers also told her that they have no natural gas in the villages in Russia. That is, the pipeline goes through the village, but there is no access to the gas for the villagers.
“They were amazed at everything – the paved road, natural gas, and streetlights.
“The security services tried to tell me during the interrogations that Ukraine is a mess and that Zelensky is bad. On the contrary, I started telling them about the program… ‘Big construction’ being implemented in the country – roads, schools, gardens, sports complexes—large facilities are being built. We have problems and we need to solve them, but we do not go to Russia to solve theirs.
“Only once, during the interrogation, one of them blurted out that ‘I feel sorry for you because you are a woman.’ And others have no emotions – they just have the orders they follow. And they just have a terrible hatred for us.”
Now Iryna Lypka is in Zaporizhzhia, dealing with issues of financing the community, as well as issuing documents to graduates of the schools in the area. She also organizes the work of the Children’s Affairs Service. In Zaporizhzhia, they are trying to help those who have fled the Russian-occupied area, and they are also arranging humanitarian aid. Those who leave Zaporizhzhia deliver necessary goods to the Russian-occupied community.
The new mayor appointed by the Russians operates in Molochansk. He drives Iryna’s car around the town, the one the Russians seized from her.
“There are people in Molochansk who cooperate with the Russians or seem happy about their new life. There are women who live with the Russian occupiers.
“I cannot understand these people. They see what the Russians do, how they mock the Ukrainians, how they rob and take everything from people. Everyone sees everything with their own eyes, not from the TV screen. And someone goes to bed with that animal. It simply cannot be understood.
“What can be said, of people who are well- off, fighting to get in line for Russian ‘humanitarian aid,’ so that even the Russians laugh and film them? Well, one could understand if people were really bloated with hunger. But each of us has potatoes and vegetable gardens. You should not disrespect yourself like that! I also don’t understand a person who always puts her hand on her chest while singing the National Anthem of Ukraine and today is collaborating with the occupiers. However, there are just a few of them. There are more patriotic people than corrupt ones.”
“I believe in our Armed Forces. I believe that we will definitely win and rebuild our beloved Ukraine. Let’s all believe!”
Features
What to Know About Canada’s Legal Cannabis Market
Canada legalised cannabis for adults in 2018, and the market has matured quietly ever since. What was once an unregulated guess is now a labelled, tested product sold through licensed channels. For adults who are curious but cautious, that shift changes everything.
In the regulated market, the printed label does the work that guesswork once did. Retailers such as The Herb Centre, an online dispensary, sit alongside the provincial stores in that legal system. This guide covers what the regulated market offers, how to read a label, and the habits that keep use lower-risk.
Why Does the Regulated Market Matter?
The regulated market matters because it replaces uncertainty with information. A legal product carries a label that states its potency, comes from a tested batch, and meets federal packaging rules. An adult buying it knows exactly what they are getting.
The old unregulated supply never offered that. Potency was a guess, and contaminants were a real risk. The legal route removes both unknowns.
Price is no longer the obstacle it once was. As the legal market has matured, the gap has narrowed, which makes the tested, labelled option the practical one for most adults.
What Should You Understand About Potency?
A few label figures do most of the work.
- THC percentage, the main psychoactive component, matched to your goal.
- CBD percentage, often non-intoxicating and used differently.
- The ratio of the two, which shapes the overall effect.
- Serving size, especially important for edibles and drinks.
- The product format, since each one acts differently.
- The batch and testing, the mark of a legal-market product.
Each figure is printed for a reason. Reading them is the difference between a predictable experience and an unpleasant surprise.
How Do Product Formats Differ?
Formats differ enough that the choice shapes the whole experience. Inhaled flower acts within minutes and fades within a couple of hours, which gives a controllable, short window. Edibles and drinks are the opposite. They can take up to two hours to take effect and last far longer.
That delay causes the most common mistake. Someone feels nothing after twenty minutes, takes more, then feels far too much an hour later. Starting low and waiting is the rule that prevents it.
Provincial health guidance is worth a look first, since each format carries its own risks. Knowing how a product will act, and for how long, is the core of using it responsibly. The slow onset of edibles is the single fact most worth internalising before a first try.
What Should You Check Before Buying?
A short pre-purchase pass keeps the choice sensible.
- Confirm it is legal-market product, with lab testing and a label.
- Check the THC and CBD figures against the effect you want.
- Read the serving and onset information, especially for edibles.
- Buy age-appropriately, since the legal age is 19 in most provinces.
- Use a licensed retailer, online or in store.
- Start with a small amount before buying in volume.
Photo by Sadi Hockmuller on Pexels
Alt text: A person reading a cannabis product label
Buying through legal channels is simple once you know what to look for. The provincial page on how to buy legal cannabis is a quick read, and licensed product is identifiable by its markings. Just as important, never get behind the wheel after using. British Columbia’s page on cannabis and driving is a clear reminder that the two never mix.
Before a First Purchase
A first purchase goes more smoothly after a quick mental check.
- Confirm legal-market sourcing, testing, and a clear label
- Note the THC and CBD percentages against your goal
- Read onset time and serving size, especially for edibles
- Buy only from a licensed retailer
- Respect the legal age, 19 in most provinces
- Start low, wait, and adjust on the next purchase
Why Informed Choices Serve Adults Best
Informed choices serve adults best because the legal market is built around clear, tested labelling. Someone who understands potency and onset avoids the bad first experience that puts people off entirely. The result is a predictable, controlled choice rather than a gamble.
A few baselines are worth remembering. Cannabis has been legal for adults nationwide since 2018. The legal age is 19 in most provinces. And a standard edible package is capped at 10 milligrams of THC, a sensible starting point for newcomers.
Adults today face a legal market their parents never had. As the wider local life carries on and the community marks its own milestones, the lesson stays simple. Read the label, start low, and let the regulated system do its job.
Frequently Asked Questions
Is Cannabis Legal for Adults Across Canada?
Yes. Recreational cannabis has been legal for adults nationwide since 2018, though some rules vary by province. The legal age is 18 or 19 depending on the province, and public-use and purchase channels differ regionally. The federal framework itself is national, so the legal status is consistent country-wide.
How Do I Read a Cannabis Product Label?
Look first at the THC and CBD percentages, then the serving size and product format. Higher THC means a stronger psychoactive effect, while CBD is often non-intoxicating. The label also confirms it is a tested, legal-market product. Matching those figures to your goal is the key to a predictable experience.
Why Do Edibles Feel Stronger Than Expected?
Edibles act slowly, sometimes taking up to two hours, and the effect lasts much longer than inhaled cannabis. The common mistake is taking a second dose too soon, before the first has worked. Starting with a low serving and waiting prevents the overwhelming experience that catches first-timers off guard.
What Makes the Legal Market Safer?
Legal-market products are tested, labelled, and regulated, so the buyer knows the potency and that the product is free of contaminants. The unregulated market offers none of that assurance. For an adult who wants a predictable, lower-risk experience, the licensed channel is the clear and sensible choice.
Features
A Practical Guide to Planning a Long-Distance Move
A long-distance move is part logistics, part leap of faith. The packing is the easy part. The hard part is coordinating a truck, a timeline, and a new home that may be a thousand miles away, all without the plan falling apart in transit.
The good news is that a long move rewards preparation more than luck. Brokers like Coastal Moving Services coordinate long-distance residential and commercial moves across the United States, handling the logistics most households would rather not. This guide covers how to plan the move and choose the right help.
Why Do Long-Distance Moves Go Wrong?
Most moves that fail do so for the same handful of reasons. The timeline slips, the budget is guessed rather than quoted, or the moving company turns out to be something other than it claimed. None of these are bad luck. All of them are preventable.
Distance magnifies every mistake. A forgotten box on a local move is a quick trip back. On a cross-country move it is gone. That is why long moves reward planning that a short hop never demands.
The single biggest variable is the company you hire. Get that right and most other problems shrink. Get it wrong and even a simple move turns into a dispute.
How Far Ahead Should You Start Planning?
A clear timeline keeps a long move calm.
- Eight weeks out, research movers and request written estimates.
- Six weeks out, book the company and confirm dates in writing.
- Four weeks out, start decluttering and sorting room by room.
- Two weeks out, confirm logistics and arrange time off.
- One week out, pack an essentials box and label everything clearly.
- Moving day, do a final walkthrough before the truck leaves.
Each step is small on its own. Spread across two months, they turn a daunting move into a manageable checklist.
How Do You Choose a Reputable Mover?
Choosing the right company is where a move is won or lost. Get at least three written estimates, ideally after an in-person or video survey, and treat a quote that arrives without any questions as a warning sign. The FMCSA guidance on choosing a licensed mover is a solid checklist for vetting an interstate company.
Watch the deposit, too. A reputable mover does not demand a large cash payment up front. The FMCSA’s tips for a smooth move run through the red flags and best practices worth knowing before you sign.
A broker can simplify all of this. Rather than vetting carriers yourself, a licensed broker coordinates the move and matches it to a suitable carrier, which is useful for a complex long-distance relocation.
What Should You Confirm Before Moving Day?
A few confirmations before moving day prevent most surprises.
- The written estimate, with the type of quote clearly stated.
- The company’s licensing and insurance for interstate moves.
- The delivery window, and what happens if it slips.
- The payment terms, with no large cash deposit demanded.
- The inventory list, so nothing is lost or disputed.
- Your essentials box, packed and travelling with you.
Photo by Connor Scott McManus on Pexels
Alt text: A loaded moving truck in a driveway on moving day
Getting these in writing protects both the household and the budget. A clear paper trail is the best defence if anything goes wrong.
Moving Day From Start to Finish
The day itself stays calm when a few basics are handled in order.
- Confirm arrival times with the crew the night before
- Keep documents, valuables, and medications with you
- Do a final walkthrough of every room and cupboard
- Check the inventory against the truck before it leaves
- Keep a phone charged and the mover’s number handy
- Note the meter or mileage if the contract depends on it
Settling Into a New Community
The move does not end when the truck pulls away. Unpacking is one thing; building a life in a new place is another, and it takes longer than people expect. Giving yourself a few weeks of grace helps. The first month is for finding your feet, not finishing every box.
The timeline tells the story. Plan a long-distance move roughly 8 weeks ahead. Gather at least 3 written estimates before choosing a mover. And give a new city several months before it starts to feel like home.
A new city means new local institutions to discover, and the small community stories that make a place feel like home. Plan the logistics well, and you free up the energy for the part that actually matters.
Frequently Asked Questions
How Far In Advance Should I Book a Long-Distance Mover?
Aim to book about six weeks ahead, after researching movers around the eight-week mark. Booking early secures your preferred dates, especially in the busy summer season, and gives time to compare written estimates properly. Leaving it late narrows your options and often raises the price.
What Is the Difference Between a Moving Broker and a Carrier?
A carrier owns the trucks and physically moves your goods. A broker arranges the move and matches it to a suitable carrier. A reputable licensed broker can simplify a complex long-distance move by handling the coordination, while you still confirm that the assigned carrier is properly licensed and insured.
How Do I Avoid a Moving Scam?
Get multiple written estimates, verify licensing and insurance, and never pay a large cash deposit upfront. Be wary of quotes given without any review of your belongings, and read recent reviews. Consumer-protection agencies publish clear checklists for spotting the warning signs before you commit.
How Much Should I Budget for a Long-Distance Move?
It varies with distance, volume, and services like packing or storage, so a written estimate based on your actual inventory is essential. Build in a small buffer for extras and confirm exactly what the quote includes. A precise estimate beats a cheap-sounding figure that balloons on delivery day.
Features
American Graduation Speakers Deliver Antizionist Views
By HENRY SREBRNIK Colleges and universities in the United States have hosted and encouraged a surge of radical and pervasive antisemitism in recent years. Graduation commencement ceremonies (known as convocations in Canada) have been a source of tensions over Israel since Oct. 7, 2023. Multiple schools have disciplined students who made pro-Palestinian comments in their speeches.
But professors have also fanned the flames. Faculty members have played a significant role in legitimizing and amplifying antisemitism on college campuses. They have shown a propensity to whitewash Hamas and vilify Israel rather than examine the conflict dispassionately.
University of Michigan professor Derek Peterson praised campus pro-Palestinian student protesters during his commencement speech in Ann Arbor on May 2. The History and African-American studies academic and outgoing faculty senate chair told the graduates to “Sing for the pro-Palestinian student activists who have, over these past two years, opened our hearts to the injustice and inhumanity of Israel’s war in Gaza.” His remarks received loud applause.
“We regret the pain this has caused on a day devoted to celebration and accomplishment. For this, the university apologizes,” Michigan’s interim president, Domenico Grasso, responded. Michigan’s campus Hillel also condemned Peterson’s speech. “Commencement is a celebration of every graduate. It is not a stage for political statements that alienate the Jewish community,” it asserted. On campus, however, an open letter rebuking Grasso and defending Peterson’s speech had been signed by more than 1,100 faculty members, staff and students in less than 24 hours.
Protesters at the university have also vandalized the home of Jordan Acker, a Jewish member of the university’s board of regents. He will no longer serve on the board, while the attorney who defended the university’s encampment participants from some state-level charges received the Michigan Democratic Party’s nomination for Acker’s seat.
Amir Makled won the backing despite social media posts that praised Hezbollah and included antisemitic memes. Makled posted retweets of far-right antisemitic conspiracy theorist Candace Owens and referred to Hassan Nasrallah as a martyr after he was killed by Israeli strikes in 2024.
Administrators at Rutgers University in New Jersey canceled a commencement speaker on May 15, citing an “inflammatory claim” he tweeted about Israel. Rami Elghandour, a Rutgers alumnus, had his invitation rescinded when his April 20 tweet, which accused Israel of genocide and claimed that Israelis were “running dungeons where they train dogs to sexually assault prisoners,” was uncovered.
“They decided that the feelings of a handful of students who said that my social media posts ‘opposed their beliefs,’ were more important than the experience of the entire graduating class, the reputation of the school, the dignity and belonging of Arab and Muslim students, and the First Amendment,” Elghandour wrote. Rutgers Alumnus Christopher Markus, an Emmy Award-winning screenwriter, delivered the address instead, on May 17.
At Georgetown University, a law professor who disparaged legal efforts to curb pro-Palestinian student activism replaced Morton Schapiro, a pro-Israel Jewish economist and former Northwestern University president, at the commencement, after students launched a petition calling for Schapiro’s removal. The replacement, David Cole, is the former national legal director of the American Civil Liberties Union. In that role, Cole issued a statement soon after the Hamas attack in which he criticized Jewish groups for what he said were calls to “investigate, disband, or penalize pro-Palestinian student groups for exercising their free speech rights.” He compared Congressional investigations on campus antisemitism to McCarthyism.
Cornell University’s Student Assembly on March 12 voted to cut ties with Israel’s Technion University and condemned the university for hosting center-left Israeli politician Tzipi Livni, part of the school’s campus anti-Israel activism. She was accused of being “implicated in war crimes.”
The university’s Jewish president was involved in a recent campus altercation with pro-Palestinian protesters who had surrounded his car following a campus debate on Israel. The Ivy League school’s Board of Trustees issued a statement of support for Michael Kotlikoff following an investigation into the April 30 incident. “President Kotlikoff has shown a steadfast commitment to Cornell’s values and principles, and we are confident he will continue to lead with integrity.”
Following the talk, members of the protest group Students for a Democratic Cornell followed the president to his car and appeared to try to block its path. When he did edge his way out of his parking spot, they said he bumped some of the protesters with his vehicle. Despite all that, President Kotlikoff was himself the speaker at the university’s May 23 commencement.
A flag with swastikas surrounding the Star of David flew briefly atop a New York University building during a graduation event May 13, as hundreds gathered for an outdoor celebration called “Grad Alley” on West Fourth Street. “We are shocked and deeply troubled that this hateful symbol expressing antisemitism was raised on a flagpole overlooking Washington Square Park,” said NYU spokesperson Wiley Norvell.
Student government leaders at the university had objected to the selection of Jonathan Haidt as the graduation speaker at Yankee Stadium May 14, calling it “deeply unsettling.” An NYU social psychologist and author, he has been highly critical of the culture in which many young adults today are raised.
A network of anti-Israel activist groups coordinated “Nakba 78” protests across the United States the weekend of May 15, with organizers using the anniversary of Israel’s founding to challenge the Jewish state’s right to exist. University of California campuses have faced an antisemitism crisis, with dramatic increases in harassment, intimidation, and exclusionary conduct targeting Jewish students and others labeled “Zionist” or “pro-Israel.” Among many events, University of California, Berkeley lecturer Hatem Bazian spoke at a three-day “Islam, Memory and the Nakba” conference in Burlingame, Oakland and Los Gatos.
Even the UCLA campus Hillel was targeted. The Undergraduate Students Association Council condemned an April 14 Yom HaShoah event organized by Hillel featuring freed Israeli hostage Omer Shem Tov. He was kidnapped from the Nova music festival on Oct. 7, 2023, and held hostage in Gaza until his release in a prisoner exchange in February 2025.
“While we affirm the humanity of all people impacted by violence, we reject the selective platforming of narratives that obscure the broader reality of ongoing state violence,” they stated. “Israel is currently continuing to carry out what has been widely identified by human rights advocates as a genocide in Gaza, while also expanding its illegal military campaign into Lebanon.”
This has become part of an effort to delegitimize Hillel chapters, long seen as the main address for Jewish life on most American campuses. Hillel International asks all its affiliate chapters to maintain an unwavering commitment and support for Israel, discouraging criticism of the Israeli state.
The New School, a university in New York City, on May 2 rejected a student government vote to defund and cut ties with the campus chapter of Hillel. The student senate a day earlier had voted to strip funding and stop collaboration with the campus chapter of the Jewish student organization, claiming violations of “international law” due to volunteer opportunities it has offered with the Israel Defence Forces. They also cited Hillel’s promotion of 10-day Birthright trips and other programs in Israel. Hillel International and other Jewish groups have said that efforts to shut down the Jewish student organization are antisemitic.
But it seems to be working. Swarthmore College in 2015 became the first campus to break with Hillel International. They began to call themselves an “Open Hillel,” then rebranded entirely after the parent organization threatened legal action over a civil rights panel it deemed too critical of Israel. Now, the student leaders of the campus Hillel at Middlebury College have voted to rename its student group, moving to distance it from an international organization they say is too pro-Israel. It was renamed the Jewish Association at Middlebury. Might others follow?
Henry Srebrnik is a professor emeritus of political science at the University of Prince Edward Island.