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Annamie Paul wants to be the first Black-Jewish leader of a Canadian party

Annamie Paul

By ILANA BELFER
TORONTO (JTA) — Annamie Paul will break new ground if she wins the Green Party of Canada’s upcoming leadership race: She would be the first Black Jewish person to lead a federal or provincial party in the country.
That fact isn’t lost on her — it’s a big part of her motivation.

 

“We have a profound lack of diversity at the highest levels in our political leadership and it has always been the case,” said Paul, 47, who was born and raised in Toronto. “We have to do something about it — not only for reasons of equity, but also because there’s decades of research that confirms you get better public policy results when you have diversity at the table.”

For Paul, studies on the benefits of diversity in the public sector are more than figures and statistics — they’re her experience. She’s a lawyer who has dedicated her career to public affairs, working for Canada’s mission to the European Union, advising the International Criminal Court and serving as executive director of the Barcelona International Policy Action Plan, which aims to cultivate NGOs and other public policy centers.

While getting a master’s degree in public affairs at Princeton University, Paul converted to Judaism in 2000. Supervised by the director of the Hillel on campus, a Conservative rabbi, she learned to read Hebrew and was questioned by a beit din, or rabbinic court, prior to dipping in the mikvah, the ritual bath one submerges in as part of the conversion process.
“It was full on. I was very committed,” she said. “It’s a faith that has really spoken to me: the universality, the humanistic values … I’m very much guided by the idea that if you save one person, you save the world.”

Paul has been married to Mark Freeman, a Jewish international human rights lawyer, for nearly 25 years. But she stressed that the only reason anyone should consider conversion is “because they’re internally compelled to do so.” She said questions around whether she converted for her husband can make her feel othered by the Jewish community.
“It seems inconceivable to them that I might have been born Jewish, despite the fact that there are many Black Jews. I would not be asked these questions if I was white,” Paul said. “We need to avoid making distinctions between Jews, and questions like these suggest that some people are more Jewish than others or that Judaism is intrinsically white.”

Paul said raising a Jewish household has been one of “the great joys” of her life. Her two sons — Malachai, 19, and Jonas, 16 — spent much of their childhoods attending Jewish day schools in Belgium and Spain, depending where the family was living. They had bar mitzvahs in Toronto and Barcelona.

Like picking a religion, Paul looked to shared values to determine which political party she would join when her work no longer prohibited her from doing so. She said she was aligned with the liberal Green Party’s commitment to the climate emergency and to participatory democracy.
She ran as its Toronto Centre candidate in the 2019 federal election and, though she failed to win the seat, the small Green Party — led by Elizabeth May — celebrated a record result, earning three seats in the Parliament.
Paul recently spent six months as the party’s shadow international affairs chief. But she also hasn’t shied away from criticizing the Greens, which ran the least diverse slate in the last election.
“The Green Party has the most progressive platform and policies related to issues of social and racial justice … [but] we’re not reflecting that within our party,” Paul said. “We can’t preach these things externally if we’re not doing them internally.”

It’s not just a Green Party problem, though.
Currently, 12 of Canada’s 13 provincial and territorial leaders are men. Only a handful of the 338 Members of Parliament are Black. And until this year, it had been nearly 50 years since a Black woman ran for leadership of a national party.
Despite having one of the world’s largest Jewish populations, Canada has only really had one Jewish federal party leader — David Lewis, who was elected the New Democratic Party’s national leader in 1971.
“And this is 2020,” said Paul, adding that she believes this is one reason why “Canada is so far behind on issues related to systemic racism.”
“The frustration I have at the moment in terms of Canada is that we think we’re doing better. We think Black and Indigenous people are safer and … the statistics just say different,” she said.

In response to recent claims by the premiers of Quebec and Ontario denying or minimizing the existence of systemic racism in Canada, Paul was quick to cite a 2017 U.N. report, which found that “anti-Black racism” is “entrenched in [Canada’s] institutions, policies and practices.”
On her website, where she is collecting signatures to gather momentum for a national database on police use-of-force victims, Paul points out that Black residents of Toronto are 20 times more likely to be shot by police than whites, according to the Ontario Human Rights Commission, and that over 35 percent of people killed by the Royal Canadian Mounted Police from 2007 to 2017 were Indigenous, despite being just five percent of the population, according to the Globe and Mail.

Paul said she is aware that her identities as a Black and Jewish woman in politics give her a unique platform during times like these. As she put it, “people are very curious about my perspective.”
“I’m trying to be as clear as I can about what things I consider to be important … on behalf of those who don’t usually get asked what they think about things,” she said.

This entails raising up the voices of young Black Greens on social media, where Paul has posted a video series featuring people like Kiara Nazon, who founded the “Young Greens” at Carleton University.
“What does it feel like to be Black right now? To be entirely honest it feels just about the same as it always has and that’s because these issues aren’t new,” Nazon said in a video posted to Twitter. “We need leaders who aren’t going to be taken by surprise by issues like police brutality toward Black, Indigenous People of Color. We need leaders who have lived these realities.”
https://twitter.com/AnnamiePaul/status/1269724192271974400

Paul said she felt more at risk on a daily basis while living as a Black person while living in the United States, and that she “trembles” for some family she has there. She also said her husband didn’t want their son going to school in the U.S., fearing for his physical safety.
But, she added, “I certainly feel those dangers here as well.”

Demonstrations in Toronto have been relatively peaceful, as thousands have taken to the streets calling for justice for George Floyd and Regis Korchinski-Paquet. Korchinski-Paquet fell from a balcony to her death in the presence of police officers. Her family has raised concerns over the role played by the police, which Ontario’s police watchdog is now investigating.
“I’m hoping that we move from what I consider to be the empty gestures of our prime minister and some of our other politicians to actual action,” Paul said. “I don’t want him to kneel. I want him to stand up and say that he’s going to make the changes that have been recommended by the U.N. on behalf of Black Canadians.”

While running an unprecedented campaign almost entirely online due to COVID-19, Paul said she spends most of her days in the digital world, where they run three to four events a week, including “The New Normal Tour,” a series of virtual town hall meetings discussing critical issues within the context of a Green recovery.
Next they’ll discuss long-term care centers, which have had 82 percent of Canada’s COVID-19 deaths. Sadly, Paul’s father was among them.
“It was avoidable,” she said. “These things were problems but they weren’t laid so bare. They’ve been exposed in a way they have never been before.”

In addition to advocating for long-term care centers to be publicly insured under the Canada Health Act, Paul said she hopes large government investments triggered by the coronavirus are used to fill holes in the social safety net — without forgetting climate change.
“I want to see us moving towards the green transition … the climate emergency has not taken a pause,” said Paul, noting the European Commission’s green recovery package as an example of recent global action.

Paul is facing off against nine other candidates in the race to lead the Green Party, which will hold its election in October. But Paul has the longest list of endorsements.
“We need to move towards a truly just and equitable society by … making sure that every Canadian — whether they’re living in long-term care or they’re working part-time or they’re students or they’re black or they’re Indigenous — whatever their circumstances, can live in dignity and security,” she said.

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In recent years, we have been looking for something more than a house in Israel – we have been looking for a home

Savyoney Givat Shmuel - in the centre of Israel

For many Jewish families in the diaspora, Israel has always been more than a destination. It is the land of tefillah, memory, family history and belonging. But in recent years, many families have begun asking a practical question too: should Israel also become a place where we have a home?

Not necessarily immediate aliyah. Sometimes it begins with a future option, something good to have just in case, or simply roots with a stronger connection to Eretz Yisroel.

But what does it mean?

A Jewish home is shaped not only by what is inside the front door, but by what surrounds it: neighbours, synagogues, schools, parks, local services, safe streets and the rhythm of Jewish life. For observant families, these are not small details. They are the things that turn a house into a place of belonging.

This is not a new idea. It is a need that has helped shape Jewish communities in Israel before. The Savyonim idea is rooted in the story of Savyon, the Israeli community established in the 1950s by South African Jews who wanted to create a green, safe and community-minded environment in Israel. It was a diaspora dream translated into life in the Jewish homeland.

That idea feels relevant again today. Many Jewish families abroad are now making plans around where they can feel connected in the years ahead.

Recent figures point in the same direction. Reports based on Israel’s Ministry of Finance data showed that foreign residents bought around 1,900 homes in Israel in 2024, about 50% more than the previous year, with Jerusalem emerging as the most popular place to buy. In January 2026, foreign residents still purchased 146 homes, broadly similar to January 2025, even as the wider housing market remained cautious.

Lior David

For Lior David, International Sales & Marketing Manager at Africa Israel Residences, part of the continued interest may lie in the fact that today’s residential projects are increasingly built around the wider needs of Jewish families abroad: not only buying a property in Israel, but finding a setting that can support community, continuity and everyday Jewish life. That idea is reflected in Savyonim, the company’s residential concept, which places the surrounding environment at the heart of choosing a home.

Savyoney Ramat Sharet in Jerusalem

This can be seen in Savyoney Givat Shmuel, where the surrounding environment includes synagogues, parks, educational institutions, local commerce, playgrounds and transport links, and in Savyoney Ramat Sharet in Jerusalem, located in one of the city’s established green neighbourhoods.

For families abroad, these things matter. Jerusalem and Givat Shmuel are never just another location. They are home to strong Jewish communities, established religious life and surroundings that allow a family to imagine not only buying property, but building a Jewish home in Israel.

Together, these projects reflect a broader understanding: that for many Jews in the diaspora, the decision to create a home in Israel is not only practical, but rooted in identity, continuity and community. The Savyonim story began with a Zionist community from abroad that succeeded in building a real home in Israel; today, that same vision continues in a contemporary form.

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When a Personal Loan Can Be a Smarter Option Than Carrying Credit Card Debt

A lot of people keep credit card debt longer than they planned because the monthly minimum looks manageable, but that is the trap. The payment feels small enough to live with, but much of it goes to interest when the balance is high. That means the debt can drag on for years, even if you keep paying on time.

A personal loan can be a smarter option when you already know the debt will not be gone quickly. Instead of carrying a revolving balance with a high rate and no firm payoff date, you move the debt into a fixed loan with regular payments and a clear endpoint. That does not solve every debt problem, but in the right situation, it can reduce interest costs and make repayment more realistic.

The Core Difference Between These Two Types of Debt

Credit cards are flexible, so you can borrow, repay, and borrow again without applying every time. That flexibility is useful for day-to-day spending, emergencies, and short-term borrowing. It becomes expensive when a large balance sits there month after month.

A personal loan is structured. You borrow one amount upfront, then repay it over a set term, often between one and five years. The payment usually stays the same each month. That structure matters because it forces steady progress. 

When a Personal Loan Usually Makes More Sense

A personal loan tends to be the better choice when the debt is already turning into a medium-term problem rather than a short-term one. That often means you are no longer using the card for convenience. You are using it as borrowed money and paying a high price for that access.

It can be a smart move in cases like these:

  • You are carrying a balance for several months and do not see a realistic way to clear it soon
  • Your card interest rate is much higher than the loan rate you qualify for
  • You have debt across two or three cards and want one payment instead of several
  • You need a fixed monthly amount so you can build a proper budget
  • You want a firm payoff date instead of open-ended repayment

The Biggest Practical Advantage Is Predictability

If your monthly budget is already tight, uncertainty makes everything harder. Credit card minimum payments can rise as rates change or balances grow. Multiple cards also mean multiple due dates, different limits, and a higher chance of missing one payment.

A personal loan can make life simpler. You know the payment amount, the term, and the month the debt should be gone. That makes it easier to plan around rent, groceries, utilities, childcare, and other fixed costs. For many households, that predictability is just as valuable as the interest savings.

When you are comparing offers, a reputable financial institution like, for example, Innovation Federal Credit Union can explain the full cost of borrowing, not just the headline rate. That matters because the real question is not whether the payment looks fine today. The real question is whether the loan will make your debt cheaper, easier to manage, and less likely to come back.

Where People Make Mistakes

Paying off a card with a loan helps only if the card balance stays low afterwards. If the card fills up again, you end up with both the loan and new revolving debt. That is usually worse than the original problem.

Another mistake is focusing only on the monthly payment. A longer loan term can make the payment feel easier, but it may also increase the total amount of interest paid over time. A smaller payment is not automatically a better deal.

Before signing anything, check these points carefully:

  • The loan interest rate
  • Any origination or administration fees
  • The total amount you will repay over the full term
  • Whether you can make extra payments without penalty
  • Whether the monthly payment truly fits your budget
  • What you will do with the credit cards after the balance is paid off

When a Personal Loan Is Not the Better Option

If your credit is weak, the loan rate may not be much better than your card rate. In that case, the savings may be too small to justify the switch. If fees are high, the benefit can shrink even more.

It also may not help if the real issue is cash flow. If your income is not covering regular monthly bills, replacing card debt with a loan does not solve the shortage. The payment may look neater, but the pressure remains. In that case, the better step may be a hard review of spending, extra income, or professional debt advice.

A credit card can still be a better tool when you can pay off purchases quickly and in full. Used that way, a card can be convenient and cost nothing in interest. The problem starts when short-term borrowing quietly becomes long-term debt.

How to Decide

Pull together the numbers for every card you carry. Write down the balance, the interest rate, the minimum payment, and how much you usually pay each month. Then compare that with the full cost of a personal loan offer.

Look at these questions:

  • How much interest will I pay if I keep the debt on my cards
  • How much interest and fees will I pay with the loan
  • How long will each option take to clear
  • Can I manage the loan payment even in a tight month
  • Am I ready to stop using the paid-off cards for routine spending

If the loan gives you a lower total cost, a clear payoff schedule, and a payment you can genuinely handle, it may be the smarter move. 

A Good Loan Strategy Includes a Behaviour Plan

If you use a personal loan to clear card balances, decide in advance what happens next. Some people keep one card open for emergencies and put the others away. Others lower their limits or remove saved card details from shopping apps. Small changes like that can prevent the old pattern from restarting.

Set up automatic payments if possible. Put the loan due date just after payday. Build even a small emergency fund alongside repayment so an unexpected car repair or vet bill does not go straight back on the card. Those steps may sound basic, but they often make the difference between lasting progress and another round of debt.

To Sum Up

A personal loan can be a smarter option than carrying credit card debt when the debt is already lingering, the loan rate is meaningfully lower, and the monthly payment fits your budget without strain. The real advantage is not only lower interest. It is structure, clarity, and a realistic path to being done with the debt.

That said, a loan works best when it is paired with changed habits. If the card balance returns after the transfer, the loan will not have solved much. 

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The United Arab Emirates are Moving Away from Saudi Arabia

Mohammed bin Zayed (MbZ) - at right; and Mohammed bin Salman (MbS), Crown Princes of the UAE and Saudi Arabia,

By HENRY SREBRNIK The United Arab Emirates, the world’s third-largest oil producer, quit the Organization of  Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC) at the end of April. And that’s a very big deal. 

Apart from its effect on the cartel’s ability to control oil prices, the move reflects a widening confrontation with Saudi Arabia and a fundamental realignment of alliances as a result of the current Middle East war over Iran, as well as the ongoing civil war in Yemen.

The Saudi-Emirati fracture is not new, but it crossed a qualitative threshold in late 2025. On December 29, Saudi Arabian air strikes targeted an Emirati weapons convoy at the port of Mukalla in Yemen, an act without precedent between two nominal allies. Riyadh then publicly demanded the withdrawal of all UAE forces from Yemeni territory and in early 2026, that call was answered with the dissolution of the Southern Transitional Council (STC), Abu Dhabi’s principal proxy in the country. 

The Saudi foreign ministry accused the UAE of pressuring the STC to conduct military operations along the kingdom’s southern borders, describing the move as a direct threat to Saudi national security and a “red line” for Riyadh that it would not hesitate to confront.

These developments also point to a significant Emirati miscalculation. By backing the STC’s advance into eastern Yemen along the coast, Abu Dhabi has sought to build leverage over Saudi Arabia and Oman while consolidating its influence across the Arabian Sea and the Horn of Africa. 

The Emiratis, however, underestimated both Riyadh’s willingness to assert itself directly in its immediate neighborhood and its enduring leverage over Yemen’s political and military actors. The episode emphasizes a central reality of the conflict: While the UAE has built deep influence through local partners, Saudi Arabia remains the decisive external actor in Yemen.

Saudi Arabia seeks to preserve the territorial integrity of Arab states and to position itself as a regional stabilising power. The UAE, on the other hand, has built, since 2015, a doctrine founded on force projection through non-state actors in Libya, Sudan, Somalia and Yemen. 

The UAE has backed the rebel Rapid Support Forces (RSF) against the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) in the Sudanese civil war that began in April 2023, while Riyadh supports the latter. In Somalia, breaking ranks with other Arab nations, the UAE became the first Arab and Muslim country to recognise the breakaway region of Somaliland. 

“The Saudis want obedience, or at least alignment with their regional policies,” according to Jonny Gannon, a former senior CIA officer with decades of experience in the Middle East. “The Emiratis don’t want to be obedient. They want optionality.” 

Most important, in 2020, the UAE became the first Gulf country and only the third Arab country to establish diplomatic relations with Israel under the Abraham Accords facilitated by the first Trump administration. That paved the way for other Arab countries, such as Bahrain and Morocco, to normalize ties with Israel. 

The Saudis have attacked the UAE as “Israel’s Trojan Horse” and denounced the Abraham Accords, as “a political military alliance dressed in the garb of religion.” Emirati officials believe the Saudis are waging a deliberate incitement campaign centered on the UAE’s relationship with Israel. After Saudi Arabia bombed the UAE’s partner forces in Yemen last December, Saudi posts criticizing Israel spiked dramatically, with 77 per cent of the comments attacking the UAE as “Israel’s proxy executing Zionist plans to divide Arab states.”

The accords helped deepen economic, cultural, trade, investment, and intelligence cooperation between the UAE and Israel, which extended to defence as well. This is perhaps why Iran made the UAE its biggest target in the current war. Iran has launched roughly 550 ballistic and cruise missiles and over 2,200 drones specifically at the Emirates. For years, the UAE had pursued a strategy of “omni-alignment,” attempting to maintain deep security ties with Washington and economic ties with Beijing, while fostering a détente with Tehran to protect its status as a safe haven for global capital.

The Iranian bombardment violently disproved this thesis. It proved that economic integration and diplomatic hedging do not grant immunity when regional hostilities boil over. In a historic move, Israel deployed an active Iron Dome battery, accompanied by dozens of Israel Defence Forces operators, directly to the UAE to help defend Emirati airspace against Iran. This marked the very first time Israel deployed its premier air-defence system and its own troops to protect a foreign Arab nation. The UAE realized that when its survival was on the line, the Arab League issued statements, but Israel sent interceptors.

This traumatic realization served as the catalyst for Abu Dhabi to aggressively assert its own sovereignty, deciding that if it must endure the costs of a regional war, it will no longer subvert its economic or political interests to regional consortiums that offer no tangible protection.

So Abu Dhabi has made a choice that goes well beyond energy policy. It is purchasing American strategic goodwill, at the precise moment when its regional alliance framework is collapsing and when it needs a substitute security guarantee. With Iran having conducted direct attacks on Emirati territory and shipping, and with Saudi Arabia having shifted into open confrontation mode, Abu Dhabi’s strategic calculus has fundamentally changed. Washington is no longer a preferred partner. It has become a necessity.

Henry Srebrnik is a professor of political science at the University of Prince Edward Island.

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