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Decision to invite former member of Nazi-aligned Ukrainian military unit to House of Commons raises questions about why he was allowed into Canada in the first place

Yaroslav Hunka when he was a member of the Wafen-SS Galicia Division

By BERNIE BELLAN (Originally published Sept. 25 in The Jewish Post & News)
The storm that erupted over the revelation that a former member of a Ukrainian unit that fought with the Nazis during the Second World War was invited to attend the appearance by Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky when he spoke to the House of Commons on Friday, September 22, has led to a whole series of questions:

  1. Who is Yaroslav Hunka, the 98-year-old Ukrainian-Canadian who received a standing ovation from members of all four parties in the House of Commons on Friday, September 22, when he was introduced by House of Commons Speaker Anthony Rota prior to Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky’s speech in the House of Commons?
  2. What was the Wafen-SS Galicia Division (also known as the SS 14th Wafer Division)?
  3. How is it that many former members of the Wafen-SS Galicia Division were allowed entry into Canada following World War II?
  4. Why was there no vetting of Hunka by anyone prior to his having been invited to attend the House of Commons on September 22?

The fierce reaction from various Jewish Canadian groups, including the Friends of Simon Wiesenthal Centre for Holocaust Studies, B’nai Brith Canada, and the Centre for Israel and Jewish Affairs, was unrelentingly critical of the decision to invite Hunka to attend Zelensky’s appearance in the House of Commons.
Hunka’s past participation in the Wafen-SS Galicia Division was well known. As an article that appeared on Wikipedia on September 24 noted: “Yaroslav Hunka (Ukrainian: Ярослав Гунька; born c. 1925) is a veteran of the 14th Waffen Grenadier Division of the SS (1st Galician), a Nazi Germany military formation. Hunka was born in Urman, then in Poland, and volunteered for SS Galizien in 1943. He emigrated to Canada after the conclusion of World War II. In 2023, Hunka made international headlines after he received a standing ovation from the House of Commons of Canada, and was recognized by Canadian prime minister Justin Trudeau and Ukrainian president Volodymyr Zelenskyy. Later, it was revealed Hunka was affiliated with Nazis, and Canadian government officials apologized to the worldwide Jewish community. Hunka is retired and lives in North Bay, Ontario.
Biography
“Yaroslav Hunka was born in
“Yaroslav Hunka was born in Urman, Second Polish Republic (now Ukraine) c. 1925. In 1944, Hunka was deployed into combat against Red Army forces on the Eastern Front of World War II. Following the conclusion of World War II in Europe, Hunka immigrated to Canada and joined the Ukrainian-Canadian community.] As of 2022, Hunka lived in North Bay, Ontario, and travelled to Greater Sudbury to protest against that year’s Russian invasion of Ukraine.”
The question why so many former members of a Ukrainian military unit that fought for the Nazis were allowed into Canada following WWII is laced with controversy. A website that is very sympathetic to Russia lists a number of very serious allegations about Canadian complicity in allowing those individuals into the country:
“In the immediate postwar period, Canada’s then Liberal government, working in close cahoots with US and British intelligence, opened Canada’s doors to Ukrainian Nazi collaborators. These included members of the infamous 14th Grenadier Division of the Waffen SS, also known as the Galicia Division.
“The scale of the influx of Nazi collaborators only became public knowledge in the 1980s. A comprehensive study carried out by Alti Rodal on behalf of the federal government-appointed Deschênes Commission of Inquiry on War Criminals in Canada uncovered records proving that US intelligence agents in Europe had funneled Nazi collaborators from Eastern Europe through the Canadian immigration system using false papers. Rodal revealed that large numbers of identically typed applications were received by Canada’s immigration department from one address in West Germany. On closer inspection, this address turned out to be a US military base.
“The Progressive Conservative government of Brian Mulroney established the Deschênes Commission in 1985, in response to a mounting public outcry over exposures of Nazis and Nazi accomplices who had found a safe haven in Canada and tasked the inquiry with identifying Nazi war criminals residing in Canada.
“Around the same time, the Simon Wiesenthal Center estimated that upwards of 2,000 Nazis and Nazi collaborators emigrated to Canada in the years after the war. A quarter-century later, in 2011, it would give Canada an “F minus” in its annual report ranking countries on their efforts to prosecute war criminals. This placed Canada on a par with Ukraine and the former Baltic republics, i.e. countries where the right-wing, nationalist regimes that have emerged since the Stalinist bureaucracy’s dissolution of the Soviet Union openly venerate the ultranationalists who aligned with the Nazis when they invaded the USSR.
“War criminals in Canada
“A significant number of those who made their way to Canada were members of the Nazi SS’s Galicia Division, which was made up of Ukrainian nationalist volunteers who fought on the side of the Wehrmacht against the Red Army during the Nazis’ war of annihilation against the Soviet Union. This preplanned onslaught—launched in June 1941 when a 3 million-strong force comprised of German troops, their Axis allies and fascist volunteers invaded the Soviet Union—led to the deaths of 27 million Soviet citizens and the Holocaust.
“In waging war, suppressing the population, and pursuing the annihilation of the Jews, across Eastern Europe and above all in the USSR, Hitler’s Wehrmacht and SS shock troops relied on the loyal collaboration of ultraright-wing, anti-Semitic forces. Among the Ukrainian nationalists, in both occupied Poland and the USSR, the Nazis found eager collaborators. The Galicia Division was formed in 1943 out of a faction of the Stepan Bandera-led Organisation of Ukrainian Nationalists Bandera (OUN-B) and fought with the Nazis against the Red Army throughout 1944.
“Massacres perpetrated by the division against Polish and Jewish civilians have been well documented, including at Huta Pieniacka, Podkamien, and Palikrowy. At Podkamien, 100 Polish civilians were massacred in a hilltop monastery, and at least a further 500 in surrounding villages as the Red Army approached the German-occupied area in March 1944.
“Members of the Galicia Division were initially prohibited from entering Canada due to their membership in the SS. But in 1950, Britain made an appeal to the Commonwealth for volunteers to accept a total of 9,000 division members who were at that time residing in the UK after being disarmed by British troops at the war’s end.
“When Canada’s External Affairs Department, prompted by complaints from the Canadian Jewish Congress (CJC), raised concerns about the division’s ties to the Nazis and role in Nazi atrocities, the British government insisted that it had carried out background checks. “While in Italy these men were screened by Soviet and British missions and neither then nor subsequently has any evidence been brought to light which would suggest that any of them fought against the Western Allies or engaged in crimes against humanity,” claimed the British Foreign Office. “‘Their behaviour since they came to this country, added London, ‘has been good and they have never indicated in any way that they are infected with any trace of Nazi ideology.’
“With this letter serving as political cover, Prime Minister Louis St. Laurent and his cabinet declared that Galicia Division members would be permitted to immigrate to Canada unless it could be proved that they had personally committed atrocities against civilian populations based on ‘race, religion or national origins.’ Simply having been a Galicia Division member would not be considered a valid reason to prevent entry, even though after the war all Waffen-SS members had been deemed complicit in war crimes.
“The immigration of Nazi and Nazi-allied war criminals continued for more than a decade after the war and was a significant factor in Canada’s emergence during the Cold War as a political-ideological centre of far-right Ukrainian nationalism.
“Speaking to a CBS “60 Minutes” programme in 1997, Canadian historian Irving Abella, who is currently Professor for Canadian Jewish history at York University, bluntly summed up the political climate of the time. ‘One way of getting into postwar Canada,’ he said ‘was by showing the SS tattoo. This proved that you were an anti-Communist.’
“Ottawa carried out this policy in close collaboration with US authorities, who similarly permitted ex-Nazis to settle in the US and recruited hundreds to act as spies against the Soviet Union and the Soviet-allied regimes in Eastern Europe. According to investigative reporter Eric Lichtblau, up to 1,000 former Nazis were made use of by the CIA in Europe, within the US itself, the Middle East, and in Latin America.
Yet, other historians dispute the notion that Canada became a safe haven for Nazi and Nazi-allied war criminals. In a book titled , written by historian Howard Margolian, and reviewed by Urs Obrist in 2002, Obrist writes the following:
“Even though the debate on the admission of Nazi war criminals to Canada after World War II seemed to have reached its apex in the mid-1980s, with the investigation of the Jules Deschênes Commission and its inquiries on war criminals, the issue has continued to stir historical interest in the 1990s and beyond.[1] This recent publication by Howard Margolian, Unauthorized Entry, revises the widely held view that Canada has been a safe haven for Nazi war criminals. Margolian is a Canadian historian with a special interest in the history of World War II and Nazi-occupied Eastern Europe. As the author of Conduct Unbecoming, he has already shed light on the story of the murder of Canadian POWs in Normandy and the trial and fate of the SS-General Kurt Meyer.[2] In Unauthorized Entry, Margolian challenges and refutes accusations stating that the King and St. Laurent governments had been negligent in the admission of Nazi war criminals and collaborators to Canada.
“His study concludes that neither the immigration bureaucracy, nor the immigration lobby in Canada, nor the western intelligence community were as responsible for the influx of about 2000 war criminals and collaborators as has been generally assumed. Instead, he argues, the blame is to be put on the war criminals and collaborators who gained entry to Canada by forged identities or by giving false information about their wartime history. The great majority of Nazi war criminals and collaborators who settled in Canada after the Second World War were admitted not on purpose, but as a result of the absence of, or inaccessibility to, information about their wartime activities. Margolian summarizes that, in view of the benefit drawn from the immigration of the 1.5 million immigrants arriving in Canada between 1945 and 1955, it was worth taking the risk and admitting some 2000 war criminals to Canada.”

However, in his review of Margolin’s book Obrist notes that the Canadian government made exceptions for three categories of immigrants – who were not denied entry even if they might have had Nazi connections: “German scientists, Estonian refugees from Sweden and former members of the Ukrainian SS-Division ‘Galicia’.”
As for how the Speaker of the House of Commons could have completely overlooked Hunka’s past membership in a Nazi-affiliated unit during WWII, Rota released a statement late Sunday afternoon saying he recognized an individual in the gallery on Friday, and that he has “subsequently become aware of more information which causes me to regret my decision to do so.”
“I wish to make clear that no one, including fellow parliamentarians and the Ukraine delegation, was aware of my intention or of my remarks before I delivered them,” he wrote.
“I particularly want to extend my deepest apologies to Jewish communities in Canada and around the world.”
The statement does not make clear what Rota is apologizing for, and it does not name Hunka or give any details about what information Rota learned about him since Friday.

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Football: Which team from Israel could we see in the European Cup next year?

With Europe’s club competitions heading into another summer of drama, Israeli football is on the table. The domestic season is done, trophies picked up and now a new batch of clubs can now try their luck against continental competition.

What are the prospects of these teams in Europe next year and who are they? It all starts with Hapoel Be’er Sheva’s title, Maccabi Tel Aviv’s cup win and the competition of the best Israel football teams against each other, as fans look to Champions League on Wincomparator to see what teams are in contention.

How Israel’s clubs qualify for Europe: The 2026-2027 spots

Qualification to join the European elite hinges on the 2025-26 Israeli Premier League table and the Israel State Cup. Israel will have one Champions League spot, one Europa League spot, and two Europa Conference League spots in 2026-27.

That means the league winner gets into the Champions League, the State Cup winner goes on to Europa League qualifying. The next eligible league’s finishers take the Conference League slots. It’s a good model as it provides a tangible reward for consistency at home, while at the same time demonstrating the importance of each playoff game. A top three finish can help a club’s summer, bring in better players and provide fans with a European tour before the next season’s start.

The Champion’s quest: Israel’s hope for the Champions League

Meet the 2025-26 Premier League winner: Hapoel Be’er Sheva

Hapoel Be’er Sheva have qualified for Israel’s Champions League after their Israeli Premier League title win with 79 points scored in 36 games. Ran Kozuch’s side closed the gap on the three-point lead but also showed significant strength in the attacking phase to secure a win in a crucial championship round with Beitar Jerusalem.

Their challenge also comes as their reward. Hapoel Be’er Sheva are only expected to begin in the second round of the Champions League, not the league round. To get to the main competition they need to pass through the first round of the other national champions in two-legged ties, and their seeding, fitness and sharpness in early-season competition could be a game breaker.

While the club has experience in Europe and a rabid Turner Stadium following, the path is tough. It takes one bad outing to wipe out a year’s worth of work. However, as long as the bedrock remains the same and they are able to put some depth into the team, the champions have the balance to fight.

Battling in the Conference League: Israel’s other European contenders

The State Cup winner and league runners-up

Maccabi Tel Aviv go to Europe after the Israel State Cup final 2-1 win against Hapoel Be’er Sheva at Teddy Stadium, Jerusalem. That win denied Be’er Sheva a home double, and also meant that Maccabi got into the Europa League qualifying, where they were put in the second qualifying round thanks to access-list rebalancing.

The Conference League qualifiers are Beitar Jerusalem who finished second in the league with 76 points, and Hapoel Tel Aviv who finished fourth with 60 points. The importance of Maccabi Tel Aviv’s cup victory lies in the fact that it unlocked the rest of the way in the league. Beitar’s season was particularly impressive as they scored 78 goals and lost just four matches. On the other hand, Hapoel Tel Aviv managed to remain above Maccabi Haifa in the final table standing, earning them a well-deserved European berth.

The Europa Conference League is no consolation prize for these clubs. It’s a realistic platform. Although there are still a few hurdles to navigate, Israeli sides consider this competition to be the most realistic one for European football in the autumn.

A look at past successes and future hopes

This group has reason for belief, based on recent history. Israeli teams can make significant nights in Europe, and Maccabi Haifa did just that, when they made it into the Champions League group stage in 2022-23, and then impressively took out Juventus 2-0 in Haifa.

There is significant monetary and sporting worth in qualification. A UEFA cup can make a difference to a club, as can better attendance, TV coverage and recruitment opportunities. The early storylines will be the draw for Hapoel Be’er Sheva in the Champions League, as well as Maccabi Tel Aviv in the Europa league and the two Conference League routes — Beitar Jerusalem and Hapoel Tel Aviv. They all have tricky paths to follow, but all four provide Israeli football with a realistic European presence next summer.

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At one time one entire block of McAdam Ave. was almost totally Jewish

McAdam Avenue circa 1962

This story originally appeared in a November 2014 issue of The Jewish Post & News:

1994 McAdam Ave. reunion (names inside story)

By GERRY POSNER (This story first appeared in November 2014.)
Once upon a time when life was simpler and gentler, there was a street in the north end of Winnipeg which was like all other streets in the city except in one significant way. Everyone, but for one family, living on McAdam east of Main Street was Jewish.

(more…)

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Cheap Weed In Canada: A Smart Shopper’s Guide

Cannabis products with price labels on a Canadian dispensary shelf

Since legalisation, cannabis has settled into Canadian life as an ordinary, regulated purchase. And like groceries or gas, the price can vary a surprising amount from one shop to the next once you start comparing.

For a lot of buyers, that has turned the focus to value. Affordable options like cheap weed prove a lower price and a tested, quality product can go together. This guide explains how to shop smart in Canada without cutting corners.

Why Has Affordable Cannabis Become So Popular?

Because the novelty has worn off, and buyers now shop like they do for anything else. In the early days, people paid whatever the new legal stores asked. That has changed.

A few things drove that shift:

  • A maturing market, with more retailers competing on price.
  • Online sellers, whose lower overhead keeps costs down.
  • Savvier buyers, who now compare rather than grab the first option.
  • A wider range of formats and budget-friendly bulk sizes.

The result is a real focus on getting value for money. Crowdsourced figures put the early average near $6.85 a gram, and cannabis price data from Statistics Canada shows how legal and illegal prices have differed since 2018.

That gap is exactly why shopping around pays off. A careful buyer can pay noticeably less than a careless one for a comparable product. The sticker price is only where the comparison starts.

How Do Canadians Shop for Cheaper Weed?

With the same care they bring to any regular expense. A handful of habits make the biggest difference. These are the ones worth adopting:

  1. Compare the per-gram price. It is the only fair way to weigh two options.
  2. Buy larger formats. Bigger quantities almost always lower the unit cost.
  3. Skip premium markups. Plain flower beats pricey pre-rolls for value.
  4. Watch for sales. Online retailers run them often, especially on holidays.
  5. Match potency to the plan. A stronger product means you use less each time.

None of these involve settling for a worse product. They simply put your money to better use, the same way you would stretch your money on any other purchase. The cheapest sticker is rarely the best value, and the priciest is seldom worth it.

The same logic applies whether you shop in person or online in Canada. Read the label, weigh the cost per gram, and let the numbers guide you rather than the branding.

Is There a Catch With Low-Priced Cannabis?

Not in the legal market, which is the part newcomers miss. In Canada, every legal product is tested and labelled to the same standard, whatever it costs.

That means a budget option from a licensed seller has cleared the same checks as a premium one. It is screened for contaminants, and its potency is verified. Price reflects branding, packaging, and store margins far more than basic safety.

The genuine differences are in the finer points. Premium flower might offer a better aroma or a richer flavour, and some formats simply cost more to make. For everyday use, though, a well-priced choice usually performs just fine.

The real catch is buying outside the legal system. Health Canada’s overview of the Cannabis Act is a sensible read on what legal really means. Buying legal protects you, not buying expensive.

What Makes a Cheap Purchase a Smart One?

A couple of quick checks, mostly. A real bargain holds up to a second look, while a false one does not. The table below shows what to weigh.

CheckWhy It Matters
Is the seller licensed?Only legal retailers guarantee tested product
What is the per-gram cost?The headline price can hide a weak deal
Is potency on the label?Higher strength can stretch your money
Are there bulk or sale deals?These usually beat single-unit pricing
What does delivery cost?Shipping can erase an online saving

Any shaky answer there is a reason to pause. A licensed seller with clear pricing and labelling is the safe choice, while a suspiciously cheap unlicensed source is not. The legal age applies regardless, at 18 or 19 depending on the province.

Treat cannabis like any other considered purchase. Compare, check the details, and let value rather than habit lead the decision. That is how modest savings add up across a whole year.

Before You Buy

  • Cannabis prices vary widely by retailer, format, and store overhead.
  • Comparing the per-gram cost is the fairest way to judge value.
  • All legal Canadian cannabis is tested, so cheaper is not unsafe.
  • Bulk buys, sales, and plain formats keep spending down.
  • Always buy from a licensed source, and factor in delivery fees.

Photo by Jakub Zerdzicki on Pexels

Alt text: A shopper comparing prices online at home

Smart Savings, No Compromise

Buying affordable cannabis in Canada is not about chasing the lowest number you can find. It is about understanding what shapes the price and shopping with a little intention. Stick to licensed, tested products, compare the real cost per gram, and lean on bulk deals and online pricing. Do that, and an affordable choice stays a smart one, purchase after purchase.

Frequently Asked Questions

Is Cheap Weed Safe to Buy In Canada?

Yes, provided it comes from a licensed retailer. All legal cannabis in Canada is tested for contaminants and labelled for potency, regardless of price. A lower cost usually reflects branding and overhead rather than weaker safety, so a budget option from a legal seller is still a safe one.

How Do I Find the Best Cannabis Deals?

Compare the per-gram price, buy larger formats, and watch for sales from online retailers. Checking potency against price helps too, since a stronger product can mean you use less. The key is shopping deliberately instead of defaulting to the same brand or store each time.

Why Is Cannabis Cheaper Online?

Online sellers usually carry lower overhead than physical stores, and they run sales and bulk deals more often. That lets them price competitively while still selling tested, legal product. Just remember to factor in shipping, which can offset the saving on a small order.

Does Paying More Mean Better Cannabis?

Not necessarily. Price reflects branding, format, and store margins as much as quality, and all legal product meets the same testing standards. Premium options may offer a better aroma or appearance, but a well-priced choice often works just as well day to day.

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